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FROM OFFICIAL AND ORIGINAL SOURCES. 



BY 



JOHN SAVAGE. 



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PHILADELPHIA: O 
CHILDS & PETERSON, 602 ARCH ST. 
1860. 



.'3 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860, by 

CHILDS & PETERSON, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Eastern 
District of Pennsylvania. 



STEKEOTYPEI) BY L. JOHNSON & CO. 
PHILADELPHIA. 



DEACOTJ & PEXEBSON, ?RINTEKS, 



PREFACE. 



This work embraces memoirs of the lives and public 
services of those statesmen, soldiers, and politicians who 
have been prominently suggested for the Presidential suc- 
cession in 1861. 

The endeavor has been to make the work useful in 
matter rather than ornamental in style, — to give a graphic 
and comprehensive record of the public acts of our public 
men, free from any partisan influence, and to present each 
in the position accorded to him by his party and attained 
by the advocacy of the principles to which he has devoted 
his powers of intellect. Thus the acts and words of each 
man are allowed to define his own position. Each man 
speaks for himself, through the history of his public career, 
of whose utterances I am but the recorder and not the 
judge. 

In bringing together the lives of so many contempo- 
raries, — men who have been engaged on the same great 
field of politics, — it is, of course, impossible to avoid fre- 
quent allusion to the same topic under difi'erent heads. 
To make each memoir as nearly perfect in itself as pos- 
sible, no other course could be pursued. But it will be 
found that allusions to the same general topic or debate 
are modified by the extent to which the subject under 
notice made the one or participated in the other. 



IV PREFACE. 

The opinions and speeches of every statesman on all 
prominent subjects of public interest are indicated or ana- 
lyzed so as to present the principal features in the most 
unmistakable manner, in the hope that the volume will 
be the most useful, as it is the most extensive, of its kind, 
and a work of reference indispensable to men in every 
walk of life. 

In the collection of the multitude of facts and dates to 
be found here, I have had, in addition to the authority of 
the ponderous archives of the Government, efficient aid 
from numerous distinguished political and literary gentle- 
men. Besides valuable references and documents, they 
furnished me with elaborate and authentic original details, 
which I have used with, I trust, impartial freedom. 
Throughout the Avork many acknowledgments of indebt- 
5dness for such assistance are made ; and I regret that 
\he modest generosity of many prominent correspondents 
jompels me to remain their silent debtor. 

It may be proper to add that the articles describing 
certain scenes in the Senate during the great Kansas 
debate of March, 1858, were written on the spot, in full 
•/iew of the occurrences related, by the present writer, 
during his connection with the Washington journal from 
which they are extracted. 

J. S. 

Washington, D.C. 



CONTENTS. 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS, OF MASSACHUSETTS Page 17 

Personal Character of the Literature of the Day — No Detailed Account of Mr. Banks's 
Career — His Birth — Waltham, Lowell, and Manchester — Childhood, Factorj'-Life, 
and Youth — Gerald Massey's Glimpse of Children in the En^^lish Factories — Tasting 
of Knowledge — Village Debating-Society — N. V. Banks as Democi'atic Editor — Non- 
Success — Determines to go to California — Elected to Massachusetts Legislature — 
First Speech on Slavery Question — Success — Speaker of the Legislature — Agent of 
the Board of Education — On the State Valuation Committee — Simultaneously elected 
to the State Senate and House — Presides at Constitutional Convention — Elected to 
Congress, in 1852, by a Junction of Democrats and " Know-Nothings"— Sympathy 
with the new Republican Party— Increasing Prominence — His Views on the Ne- 
braska-Kansas Bill, Missouri Compromise, and the Rights of North and South in 
the Territories— Explanation of his Previous Careers-Constitutionality of the Mis- 
souri Compromise — Opposes Military Supervision of National Armories — On the 
Temporal Power of the Pope — Replies of Mr. Keitt, of South Carolina, and Mr. 
Chandler, of Pennsylvania, thereto — Favors Revision of tho Naturalization Laws — 
State of Parties at the Opening of tho Thirty-Fourth Congress— The Candidates for 
Speaker — The Test Questions — The Black and 'White Races — Election of Mr. Banks 
— Remarks — Conduct while Speaker — His Self-Possession — In Favor of Fr6mont — 
Speech on the Monetary Crisis of 1857 — Thirty-Fifth Congress — Opposes the Trea- 
sury-Note Bill — On the Message and Utah — Elected Governor of Massachusetts, and 
resigns his Seat in Congress — Twice re-elected Governor — His Studious Habits. 

EDWARD BATES, OF MISSOURI 34 

Mr. Bates's Reputation in the West — His Birth and Ancestry — Quaker Revolutionists 
— Sketch of his Father's Career — Edward, left an Oi-phan, is taken care of by his 
Brothers — Early School-Days — An Accident which leads to a Library — Desultory 
Education — Going to Sea — "Warlike Propensities — Volunteers for the Defence of Nor- 
folk — Goes to the West — St. Louis in 1814 — The French, Spanish, and American 
Settlers and the Indians — Studies Law, and is admitted — Various Offices of Trust 
held by him in Missouri — Elected to Congress — The Friend of Clay and J. Quincy 
Adams — Marriage — Liberates his Slaves — Marriage — Career in Congress — Blown out 
of Public Life by the Jackson Storm — Retirement for Twenty Years — Internal- 
Improvement Convention in Chicago in 1847 — Great Speech there — Declines a Seat 
in Mr. Fillmore's Cabinet — His Letter on Public Affiiirs in reply to the New York 
"General Whig Committee" — Its Details on Home and Foreign Policy — Is opposed 
to the Acquisition of Cuba and General Houston's Protectorate over Mexico — 
Reviews the Buchanan Administration — Public Expenditures and no Improvements 
— The Philadelphia Platform and his Views — Letter to the Memphis Convention — 
Sunday Laws — Last Exposition of his Views in the " St. Louis News" — Approves of 

^^he Fugitive-Slave Law. 

'"" Y 



yi CONTENTS. 

JOHN BELL, OF TENNESSEE , Page 46 

Proposition to place Mr. Bell at the head of the " United Opposition"— His Birth and 
Education — Admitted to the Bar when Nineteen Years old — Enters into Public Life, 
and is elected to the State Senate — Ketires for Nine Years to his Profession — Elected 
to Congress over FelixGrundy in the Election of 1827 — Congressional Career — Enters 
Public Life friendly to GeneralJackson and John C.Calhoun — Differs with the Bank 
Policy of the one and the Nullification Doctrine of the other — Alienation from the 
Jackson Democracy — Elected Speaker over James K. Polk — Opposes Mr. Van Bureu 
— Declares in favor of Judge White for the Presidency — Carries the " Hermitage 
District" — In favor of Keceiving Petitions for the Abolition of Slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia — Secretary of War in Harrison's Cabinet — Resignation — In State 
Senate — In United States Senate — Favors Compromise Measures — Opposes Nebraska- 
Kansas Bill — On Territorial Expansion — Improvement of Mississippi River — Increas- 
ing Prominence of Mr. Bell — Refuses to be insti'ucted by the Tennessee Legislature 
— Position in the great " Lecompton" Debate — Minnesota Bill — Against tlie Utah 
Policy of the Buchanan Administration — Elaborate Argument on the Fifteen-Milliou- 
Loan Bill — In favor of Ten New Steamships and a Pacific Railroad — On Agricultu- 
ral Colleges — *' National Intelligencer" on Mr. Bell's Cai-eer. 

JOHN M. BOTTS, OF VIRGINIA , 57 

Birth — Loses his Parents — Education — Licensed to practise Law after Six Weeks' 
Study — Becomes a Farmer — Anti-Jaokson Man — Elected to the State Legislature — 
Elected to Congress in 18^9 — Again in 1841 — Reapportionment of the Districts — 
Arduous Canvass — Defeated, and contests the Seat in Congress with John W\ Jones 
— Election of Jones to the Speakership — Action of the House on Mr. Botts's Claim — 
Carries his District for Henry Clay — Apathy of the Whigs and Triumph of the Demo- 
cracy — Mr. Botts again nominated, and defeated by Mr. Seldon — Re-elected in 1847 
by a large Majority — Adheres to Clay in 1848, until the Action of the Philadelphia 
Convention — Supports General Taylor for the Presidency — Effect of his Speech — 
Defeated for Congreos — Declines Nomination in 1851 — Advocates the Repeal of the 
" Twenty-First Rule" — Defence of John Quincy Adams, and Disruption with Presi- 
dent Tyler — Invitation to New Jersey — Banquet Speech — Writes against the Ne- 
braska-Kansas Bill, and emphatically refuses to adopt the Views of Southern 
Members of Congress — Vv'ibe's Proposal to liaug him — Speech in the African Church 
in Richmond — History of the Missouri Compromise — Vote on that Measure in the 
Senate and House — The American Party recommend Mr. Botts for the Presidency in 
1856 — Address in the Academy of Music, New York — Review of the Measures of the 
Buchanan Administration — The American Order — Protection to Naturalized Citizens 
—Recommended as Opposition Candidate for the Presidency in 18(30, 

JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, OF KENTUCKY , 67 

Ages at which Vice-Presidents were elected— Mr. Breckinridge the Youngest of the 
most Prominent Statesmen — Birth of Mr. Breckinridge — Education — Goes to Iowa — 
Returns to Lexington and the Law — Goes to Mexico — Returns — Elected to the Legis- 
lature— To Congress—" Democratic Review' on "Old-Fogy" Democracy— Mr. Breck- 
inriduie reviews the Reviewers, and defends General Butler— Reply of Mr. Marshall, 
of California— Speech on the Death of Henry Clay— Epitaph on— Cemetery for the 
American Dead in Mexico— Retorts on Messrs. Giddings and Cartter, of Ohio— Debate 
on Nebraska Bill— Difficulty with Mr. F. B. Cutting, of New York— Reference of the 
Matter to General Shields, Colonel Monroe, Colonel Hawkins, and Mr. Preston — Non- 
intervention Vievsrs touching the Nebraska-Kansas Bill and the Repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise — President Pierce offers him the Mission to Spain — Declines — 
Delegate to Cincinnati Convention— Nomination for the Vice-Presidency, and Speech 
—At Home— What the Democratic Organization pledged itself to in 1856 — Elected 
Vice-President— Takes his Seat in the Senate-Chamber— Address at Florence, Ken- 
jycby- The Extravagance of the Republicans— The Slavery Question and -tlie old 



CONTENTS. Vil 

Whig Party — Sympathy lor Douglas in the great Illinois Contest Avith the Repub- 
licans — Speech on the Kemovalof the Senate into the New Chamber — Elected United 
States Senator to succeed John J. Crittenden in 1862. 

ALBERT G. BROWN, OF MISSISSIPPI Page 78 

Bii-th in South Carolina — His Father emigrates into the 3Iississippi Wilderness — Uis 
Youth on the Farm — Education — Law Studies — Admitted to the Bar — Marriage — 
Mississippi Politics, and the Opposition to him — Great Success, notwithstanding his 
Youth — Speaker pro tern. — Re-election — Famous Report against the Constitution- 
ality of a National Bank — Manoeuvres of the Bank Party — Mr. Brown instructed to 
fliYor it or resign — Resigns, addresses the People, and is re-elected — Nominated 
for Congress — Elected after an Exciting Canvass — In the House of Representatives — 
Severe Review of the Whigs and the National Bank — Retrenchment I'S. National 
Honor — Military Chieftains, Jackson and Harrison — Tributes to ^^'ebster, Clay, and 
Calhoun — Retires from Congress — Elected Circuit Judge— Nominated for the Gover- 
norship — Union Bank Bond Controversy — Elected over Colonel Williams and Mr, 
Clayton — Twice Governor — His Administration — Re-Election to Congress — The Mexi- 
can War, and the Caxise of it — Texas and Taxes — Taxation Logic of the Opposition — 
Its Effect on the Poor Man — Bounty-Land Bill — Acquisition of Cuba would abolish 
the Slave-Trade — In the United States Senate — Kansas — Lecompton — English Bill — 
Against " Know-Nothingism" — On the Pacific Railroad — Opposed to Territorial Sove- 
reigntj' — Character — No Aspirations — Ee-Election to the United States Senate. 

SIMON CAMERON, OF PENNSYLVANIA 90 

Every Man his own Father — Mr. Cameron's Birth and Parentage — His Great-Grand- 
father — His Father — Apprenticed to a Printer — Exchange Papers — Starts for South 
America, but gets Emj)loyment in Harrisburg— In Doylesto%\Ti— Journeyman Printer 
on Gales & Seaton's " National Intelligencer"' — Returns to Harrisburg and joins the 
" Intelligencer" there — Active in Democratic Politics — In the Banking Business — 
Probable Conflict between Pennsylvania and the Polk Administration on the Tariff 
— Election of United States Senator — George W. Woodward nominated by the Demo- 
cracy — Protectionists interrogate Cameron — His Reply, and Election to the Senate 
over Woodward — In the Senate — Renominated by Whigs and Americans, but defeated 
by Governor Bigler— Re-elected in 1857 over J. W. Forney— On Finance and Printing 
Committees — His A'iews — Extracts from Speeches — Reply to Senator Sevier on Penn- 
sylvania Petitions — Pennsylvania Laborers and Southern Labor — Views on Slavery — 
Mexican War — Wilmot Proviso — Lecompton Constitution — Scene in the Senate with 
Mr. Green, of Jlissouri — General Character, and Connection with Pennsylvania Im- 
provements. 

SALMON P. CHASE, OF OHIO 102 

His Birth — Death of his Father — Taken to Ohio — Enters Cincinnati College — Returns 
to his Mother— Graduates at Dartmouth College— Teaches the Classics in Washing- 
ton, D.C.— Studies Law with William Wirt, and is admitted to the Bar— Returns to 
Cincinnati — Collects the Statutes of Ohio — Business— United States Bank Solicitor — 
First Appearance against Fugitive-Slave Cases— Defence of Birney— Further Argu- 
ments — Unsettled in Politics — Supports Harrison — The Time for an Anti-Slavery 
Party — Anti-Slavery Convention and " Liberal Party" of Ohio — National Liberty 
Convention at Buffalo— Opposes the Nullification of the Third Clause of the Consti- 
tution — Address to Repeal Association in Ireland — Southern and Western Liberty 
Convention in Cincinnati — Party History relative to Slavery — Overthrow of the 
Southern Institution — Defence of Van Zandt — Argument under the Ordinance of 
1787 — Buffalo Convention of 1848, and Nomination of Martin Van Buren — Elected 
to the United States Senate — Against the Compromise Measures of 1850— Contro- 
versy between Freedom and Slavery — Where is Jefferson's Monument? — Denies 
■y^ster's Views on the Formation of New. States from Texas— Slr.ve-Trade between 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

the States — Amendments to Compromise Measures — Opposed to the Nebraska-Kansas 
Bill, and Failureof his Amendments to it — Elected Governor of Ohio — His Inaugural 
— Ile-elccted — Named for the Presidency — Address at Sandusky — On the Speech of 
A. II. Stephens — Homestead Bill — Reply to Governor Wise touching the Pursuit of 
Invaders of Virginia. 

HOWELL COBB, OF GEORGIA Page 114 

His Birth, Parentage, and Education — At the Bar— Solicitor-General of the Western 
District of Georgia — Georgia Bar in those Days — Sides with Jackson against Nulli- 
fication — Elected to Congress— Re-elected— Supplies Drumgoole's place as Parlia- 
mentary Leader of tlie Democracy — Vinton, Stephens, Schenck, and Hudson, Whig 
Leaders — Speech against the Reception of Petitions — Southern Whigs responsible 
for the Growth of Northern Abolition — Free Trade^ — Texas Annexation — Speech on 
the Mexican War — Vindicates Jefferson's Doctrines against the Federalists — Meeting 
of Southern Members, and Issue of an Address — Mr. Cobb does not sign it — Issues 
a Counter-Address, with Messrs. Lumpkin, of Georgia, and Boyd and Clarke, of 
Kentucky — Why he did not Sign the Calhoun Address — Tribute to the Northern 
Democracy — General Taylor elected — Cobb in the Opposition — Thirty-First Congress 
— State of Parties in the House — Exciting Election of Speaker — The Candidates — 
Combinations — Discovei'ies of Correspondence between Mr. Brown, of Indiana, and 
Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania — Election of Mr. Cobb, by Plui-ality Rule, over Mr. 
Winthrop — Duties as Speaker — Longest Congressional Session — His Labors in favor 
of the Compromise Measures of 1850 — Elected Governor of Georgia — Returns to his 
Profession — Supports General Pierce — Re-elected to Congress — Endorses Mr. Bucha- 
nan — Great Speech at West Chester, Pennsylvania — '• Southern Doctrine" and 
" Squatter Sovereignty" — The People of a Territory decide the Slavery Question for 
themselves — In the Buchanan Cabinet — On the Slave-Trade — Lafitte <fe Co., of 
Charleston, and the Ship " Richard Cobden"— Heads of the Treasury Department — 
Secretary Cobb's Visit to New York. 

JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, OF KENTUCKY 128 

Episode in the Lecompton Debate — Appearance of Senator Crittenden — Interest felt in 
him — Reply to Senator Green, of Missouri — The School in which he studied — Tlie 
Oldest Senator in the Chamber — His Contemporaries — His Birth and Youth — Prac- 
tises Law in Russellville — Volunteers for the War of 1812— Actively participates in 
the Movements on the Wabash and Northwestern Frontier — Aide-de-Camp to Gover- 
nor Shelby at the Battle of the Thames — Mentioned by General Harrison — lleturna 
to his Profession— In the State Legislature— Speaker — Elected to the United States 
Senate — Moves the Reimbursement of Fines under the Sedition Law— Other Measures 
— Moves to Frankfort, and practises Law from 1819 to 18.35 — Nominated by President 
Quincy Adams to the United States Supreme Court— Rejected by Senate — Re-elected 
to United States Senate— Opposes Calhoun and the Remission of the Jackson Fine — 
Aliens and the Public Lands— Resigi^he Senatorship to enter the Cabinet of Pre- 
gident Harrison — Resigns on the Death of the President— Re-elected to fill. Clay's 
Unexpired Teim— Continued in the United States Senate— Views on the Oregon, 
Texas, and Mexican- War Questions— Relief for the Irish Famine — Congratulates the 
French Republic— Yucatan— In Fillmore's Cabinet— Again in the United States 
Senate— Opposes the Lecompton Constitution as a Southern-Rights Man — Scene 1q 
the Senate— Reply to Senator Toombs— " Crittenden-Montgomery Bill" compared 
with the Senate Bill— Action on the Pleasures- Passage of the " English Bill" — 
Desires to increase the Duties of the Tariff of 1857 — On tlie 3Iinnesota Senatorship — 
British Aggressions, and General William Walker's Arrest by Commodore Paulding 
— General Review of Senator Crittenden's Opinions — French Spoliations — Slidell's 
Cuba Bill— Railroad Improvements— Speech on the Removal of the Senate to the 
New Chamber— Union Speech at Chicago — Presides at the Formation of the new 
LTnion Party— Reasons for it. f^ 



CONTENTS. IX 

CALEB GUSHING, OP MASSACHUSETTS Pmje 143 

Mr. Gushing as a Scholar, Statesman, &c.— His Industry and Versatility— Education 
at Harvard — Tutor of Mathematics at Nineteen — Studies Law and Marries — The 
Essex Bar and Choate — In the Massachusetts Legislature— Goes to Europe— He and 
his Wife write Books — Contributes to the "North American Review" — Death of 
Mrs. Cushlng— In the Legislature — In Congress— Cushing's Beply to 5Ir. Hardin, 
of Kentucky— Defends Massachusetts— Debate on the Arkansas Bill with Henry A. 
Wise — Cushing's Speech— Oregon DiflBculty — Elaborate Argument on the United 
States Rights as a Discoverer— Adheres to John Tyler, and Defends him in the 
"National Intelligencer'— Confronts Clay's Policy— Nominated Secretary of the 
Treasury — Rejected — Minister Plenipotentiary to China — A'essel burned at Gibraltar 
—Proceeds to China by way of Egypt and India— Makes a Treaty, and returns 
Home through Mexico^Explores the Northwestern Territories — Again elected to 
Massachusetts Legislature — Raises a Regiment for the Mexican War — Brigadier 
General — Nominated for Governor by the Democracy — Defeated — Mayor of New- 
bnryport, &c. — Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts — Attornej'-Gcneral in 
the Pierce Cabinet— Action in the Enlistment Difficulty with Great Britain— Again 
in the Legislature— Speeches on Naturalization— On Harper's Ferry Affair — Brings 
the Case home to the North — As a Writer in Periodicals. 

GEORGE M. DALLAS, OF PENNSYLVANIA 156 

His Father Secretary of the Treasury and War of the Federal Republic— His Relation- 
ship to Lord Byron — Born in Philadelphia — Education — Studies Law — Volunteers 
for the War of 1812 — Accompanies Albert Gallatin, as Secretary, to St. Petersburg — 
Sent to London with Despatches by J. Q. Adams, United States Minister to Russia — 
Ghent — Travels in Europe — Bears Confidential Despatches to President Madison — 
Bladensburg and Washington — Dismay and Pillage — The President and the De- 
spatches—Receives an Office in the Treasury— Returns to Philadelphia and the Law 
—Taste for Politics— First Speech and its Results— First Solicitor of the Bank of the 
United States — Deputy Attorney-General of Philadelphia — Chosen by Governor Find- 
lay to defend him— Proposes Calhoun for the Vice-Presidency— Exertions in Behalf 
of Jackson — Mayor of Philadelphia — District Attorney — Elected to the United States 
Senate — Webster and Clay — Introduces the Memorial for the Renewal of the Bank 
Charter, but will not advocate it— Exertions in Behalf of his Friend Edward Livings- 
ton — Tariff — Nullification — Relations with General Jackson — Retires to his Profes- 
sion— Governor Wolff appoints him Attorney-General— President Van Buren appoints 
him Minister Plenipotentiary to St. Petersburg— Returns, and declines a Cabinet 
Position — Elected Vice-President — His Influence on the Texas, Oregon-Boundary, 
and Tariff Questions — Imposing Scene on the Passage of the Tariff Act of 1846 — His 
Firmness— The Result— Directs Attention to a Tehuantepec Transit— Polk and 
Buchanan on that Subject— Sympathy with Irish Revolutionists in 1848— Succeeds 
Mr. Buchanan as Minister to England— Complications— Dallas-Clarendon Treaty- 
Resolutions of the Philadelphia Democracy nominating Mr. Dallas for the Presidency 
in 1855. ,^^ 

JEFFERSON DAVIS, OF MISSISSIPPI „ 168 

Son of a Revolutionary Soldier — Birth and Education — Graduates at West Point, and 
serves with Distinction in the Northwest — In the Black-Hawk War — Affection of 
Black Hawk for him — In the Expeditions against the Comanches, Pawnees, and . 
Tribes on the Western Frontier — Becomes a Planter — Political Studies — Elected to 
Congress — Prominent in the Debates on the Tariff, Oregon, and Military Matters — 
Resigns to assume Command of the Mississippi Rifles in Mexico — Gallant Charge on 
Fort Teneria — Davis, McClung, Campbell, and the Mississippians and Tennessecans 
in the Storming of Monterey— Appointed a Commissioner to arrange Terms of Capi- 
tulation — At Buena Vista — Wounded — His Movement there, and Sir Colin Camp- 
bell's at Inkermann- Sobriquet of *' Buena Vista"— Return Home— Elected to the 
1* 



X CONTENTS. 

United States Senate — Prominent Southern States-Kights Leader — On Compromise 
Measures and Rights of Slavery in the Territories — Territorial Legislatures should 
protect all Kinds of Property— Re-elected, but resigns to contest the Governorship 
with Foote— His Defeat claimed as a Victorj^— In Retirement until 1852— Advocates 
the Claims of Pierce— Secretary of War in the Pierce Cabinet— Useful Measures 
projected by him — Re-elected to the United States Senate — Speeches at Vicksburg, 
Jackson, Pass Christian, and Mississippi City— Compromise Measures— " Know- 
Nothingism"— Cuba, General Walker, and an American Policy— In the Thirty-Fifth 
Congress— Free Trade, Army Increase, and Repeal of the Fishing-Bounties— On the 
Death of General Pinckney Henderson — Favors Lecompton — Visit to the North — His 
Reception and Speeches in Maine, Massachusetts, and New York — Every Community 
has the Right to choose its own Institutions — On the Pacific Railroad and Frencli 
Spoliations — Letter to the Webster Festival in Boston — Speech at Jackson City on 
the Contingency for a Dissolution — On the Slave-Trade — Senator Davis in the Cham- 
ber — What Quincy Adams said of his Debut. 

WILLIAM L. DAYTON, OF NEW JERSEY Page 181 

His Ancestors — Birth, Education, and Study for the Law — Peter D. A^room, a Jackson 
Democrat, his Pupil — Dayton a Whig — Democrats decline and Whigs rise — Dayton 
elected to the Legislative Council — Governor Pennington — Reform of the County 
Courts — Elected a Judge of the Supreme Court — After three years, returns to the 
Bar — Appointed by Governor Pennington to fill a Vacancy in the United States 
Senate — Elected by the Legislature — Nine Years in the Senate — Supports the Tariff 
of 1842 and the Ashburton Treatj' — On Judiciary Committee — Effect of Repudiation 
of State Debts on Federal Credit — President Tyler fails to negotiate a Loan in Europe 
— Senator Dayton's Vindication of Federal Credit — Condemns the President's Propo- 
sition — Reduced Postage and Free Circulation of Documents to Editors — Opposed in 
every way to the Instruction of Members of Congress by State Legislatures — On tho 
Oregon-Boundary Question — Protective Tariff — Replies to Woodbury and Silas 
Wright — Opposed to Texas Annexation and Secretary Walker's Non-Protective 
Tariff-of 1840— Against the Mexican War, but votes Supplies— Favors the Wilmot 
Proviso, but disclaims Invasion of Southern Rights — Reply to "Webster on the Mexi- 
can Treaty — On the Clayton Compromise — Fraternity between North and South — 
Petitions for Dissolution — Grinnell Expedition — First Session under Taj-lor's Admi- 
nistration — Clay brings in the Compromise Resolutions — Admission of California — 
Fugitive Slave Law — Webster's Amendment not taken up — The Constitution and 
Slavery-Extension — New Mexico and Utah — Nominated for Vice-President — Attor- 
ney-General of New Jersey — Declines the United States Senatorship — Fremont and 
Fillmore Parties unite in New Jersey — Dayton aids the Combination. 

DANIEL S. DICKINSON, OF NEW YORK. 200 

His Birth and Parentage — His Father a Jefferson Democrat — Removes to the Valley 
of Chenango — The Common School and the Farm — At a Trade — Chooses the Law as 
a Profession — Teaches School — Admitted to the Bar — Success — Removes to Bing- 
hamton — Politics and Law — In the State Senate — New York Politics of the Time — 
Bank Laws — Erie Railroad and Canal Extension — Defeated for Lieutenant-Governor 
— Hard-Cider Campaign and Whig Success — Elected in 1842 — His Duties as President 
of the State Senate, of the Court of Errors, and of the Canal Board— Elected to the 
United States Senate — His Career during Seven Sessions — Anticipates Cass's Nichol- 
son Letter and Douglas's Kansas-Nebraska Bill — Popular Sovereignty — On Mexico, 
Oregon, California, and New Mexico — Clayton's Select Committee— Dickinson's Defi- 
nition of their Report — The Debate at Daybreak — Further Views on Slavery and 
the Question of Territorial Government — Congress has no Power to legislate for a 
Territory— Opposed to either a Northern or Southern Sectional Government— Excit- 
ing Discussion on Senator Jeremiah Clemens's Resolution — Reply to Clemens's 
Attack on the Northern Democracy — Tribute by Jefferson Davis — Influence in the 
Senate — Measures advocated by him — Banquet in his Honor in New Y<i\^ — Web- 



CONTENTS. XI 

ster's Letter on his Career diuiug the Compromise Era — Letter on Webster— Vir- 
ginia Delegation nominate him for President at tlie Baltimore Convention — Witli- 
draws his Name — The Reason — ilefuses the Collectorship of New York — Retirement. 

STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, OF ILLINOIS Page 215 

Public Interest felt in Senator Douglas's Views — His Life an Illustration of American 
Influences — His Bu'th — An Orphan at Two iMonths old — Education at a Common 
School — Apprenticed to a Cabinet-Maker — Bad Health — Study — At the Law — Starts 
for the West — Stops in Winchester, Illinois — Clerk to an Auction — School-Teaching 
and Law — Rapid Rise at the Bar — Attorney-General of Illinois — In the Legislature 
— Register of the Land-Office — Quibbled out of Congress — Advocacy of Van Buren in 
1840 — Secretary of his State — Judge of tlio Supreme Court — Election to Congress — 
Elevation to the United States Senate — Oregon Controversy — Texas — Mexican War — 
Reasons for opposing the Mexican and Clayton-Bulwer Treaties — English Friendship 
for America — Cuba — Action on the English Outrages of 1S58 — How to meet them — 
Legislation respecting Territories — Opposes the Wilmot Proviso — Desires to extend 
the Line of 36° 30' to the Pacific — The Secret History of the Compromise Measures 
of 1850 — Mr. Clay adopts the Bills reported by Douglas — Change made by the Com- 
mittee of Thirteen — Action of Senators Foote, Jefferson Davis, and Chase — The 
Powers of Territorial Legislatures on Slavery — To have the same Authority over 
Slavery as all other Questions of Internal Policy — Action of the Ultras North and 
South — City Council and Mobs of Chicago — Speech to them — Introduction of Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill — Its Fundamental Principle — Great Speech in the Senate — Replies to 
Seward, Sumner, and Wade — More Mobs in Chicago — The Kansas Bill in the Bucha- 
nan Canvass — The famous Lecompton Debate — Senator Douglas opposes '• Lecomp- 
tonism''— Description of the Senate on the Occasion of his Speech against it— The 
Illinois Contest— Slave-Code in the Territories— Letter to Colonel Peyton— African 
Slave-Trade— Continuous Narrative of his Course on the Naturalization Question 
since 1839— His Arguments — Levin's Proposition— Contested-Election Case of Botts 
and Jones, of Virginia — The First Speech against '■' Know-Nothingism" — TheKoszta 
Case discussed with European Statesmen — Recent Declarations — Paper in '' Harper's 
Magazine" on "The Dividing Line between Federal and Local Authority'" — Contro- 
versy with Attorney-General Black — His Withdrawal at the Cincinnati Convention 
in favor of Mr. Buchanan— Letter to J. B. Dorr on the Contingencies which may be 
presented by the Cliarleston Platform — Resolution for the Protection of States and 
Territories against Invasion. 

EDWARD EVERETT, OF xMASSAOHUSETTS 240 

Ilis Birth, Parentage, and Education— Latin Tutor at Cambridge— Succeeds Mr. Buck- 
minster— " Defence of Christianity," in reply to "The Grounds of Christianity Ex- 
amined" — Accepts the Eliot Professorship and starts for Europe — Travels in England, 
France, Holland. Prussia, Switzerland, Italy, Greece, Hungary, Austria, kc, — Returns 
and edits the " North American Review" — Defends America against the Vilification 
of English AVriters — Compliment to him by Thomas Campbell in the " New Monthly 
Magazine" — Judge Story on his Sermon in tlJtCajjitol — Literature and Ancient Art 
— The Cause of the Greeks— Speech and WeTOSajj^Q La Fayette at Cambridge — 
Elected to Congress — Service on Important Coiiiniittees — Opposes Jackson's Indian 
Policy — Madison addresses his Paper on Nullification to him — French Controversy 
of 1834 — Elected Governor — Prosperity of the State under his Care — Defeated by 
Judge Morton — Travels in Europe — Appointed to succeed Mhiister Stevenson at the 
Court of St. James— His Fitness for the Post— Difficulties of the Position at the 
Period — Changes of Administration here and there — Business transacted by him — 
Effects the Release of American Prisoners in Van Diemen's Land — Honors conferred 
by tho Universities of Dublin, Cambridge, and Oxford — President of Harvard — Secre- 
tary of State in Fillmore's Cabinet— Splendid Reply to France and England on 
the Proposition to malce a Treaty relating to Cuba — Argues for an American Policy 
f r America — In the United States Senate— Central-.\rneri can .'VffHirs— Presents 



Xll CONTENTS. 

Massachusetts Memorial signed by Three Tliousand Clergymen against the Kansas 
Bill — Leaves the Senate through 111 Health — Tour in the South — Eulogy of Webster 
— Lecture ou Washiugtun and Wiitings in behalf of the Mount Vernon Fund — 
Large Amount i:)roduccd by his Patriotic Exertions. 

MILLARD FILLMORE, OF NEW YORK Page 2(50 

His Ancestry— Birth— At the Common Schools— At the Clothing and Wool-Carding 
Business— At the Village Library— Attracts the Attention of Judge Wood— Advised 
to study Law — Judge Wood takes him into his Office and defrays the Expenses — At 
Law, Literature, and Surveying — Teaches School to defray some of liis Expenses — 
Removes to Buffalo- Elected to the Assembly — His Busiuess Capacity — Imprison- 
ment for Debt repealed — Elected to Congress — Retires to the Law — In the Twenty- 
Sixth Congress — The Broad-Seal New Jersey Election Case — Chairman of Ways and 
Means — Brings Order out of Confusion — Retires — Defeated for the Governorship of 
New York — Comptroller of the State — Popular Sentiment in Favor of General Taylor 
— Selected as Whig Candidate over Clay and Webstei- — Fillmore for Vice-President — 
Elected — As President of tlie Senate — Death of Taylor — Fillmore President — His Cabi- 
net — Message on the Texas and New-Mexico Boundary Dispute — Tariff Question — 
Pacific Railroad — Fugitive-Slave Case — Recommends an Agricultural Bureau— Tlie 
North-American Fisheries — Cuba — Reception of Kossuth — The Compromise Measures 
— Expiration of Presidential Term — Tour in the South — Reception in Europe — Con- 
ventions of the American Order — Platform on whicli Fillmore was nominated for the 
Presidency over George Law. 

JOHN C. FREMONT, OF CALIFORNIA 273 

His Birth and Parentage — .Designed for the Church — Teaching and Surveying — Teacher 
of Mathematics in the Navy — Engineer on Railroads — Surveying in the Mountains 
of Georgia, North Carolina, and Tennessee — Accompanies Nicollet to the Upper Mis- 
sissippi — Appointed a Lieutenant in the Topographical Engineers — Exi)lores the River 
Des Moines — Marries Jessie Benton — T. H. Benton and Fremont — First Expedition 
to the Rocky Mountains, in 184'2 — Incidents — Kit Carson'K Will causes a Panic— At 
La Platte^ — Saves Kit Carson's Life — Plants the Stars and Stripes on Fremont's Peak 
— Second Expedition, in 1843 — Hardships and Sufferings — Results of the Expedition 
— Brevetted Captain — Third Expedition, in 1845 — Crosses the Great Basin and reaches 
California — Secretary Marcy's Report of Fremont's Movements consequent upon the 
Difficulties with Mexico — Conquest of California — Insurrection — Fi'emont surprises 
San Luis Obispo — Pico, the Insurgent Leader, condemned to Death — Spared by Fre- 
mont — Capitulation of Cowenga — Commodore Stockton appoints Fremont Governor 
— Difficulties with General Kearney — Kearney Governor — Reception of Fremont in 
St. Louis — Charleston presents him with a Sword — Ti-ied at Washington on Charges 
preferred by Kearney — Found Guiltj' — Penalty remitted — Resigns his Commission — 
Benton and Fremont on the Slavery Issue — Disastrous Expedition to explore a 
Route by the Cochatopee Pass — Purchase of the Mariposas Tract — Chosen First 
United States Senator from California — In Congress — The Mariposas Grant in the 
Courts — Offered a Million for his Title — Reception in Europe — Survey Expedition in 
theAViuterof 1853-54— Nominated for President by the Republican National Conven- 
tion — The Platform of 1856 — Defeated — Horace Greeley's Account of Fremont at 
Home. 

JAMES GUTHRIE, OF KENTUCKY 290 

Birth and Parentage — Flat-Boating to New Orleans — Studies Law with Judge Rowan 
—His Manner of Study— Admitted to the Bar — Removes to Louisville in 1820— Suc- 
cess — Prosecuting Attorney — Illustration of his Firmness — Causes of his Success at 
the Bar— Difficulty with Mr. Hayes— Guthrie severely Wounded — Kentucky Politics 
at that Period — " Old Court" and "New Court" — G uthrie a Jackson Democrat — In 
the Legislature and State Senate — President of the Constitutional Convention — Log- 



CONTENTS. XIU 

Rolling Feat in his Election-Contest with Frank Johnson — Guthrie and the Bullies — 
Acts as a Pos.'^c Comitatus — Guthrie's Advocacy of the "Internal Improvements of 
Kentucky — Railroads and Financiering — Circumstances attending his Appointment 
to the Treasury — In President Pierce's Cabinet — The Era of the Galphin and Gard- 
ner Claims — Dismissal of Secret Inspectors — Management of the National Finances 
—540,000,000 Debts paid, and $20,000,000 Balance in the Treasury when his Term 
expired — Reforms perfected in the Department — The Secretary and Greene C. Bronson, 
Collector of New York — The Treasury Bureaus, and their Management — The Sub- 
Treasury Act — Reply to Remonstrances against it — Senate Committee on Retrench- 
ment — The Secretary's Reply to Senator Adams — Cushing's Anecdote of Guthrie in 
Cabinet Meeting — No Politician, 

JAMES II. IIAMxMOND, QF SOUTH CAROLINA Pacje 304 

Birth and Parentage — Careful Education — Admitted to the Bar — Editor of the 
" Southern Times," Columbia — Ably supports the Nullification of the Tariff Policy 
of 1828 — Retires to a Plantation on the Savannah — Elected to Congress — On the 
Reception of Abolition Petitions by Congress — Hammond's Eflective Opposition — 111 
Health— Travels in Europe — Return — General of Brigade — Elected Governor — Mes- 
sages — Famous Letters on Domestic Slavery, in reply to Thomas Clarkson, the Eng- 
lish Philanthropist — Letters of Dr. England, Bishop of Charleston, to Hon. John 
Forsyth, on Catholic Theology and Slavery — Hammond's Positions to Clarkson — 
Armies and Free Labor in Europe — Harriet Martineau's Scandalous Stories — Slave- 
holders not Irresponsible or Cruel — Their Interest to treat Slaves well — How " Fel- 
low-Citizens" are treated in England — Extracts from the Parliamentary Commis- 
sioners' Report — State of Men, Women, and Infants in the Mines and Factories of 
England — Governor Hammond retires — Address — Oration on Calhoun — Elected to 
the United States Senate in 1857— Speech in the "Lecompton" Debate of 1858— Sup- 
ports that Instrument — Reply to Senators Douglas and Seward — King Cotton — 
Northern Slaves and Southern Slaves — On the Death of Senator Evans— On the Bri- 
tish Aggressions— No Alarmist— Speech at Barnwell Court-House — Full Views on 
Kansas Questions— The South should have kicked Lecompton out of Congress- 
Change of Views touching Disunion and the Slave-Trade— On South Carolina and 
Massachusetts — Mitchel on Hammond. 

SAM HOUSTON, OF TEXAS 318 

His Ancestry— Early Orphanage— Thirst for Knowledge — Life among the Indians — 
Becomes a School-Master — Enlists in the United States Army— Battle of the Horse- 
Shoe— SkiflF- Voyage down the Cumberland— Resigns his Lieutenancy— Studies Law, 
and is admitted to the Bar— Elected Major-General— Sent to Congress— Chosen Gover- 
nor of Tennessee— Resigns his Oifice. and again takes up his Abode with the Indians 
— Goes to Washington to investigate the Conduct of Indian Agents— Triumphs over 
his Opponents— Is elected to the Convention of San Felipe de Austin— Commence- 
ment of the Texan Revolution— Houston elected, Commander-in-Chief of the Texan 
Army— Difficulties witii which he had to cc>^mid— He is elected President of the 
New Republic — Extract from his Inaugural Addi-t^^Chosen to the Senate of the 
United States— His Congressional Policy— ReconfmenSed, in 1854, as a Candidate for 
the Presidency— His Proposition for the Establishment of a United States Protector- 
ate over Mexico and the Central- American States — Response to Senator Iverson, of 
Georgia — Returns to Texas, and becomes a Candidate for the Governorship— Is tri- 
umphantly elected — Benton's Opinion of Houston. 

R. M. T. HUNTER, OF VIRGINIA .329 

Mr,»nunter's Early Political Course— Elected to the Virginia Legislature — Votes for 
Judge White for the Presidency— Elected to the National House of Representatives 
by the States-Rights Whigs— Extract from a Speech on the Causes of Financial Dis- 
tress—Attributes it to the Banking-System— Introduces a Bill to relieve the Country 



XIV CONTENTS. 

—His Political Position under the Administration of Van Buren— Elected Speaker 
of the Twenty-Sixth Congress— The Whigs in Congress repeal the Independent Trea- 
sury Act — Mr. Hunter's Speech against the Loan Bill — Denounces the National Bank 
Project and the Distribution Bill— Defends the Veto of the Temporary Tariff Bill, 
and opposes the Tariff Bill of 1842— Is defeated at the Election for Member of the 
Twenty-Eighth Congress— Re-elected to Congress in 1845— The Oregon Boundary 
Question— Mr. Hunter advocates a Compromise— Renewal of the Slavery Agitation 
— The Wilmot Proviso— Mr. Hunter is chosen a Senator of the United States — Is 
-, placed on the Committee of Finance — Opposes the Resolutions offered by Senator 

' Cass, December 24, 1849, to suspend Diplomatic Relations with Austria— His Ideas 

on the Territorial Question — Chairman of Finance Committee — Invitation to a Pub- 
lic Dinner in New York City — Re-elected to the Senate — Opposes the Dill for the 
Protection of the Emigrant-Route and Establishment of Telegraph-Line and Mail- 
Route between California and Oregon — His Views on the Kansas-Nebraska Bill — 
Speech against " Know-Nothingism" — Advocates the Admission of Kansas under the 
Lecompton Constitution — His Argument on the Subject of Tarift-Revision — Elected 
to the Senate for the Third Time — His Literary Powers — His Personal Appearance. 

ANDREW JOHNSON, OF TENNESSEE Page 347 

Birth and Parentage — Is left an Orphan at the Age of Five Years — Apprenticed to a 
Tailor in Raleigh — His Adventures at Lawrence Court-House — Goes to Greenville, 
Tennessee — His Marriage — Receives the Rudiments of Education from his Wife — 
Becomes the Mouthpiece of the Working-Classes of Greenville — Is elected to the 
Office of Alderman — Chosen a Member of the State Legislature — Canvasses East 
Tennessee for the Democrats in the Presidential Campaign of 1840 — Elected to the 
State Senate — Nominated and elected Representative to Congress — Opposes the 
Tariff of 1842 — Advocates the Annexation of Texas — Defence of General Jackson's 
Character — Reply to Mr. Clingman's Assertion that the Foreign Catholics, as a 
Body, supported the Democratic Candidates in the Presidential Contest of 1844 — 
Texas and the Cotton-Culture — His Course in the Twenty-Ninth Congress — On the 
Oregon Question, he sustains President Polk's Adjustment — Denounces the Tax on 
Tea and Coffee — Introduces a Bill taxing Capital — Re-elected to Congress in 1847 — 
Argument in favor of the Veto Power — Defends the Mexican- War Policy — Elected 
Governor of Tennessee in 18.53, and again in 1855 — Chosen United States Senator — 
Speech at Murfreesborough against " Know-Nothingism" — Denunciation of Proscrip- 
tion for Religious Opinions — His Course in the Thirty-Fifth Congress — Introduces a 
Resolution of Scrutiny into the Expenses of the Government — Opposes the Pacific 
Railroad Measure — His Position on the Slavery Question — Speech on the Harper's 
Ferry Resolution of Senator Mason— Mr. Johnson's Character, as succinctly sketched 
by an Intimate Friend. 

JOSEPH LANE, OF OREGON 357 

Lessons of Childhood— Goes to Warwick County, Indiana, at the Age of Fifteen— Mar- 
ries in 1820, and settles in Vanderburg County— Elected, in 1822, to the Indiana 
Legislature— His Popularity and Hospitality at Home— Public Service— Character 
as a Legislator— Opposes Repudiation— An Instance of his Sense of Justice— Opinion 
of Mr. Yulee — Supports Jackson, Van Buren, and Polk — Resigns his Seat in the 
Legislature at the Commencement of the Mexican War, and enters Captain Walker's 
Company— Chosen Colonel by the Men— Receives a Commission as Brigadier-General 
— Is impatient of the Delay at the Brazos, and demands a Share in Active Military 
Service, but is compelled to remain on the Rio Grande for Several Months— Is ordered 
at length to Saltillo — His Vigilance as a Commander — Ordei-ed to join General Taylor 
— Battle of Buena A^'ista — His Phalanx repels the Mexican Charge — Further Service 
on the Field— Major-General Wool's Testimony to his Gallantry and Ability— Return 
to the United States— Is transferred to Scott's Line — Sets out for the City of Mexico 
—Capture of Huamantla— Arrival at Puebla— Raising of the Siege— Pursuit of Rea— 



CONTENTS. XV 

Fight at Atlixco — Battle of Tlascala— Surprise of Matamoras— Reports himself to the 
Commanding General at Mexico — Expedition against Zenobia— Marches into Orizaba 
— Takes Cordova— Defeats Colonel Falcon— Pursuit of Jarauta— Battle of Tehualta- 
plan— Returns to Indiana at the Close of the War— Appointed Governor of Oregon- 
Parts with his Guide, and pilots his Party to Santa Cruz- Arrival in Oregon City — 
Chastises the Indians, and secures a Lasting Peace with them — Is elected Delegate 
from Oregon Territory to Congress — His Course as Delegate — Enunciation of his 
Principles — Oregon admitted as a State — He is named for the Presidency by the In- 
dianapolis Convention lor revising the State Constitution — Governor Wright's Review 
of Lane's Career— Extract from a Communication by John Dowling, Esq. 

JOHN McLEAN, OF OHIO Page. 373 

Parentage — Removal of the Family from New Jersey to the West — Limited Resources 
of the Famil}'— Early Education— His Independent Spirit— Obtains Employment in 
the Clerk's Office of Hamilton County— Studies Law under Arthur St. Clair— Mar- 
riage — Is admitted to the Bar and commences Practice at Lebanon, Warren County 
— Is elected, in 1812, to Congress from Cincinnati — Identification with the Demo- 
cratic Party- His Impartiality and Integrity as a Legislator— Measures originated 
and supported by him during the Session at which he entered Congress — Re-elected, 
in 1814, by a Unanimous Vote — Is placed on the Committees of Foreign Relations 
and Public Lands — In 1816, is elected to the Supreme Bench of Ohio, and resigns his 
Seat in Congress — Appointed Commissioner of the Land-Office by President Monroe 
— In 1823, is made Postmaster-General — His Success in performing the Duties of 
the Office — His Salary' raised from Four to Six Thousand Dollars — Remarks of Ran- 
dolph and C.J.Ingersoll — Appointed by President Jackson to a Seat on the Supreme 
Bench of the United States — Account of the Circumstances leading to his Appoint- 
ment — Senator Benjamin's Estimate of the Character of Judges of the Supreme 
Court — Decision of Judge 3IeLean in regard to aiding Combinations of our Citizens 
against Friendly Powers — Deathof his Wife in 1840 — Marries again in 1843 — Opinion 
on the Question as to the Abolition of Slavery — His Doctrine regarding the Jurisdic- 
tion of Congress over the Territories — The Dred Scott Case — Judge McLean's Dissent 
from the Decision of the Court as given by Chief-Justice Taney — Extract from his 
Argument in the Case — Degrees conferred on him by various Universities and Colle- 
giate Institutions. 

JAMES L. ORR, OF SOUTH CAROLINA 383 

Birth and Ancestry — Education — Studies Law — His Diligence and Proficiency — Is 
admitted to the Bar — Establishes the ''Anderson Gazette" — Elected to the State 
Legislature — Advocacy of Popular Rights — In 1848, elected to the National House 
of Representatives — Denounces the Agitation of the Slavery Question — Opposes the 
Compromise Measures of 1850 — Secession Party in^South Carolina — Mr. Orr arrays 
himself against it — Attends, as Delegate from *;f Atlerson, the Convention of the 
Southern-Rights Association — His Speech published Ij^^ommittee of the Co-Opera- 
tion Party — Is elected to Congress over the Secession Candidate — Services on tho 
House Committee on Public Lands — Supports the Action of the Baltimore Demo- 
cratic Convention — Chairman of Committee of the Whole upon the Civil and Diplo- 
matic Appropriation Bill — Bill to domesticate the Semi-Civilized Indians — Addresses 
the Democracy in Philadelphia in 1854 — The "Know-Nothings"' — Mr.Orr's Views on 
the Kansas-Nebraska Bill — Squatter Sovereignt}' — Opposes the French Spoliation 
Claims — Is a Candidate for the Speakership — Letter to Hon. C. W. Dudley — Ai)peal 
to South Carolina to send Delegates to the Democratic National Convention — Nomi- 
nated for Speaker of the Thirty-Fifth Congress, and elected— Responsibility of the 
Speaker's Position — Closing Scenes of the First Session of the Thirty-Fifth Congress 
— Retires from Public Life — Speech at Craytonville — Opposes the Reopening of the 
Slave-Trade — Ilis Character as a Lawyer — Orations and Addresses. 



XVI CONTExNTS. 

JOHN M. HEAD, OF PENNSYLVANIA Page 397 

Eevolutionary Ancestry — His Grandfather, George Read — Lieutenant Bedford — His 
Father, John Bead — Family Connections of liis Mother — Public Offices filled by his 
Father — Education at the University of Pennsylvauiar— Admitted to the Bar — Ap- 
pointed golicitor for the Philadelphia Bank— Increasing Business and Responsibi- 
lities — Diligence and Ability— Elected to the Pennsylvania House of Representatives 
— His Colleagues during the Succeeding Term — Declines further Service in the Legis- 
lature — Is appointed City Solicitor — Elected a Member of the City Select Council — 
His Labors in that Body — Appointed United States District Attorney for the Eastern 
District of Pennsylvania — Judge-Advocate in the Court-Martial for the Trial of 
Commodore Elliott — Nominated to the Senate as a Judge of the United States 
Supremo Court — His Nomination not confirmed by the Senate — Appointed Attorney- 
General of Pennsylvania— liesigns after holding the Office Six Months— Diligent 
Study of the Law during his Retirement from Public Life — Speech in the Case of 
the United States vs. Hanway— Attends, in 1849, the Democratic Convention at 
Pittsburg — Advocates the Adoption of a ]{esolution against extending Slavery into 
the Territories — Speech in Favor of the Admission of California as a Free State — Acts 
with the Republicans in 1850 — Elected Judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania 
— Character as a Judge — Summary of his Political Position. 

WILLIAM H. SEWAKD, OF NEW YORK 404 

Birth — Early Education— Graduated from Union College — Studies Law, and is admitted 
to the Bar in 1822 — Removes to Auburn, and forms a Partnership with Judge Miller 
—Early Devotion to Politics— His Labors in Behalf of the Greeks in 1827— Presides 
at the Utica Convention in 1828- Sympathies with the Anti-Masonic Party — Elected 
a State Senator — Measures supported by him wliile in the Senate — Makes a Tour in 
Europe— Nominated for Governor, but defeated— The '' Crime" of being young — 
Elected Governor over Marcy in 1838— Re-elected in 1840— Character of his Adminis- 
tration-Opposition to the Increase of the Slave-Power— Laws on the Subject passed 
during his Administration-Controversy between Governor Seward and the Governois 
of Virginia and Georgia— He is sustained by the Whig Legislature, but denounced 
upon the Accession of the Democrats to Power— Alexander McLecd arrested by 
Authority of the State of New York— The British Minister demands his Release — 
Governor Seward refuses to accede to the Demand— Reforms instituted by him— 
His Independence of Judgment in the Exercise of the Appointing and the Veto 
Powers— Resumes the Practice of the Law at Auburn— Case of William Freeman- 
Appears as Counsel in the Van Zandt Case— Counsel for the Defence in a Conspiracy 
Case at Detroit— His Power as a Political Speaker— Speech at Utica in 1844, in which 
he condemns the Outrages lately committed on Foreigners in I'hiladelphia — Opposes 
the Annexation of Texas and the Mexican War— Sustains President Polk's Admi- 
nistration on the Oregon Question— Favors the Revision of the Constitution of the 
State of New York— In 1847, delivers an Oration on the Life and Character of O'Con- 
nell— Delivers, in 1848, a Eulogy on John Quincy Adams before the New York Legis- 
lature—Supports General Taylor for the Presidency— Principles enunciated in a 
Speech at Cleveland— Elected United States Senator— Opposes the Walker Amend- 
ment-Concurs with President Taylor's Policy— Opposes the Compromise Measures— 
" The Higher Law"— His Position on the Subject of Slavery— Speech on the Land- 
Distribution Question— Advocates the Principle of the Homestead Bill- Offers a 
Resolution welcoming Kossuth— Speeches during the Thirty-Second Congress- 
Views on the Question of the Acquisition of Cuba— Defeat of the Whig Paity in the 
Presidential Election of 1852— Measures advocated by Mr. Seward in the Thirty- 
Third Congress— Speeches against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill— Defends the Right of 
Petition— Eulogiums upon Clay and Webster— Oration befoie the Literary Societies 
of Yale College— Receives the Degree of Doctor of Laws— Argument in the McCor- 
mick Reaper Case— His Labors during the Second Session of the Thirty-Third Con- 
gi-csH— Opposes Senator Toucey's Bill to secure the more efl'ectual Operation of the 



CONTENTS. XVU 

Fugitive-Slave Act — Re-elected to the Senate — Manifestations of Joy by bis Friends — 
Speeches in 1858 at Albany, Auburn, and Buffalo — Oration at Plymouth — Speeches 
on the Kansas DiflBculty in the Thirty-Fourth Congress — Assault by Preston S. Bruoks 
on Senator Sumner, in the Senate-Chamber — Mr. Seward moves the Appointing of a 
Committee of Inquiry into the Matter — Unfairness in selecting the Committee — The 
Presidential Canvass of 1856 — Speeches at Auburn and Detroit — Eulogium on John 
M. Clayton — Claims of Revolutionary Olficers — Atlantic Telegraph — Overland ^lail- 
Route to San Francisco — Pacific Railroad — Tariff Revision — Importance of the Iron 
Interest of the United States — lie reviews the Dred Scott Decision — His Speeches 
in the Thirty-Fifth Congress — Debate on the Lecompton Constitution — Sketch of 
Senator Seward's Speech on the Subject— Appointed on the Senate Committee of 
Conference — Dissents from the English Bill — Scene in the Senate-Chamber on tlie 
Occasion of Seward's Speech on the Bill — Favors the Strengthening of the Army in 
Utah — Condemns the Aggressions of British Cruigers on American Vessels in the 
Gulf— Eulogiums on Senators Rusk, Bell, and Henderson — Canvass of 1S58 — Ro- 
chester Speech — Speeches in the Second Session of the Thirty-Fifth Congress — Seconds 
the Recommendation of President Buchanan with Regard to the Tariff— Mr. Seward's 
published Speeches and Writings — His Views respecting the P-residency. 



HORATIO SEYMOUR, OF NEW YORK Page 428 

Birth and Ancestry — Commences the Practice of the Law in Utica, but soon aban- 
dons it — Chosen Mayor of Utica — Elected to the State Legislature — His Character 
as a Legislator and Debater — Rapidly acquires Influence among the Democrats — 
Dissensions in the Party — Michael Hoffman, the Leader of the Opposition in the 
Democratic Part.v — Courtesy and Manliness of Mr. Seymour — His Ability and Tact 
— The Report of the Committee of Canals on that Part of the Governor's Message 
referred to them — Extract frem Judge Hammond's " Political History of New York" 
on the Subject— Silas Wright elected Governor— Mr. Seymour Speaker of the Assem- 
bly—Election of Daniel S. Dickinson to the United States Senate— Mr. Seymour's 
Appeal to the Minority in the Nominating Caucus — Debate with John Young, the 
Whig Leader — P'xtract from Mr. Seymour's Speech on this Occasion — Judge Ham- 
mond's Estimate of him as a Legislator— The Divisions in the Democratic Party in 
New York — Action of the National Convention of 1848 — Mr. Seymour the Consistent 
Advocate of Peace — Nominated for Governor — Union of the Party — Seymour 
elected— Character of his Administration — Reasons for the Veto of the Prohibitory 
Liquor Law — His Views as to the Proper Mode for the Suppression of Intemperance 
— Rejoicings among the Democracy on account of the Governor's Decision — Is re- 
nominated, and declines — Is kept in Nomination nevertheless — The Republican 
Candidate Successful — Extreme Closeness of the Contest — Expression by the Demo- 
cracy of Continued Confidence in Mr. Seymour as their Leader— Evidences of his 
Popularity in the Party Conventions— His Labors for the Party outside of New 
York State— Mr. Seymour secures the Re-Nomination of Judge Denio in the State 
Convention of September, 1857 — Testimony of an Admi^j^ 

JOHN SLIDELL, OF LOUISIANA 439 

Birth — Embraces the Law as a Profession — Goes to New Orleans — Appointed United 
States District Attorney at that City— Elected Representative to the Twenty-Eighth 
Congress — Appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to Mexico — Failure of the Attempt 
to avert the Impending War — Is tendered, but declines, the Mission to Central 
America — Appointed Senator from Louisiana — Prominence in the Senate — Falling- 
OfF in the Sugar-Crop of Louisiana — Necessity of Introducing New Plants — Bill to 
improve the Channel of the Mississippi — The President's Reasons for vetoing it — 
Debate on its Reconsideration — Opinions of Various Senators — Substance of Mr. 
Slidell's Remarks— Passage of the Bill— Views on the Question of Reopening the 
African Slave-Ti-adc — Introduces a Resolution to dispense with the Squadron off the 
B 2* 



XVlll CONTENTS. 

Coast of Afi-ica — Participation in the Debate on the Ijccompton Constitution — Review 
of the Neutrality Laws — Slidell's Construction of the Act of 1818 — Citation of In- 
stances in which European Powers have permitted Armed Intervention by their 
Citizens in the Wars of Other Nations — The Policy of England in this Regard — He 
condemns Paulding, but is also severe upon Walker — His Views on the Cuban 
Question — The Thirty-Million Bill — Withdrawal of the Measure — Slidell's Efficiency 
as a Working Member of Congress. 



ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA Page 451 

Physical and Intellectual Contrast— Birth and Ancestry— Loses his Mother in Infancy— 
An Orphan at the Age of Fourteen — Prepares himself for College — Enters the Uni- 
versity of Georgia — Becomes a School-Teacher — Relinquishes this I^mploymeut — 
Commences the Study of the Law — Examined by Chief-Justice Lumpkin, and ad- 
mitted to the Bar — The Pocket-Book — Success in Practice — Growing Reputation — 
In 1836, elected to the State Legislature — Advocacy of Internal Improvements — 
Delegated to the Commercial Convention, at Charleston, in 1839 — Impression pro- 
duced by his Speech — In 1842, elected to the State Senate — In 1843, nominated and 
elected Representative to Congress — His Right to a Seat denied — The House decides 
in his Favor — Totes for the Annexation of Texas — History of the Resolution guaran- 
teeing that four Future Slave States shall be formed from Texas — Views regarding the 
Mexican War ^Course on the Compromise Measures of 1850 — Advocates the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill — Speech on the Question — Reiteration of his Views in Subsequent 
Speeches — Combats the Know-Nothing Organization — Letter to Hon. T. W. Thomas 
against the Order — True Americanism — Effect of this Letter — Prominence in the 
Thirty-Fifth Congress — Tribute to Senator Butler — Position on the Neutrality Laws 
— The Lecompton Discussion — Mr. Stephen's Part in it — Speech on the Admission 
of Oregon into the Union — Retires from Congressional Service — Complimentary Din- 
ner tendered him — Address by Mr. Stephens reviewing his Political Career — The 
Sound Condition of the Republic — Cuba — The '' Higher Law" — Mr. Stephen's Kind- 
ness of Heart and Deeds of Practical Benevolence — Sketch by John Mitchel. 

HENRY A.WISE, OF VIRGINIA , 473 

Birth and Ancestry — An Orphan at the Age of Seven — Placed under the Care of his 
Aunts — Progress at School — Sent to Washington College, Pa. — Dr. Andrew Wylie — 
" High Game" — Graduates in 1825 — W. H. McGuffey — Studies Law at Winchester — 
Marriage — Settles in Nashville, Tennessee — Returns to Accomac — Casts his First Presi- 
dential Vote in Favor of General Jackson — Opposes the Nullification Principle — Elected 
to Congress — Duel with Hon. Richard Coke, his Opponent in the Canvass — Secession 
from Jackson — Death of Judge Bouldin, the Successor of John Randolph in the House 
— Wise is re-elected in 1835 and in 1837 — The Graves and Cilley Duel — Origin of the 
Affair — Mr. Wise's Connection with it — His Questions on the Subject addressed to 
Henry Clay — Nomination of Tyler for the Vice-Presidency — Wise opposes the 
Schemes of the Whig Leaders — Death of President Harrison — Re-elected to Congress 
in 1843 — Appointed Minister to Brazil — Returns to the United States in 1847 — Rise 
of the " Know-Nothing" Order in Virginia— Their Committee of Correspondence ad- 
dress Wise as a Public Man— Outline of his Reply — Nominated to the Governorship 
by the Democrats — Letter from Bishop McGill, of Richmond— Opening of the Cam- 
paign — He is charged with Inconsistency — His Reply — Speech at Alexandria — Ex- 
tent of his Labors — Elected Governor — Rejects, emphatically, an Invitation to deliver 
a Lecture on Slavery, in Boston — His Position on the Slavery and Territorial Questions 
— Views on the Kansas-Nebraska Bill — On the Missouri Compromise — Letter to Col. 
J. W. Forney on the Lecompton Question — Publishes a Treatise on Territorial 
Government — Object of this Production — Denial of the Rumor that he desired the 
Post of United States Senator— The Harper's Ferry Conspiracy— Promptitude and 
Energy of Governor Wise on the Occasion— Remarks of a Political Admirer. 



CONTENTS. XIX 

JOHN E. WOOL, OF NEW YORK Page 493 

Birth — Patriotic Services of his Ancestors — A Self-Mado Man — Takes Charge of a 
Stetionery-Store, but is deprived of Employment by a Fire — Enters a Law-Office — 
Obtains an Appointment in the Army as a Captain — Ilis Regiment ordered to the 
Niagara Frontier — Operations of General Van Rensselaer — Queenstown — Attack by 
the Biitish — They are repulsed — Wool volunteers to storm the Heights — His Offer 
being accepted, he succeeds in carrying them — Complete Rout of the British under 
General Brock — Universal Admiration of Wool's Gallantry — Promoted to the Rank 
of Major — Further Services in the War of 1812 — Appointed Inspector-General of 
the Army — John C. Calhoun's Opinion of the Value of his Services — Reports on 
Military Matters — Sent to Europe by Government to inspect the Military Systems 
on the Continent — Visits France and Belgium — Cordial Reception on the Part of 
those Governments — Reports on the Defences of the Coast and the Western Frontier 
— Appointed to superintend the Removal of the Indians from the Cherokee Country 
to Arkansas — Reronnoissance in Maine for Defensive Purposes — His Services in the 
Mexican War — General Taylor's Appreciation of them — Letter from General Gushing 
— Opinion of Colonel Curtis and of General Lane — Promoted to the Rank of Brevet 
Miijor-General — Close of the War — Returns to New York — Public Honors — Presen- 
tation of a Sword by the Citizens of Troy — Marks of National Gratitude — Appointed 
to the Command of the Department of the Pacific — Special Duties assigned to him 
in this Capacity — Operations in his New Sphere — Restoration to the Command of 
the Easrt — Returns to New York. 



OUR 

LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS, 

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 

The life of Mr. Banks, like those of Patrick Henry, Andrew 
Jackson, Henry Clay, Stephen A. Doyglas, Henry Wilson, and 
others who have risen to honorable place and power, in the 
United States, from the forest, the plough, and the workshop, 
affords an ennobling illustration of the character of the institu- 
tions under whose sheltering and encouraging bounty the people 
can be represented from their own ranks. It holds out bright 
inducements to every youth of energy, industry, and a healthy 
ambition, to remember — how humble soever his origin or his 
means — that 

" A man's a man for a' that," 

and that to him, as a man, the brightest prospects are open, and 
the highest offices of a great Republic within the legitimate scope 
of his intellect and ambition. There are no trammels either to 
the one or to the other. 

From the number of books published of a personal, sketchy, 
and biographical character, it would seem that this age takes a 
greater interest in its public men than any of its predecessors. 
It would seem that the world grows fonder of its offspring, of 
every class, and delights to parade before its eyes the faces and 
faculties, the lives and labors, of those who have sprung from its 
necessities. 

B 2* 17 



18 LIVING RErRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Yet, although Mr. Banks occupies a very prominent position 
in the politics of the country, the curiosity of the reading world 
has not been very extensively gratified by any detailed, or even 
comparatively full, account of his early days. We have little 
save the leading fact that he made his, first appearance in the 
humblest path of life, an-d continued in its trying but instructive 
course for years. A brief sketch, written by Mr. Ben Perley 
Poore, gives us a suggestive view of his youth, and supplies in 
part our facts. 

Nathaniel P. Banks was born in Waltham, a town of Massa- 
chusetts, on the 30th of January, 1816. Waltham was the 
parent of Lowell and Manchester. In point of time, it was the 
second manufacturing town in the Union, and supplied the machi- 
nery and laborers for the now more famous towns just mentioned. 
As the birthplace of Mr. Banks, however, it will retain, in the 
eyes of Massachusetts, and perhaps of those of the whole Union, 
an importance which to the vision of some is more ennobling 
than the successes of the loom and the anvil, the spindle and the 
steam-power. Even now, on the margin of the Charles Biver, 
sentinelled by old-fashioned machine-shops, — gossipers of the 
bygone enterprise from which sprung Lowell, — a dilapidated 
tenement is respectfully pointed out as the house in which the 
subject of this sketch was born. That fact in itself is fame. The 
son of poor operatives, little Banks began to work out an appa- 
rently dismal destiny of poverty and hard work amidst the whirr 
of the loom and the spindle, the clank and roar of engines, and 
the bustle of unresting industry. Gerald Massey, the people's 
poet of England, who went through a somewhat similar novitiate 
in the labor of life, gives a disheartening glimpse of child-expe- 
rience in the factories, — rising at early dawn and toiling till 
evening; '^seeing the sun only through the factory-windows; 
breathing an atmosphere laden with rank, oily vapor, his ears 
deafened by the roar of incessant wheels ; — 

" Still all day the iron wlieels go onward, 
Grinding life down from its mark, 
And the children's souls, which God is calling sunward, 
Spin on blindly in the dark." 

The children of the poor, when they are of an age " to do 
something for a living," are too useful to be allowed to attend 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS. 19 

school. They have to contribute to the family means. Of course 
the boy Nathaniel had scant oj^portuuities for education; but 
what he snatched was deposited in a fruitful soil. The three 
months which poor boys in his condition annually devote to the 
common schools must have been most faithfully enjoyed and 
carefully cherished. There are those, it is stated, who still 
remember the diligence with which he conned his tasks at spell- 
ing or figuring, and the heroic and characteristic air of stoicism 
with which the ragged, bare-footed little fellow maintained his 
place among comrades who enjoyed an accidental superiority of 
fortune. Notwithstanding, however, a certain natural reserve, 
which straitened circumstances and peculiar family afflictions 
had contributed to strengthen, it was not long before his force of 
character, and those other qualities of a leader to which he is in- 
debted for the success of his manhood, were fully recognised. As 
he grew older, the increasing strength of the stripling was needed 
to wholly support himself; and thus ended his brief career as a 
school-boy. He had tasted of knowledge, however, and he hun- 
gered for more. The appetite had to be appeased ; and, when his 
body was tired in filling out the factory-hours, he set to work to 
satisfy his mind. All his hours " not occupied in the factory were 
devoted to the grave and important studies of history, political 
economy, and the science of government. '' A village debating- 
society was the field on which he manoeuvred the little army of 
facts that he had collected in his brain, capturing others, and 
using them in turn. Here he gained a knowledge of the rules of 
debate. It was, so to speak, the parliamentary class in which he 
took his first honors, and which gave him that first insight into 
the modes of a discussive assembly which culminated in the 
Speaker's seat of the national House of Representatives. So 
desirous was he of participating in these youthful debates, and 
so sensible was he of the benefit — in discipline as well as incen- 
tive to public speech — to be derived from them, that, when re- 
siding in a town nine miles distant from the place of meeting, he 
used to walk there and back, rather than miss an evening at the 
society. 

Mr. Banks's first public position was as editor of a newspaper 
in Waltham. It was the debating-society on a more extended 
scale. The excitement pleased and the influence flattered the 



20 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

boy who had made himself. He continued in the occupation, 
as editor of a journal in Lowell, expanded into politics, advo- 
\ cated the principles of the Democratic party, — then in an Oppo- 
sition minority in Massachusetts, — and gained the good opinion 
of citizens in general by his enthusiastic labors in favor of popu- 
lar education, temperance, and all other topics upon which those 
who differed with his politics could heartily agree with him. He 
studied law, likewise, but did not practise much. 

It would seem that his success was not commensurate with his 
zeal and industry. For six years he was a candidate for a seat 
in the Massachusetts Legislature, and was defeated every succes- 
sive year. Chagrined, and probably disheartened, he looked 
abroad for a more suitable field for his future, and had almost 
determined to seek the then recently-acquired El Dorado on the 
Pacific. He wanted an arena for political exertion ; he felt that 
to be his forte, and was on the point of emigrating, when, by one 
of those chances which often make or unmake a whole career, he 
thought that something was due to those friends who had so con- 
stantly supported him, and who still desired him to await another 
trial. He received renewed courage from the thought, remained, 
and was elected in 1848 to represent Waltham in the Legislature. 
In this body he soon signalized himself as a Democrat, and, on 
the 23d of February, 1849, he made a notable speech on the pre- 
sentation of certain resolutions on the Slavery question, and in 
reply to the attacks of a Free-Soil member upon the Democratic 
party. This was the first speech of Mr. Banks, and it at once gave 
him position. Its purport was to show that the Democratic party, 
in the extension of territory, was not influenced by any desire for 
the extension of slavery. The time and the topic of the speech 
were equally auspicious for the speaker, and especially in Massa- 
chusetts, so far as publicity was concerned. He was listened to ' 
with great attention, and impressed the Democrats so strongly 
that he was regarded as a leader. He served in both branches 
of the Legislature, acted some time as Speaker, and took an active 
and influential part in the public business generally, serving 
on the very important committees on Railroads and Canals, and 
on Education. Among the speeches delivered by him at this 
period, those on the proposition to enact a plurality law with re- 
ference to the election of members of Congress, and on questions 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS. 21 

connected with the raih-oad-iutercsts of the State, are especially 
referred to as noteworthy. 

If the career of Mr. Banks had been to some extent dis- 
heartening in the years previous to his entry into the Legisla- 
ture, it now progressed in a manner eminently gratifying to his 
most attached friends. Honors followed quickly on the recogni- 
tion of his talents and energy, and even various places contended 
for the honor of being represented by him who a few years pre- 
vious had suffered such persistent discomfiture. In 1850, the 
Board of Education appointed him Assistant Agent, thinking 
that an effective means of procuring certain changes in the laws 
covering the educational system of the State. Mr. Banks de- 
livered many addresses on the subject, and resigned in Septem- 
ber of the same year, having accepted from the Legislature a 
seat on the State Valuation or Census Committee, which then 
commenced its sittings. A couple of months afterward, he 
was simultaneously elected to the State Senate by the Demo- 
cracy of Middlesex county, by a majority of two thousand, and 
to the House by his old friends of Waltham. At the meet- 
ing of the Legislature, he decided to remain in the latter, and 
was chosen Speaker by a large majority on the first ballot. 
He held this position for two successive sessions, and did not 
derogate from the dignity of a seat which had been occupied 
from time to time by some of the most distinguished sons of 
Massachusetts. On the assembling of the Convention, in 1853, 
to revise the Constitution of Massachusetts, Mr. Banks was 
chosen President, and sustained his reputation as a presiding 
officer. 

Having thus indelibly stamped his name on the records of his 
native State, Mr. Banks was destined to extend his reputation 
and political importance. He had previously declined a nomina- 
tion to Congress, in the laudable desire, doubtless, of perfectmg 
his home reputation before he went abroad, but acceded to the 
proposition in 1852, and was elected to the national House of 
Representatives. In a reply to a member from Mississippi, ) 
during the excitement at the commencement of the Thirty- (? 
Fourth Congress, Mr. Banks avowed that he was returned by an ||' 
affiliation of the Democrats and " Know-Nothings.^^ " When I *'• 
was elected to this House," said he, " as a member from the 



h 



22 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

State of Massachusetts, I was elected on the nomination of the 
regular Democratic party, and of the American party of the dis- 
trict. The American party was very largely in the majority. 
I avowed my sentiments freely and fully." He soon, however, 
transferred to the newly-organized llepublican party whatever 
sympathies he had had with the Democratic, and has been 
twice re-elected to Congress, serving through the Thirty-Third, 
Thirty-Fourth, and a portion of the first session of the Thirty- 
Fifth Congresses. 

The Congressional career of Mr. Banks brought him into 
striking prominence before the whole country. It is not remark- 
able for the number of his speeches so much as for their 
pith and point, and for the efi'ect they produced on his com- 
peers. 

He forcibly opposed the Nebraska-Kansas Bill and its non- 
intervention principles, arguing (May 18, 1854) that wherever the 
Government obtained the right to acquire territory, there they 
got the right to control it. He contended that the then Congress 
could not say upon what terms additional territory should be 
acquired. The people hereafter would determine the question 
for themselves. He would let the past stand, and let the future, 
when it came^ be decided by the people who should then have 
the power and control. They were called upon to repeal the 
Missouri Compromise because it was said to be unjust to the 
South. All he had to say in reply was, that the South made it; 
and he denied that it was unjust or unequal as regarded the 
South. Every Southern man had the same right to carry his 
property to these Territories as the North had. But then Southern 
gentlemen said that they had a class of property which was only 
made so by local or municipal laws, and that they were prohibited 
from taking this kind of property to these Territories. On this 
he would only say, that the prohibition was their own, and for 
this prohibition they had already received their advantages. 
They of the North did not believe it was the right of the 
Southern States, under the Constitution, to carry this species of 
property to these Territories unless there was a statute there, 
either of Congress or of the people, establishing it. He was 
anxious that the people of the United States, and not an isolated 
Territory, should solve this problem ; alluding to which, and his 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS. 23 

own political course and that of his State thereon, Mr. Banks 
said, — 

"I desire to say, Mr. Chairman, in reference to my own political 
course, that I have not heretofore advocated this policy on the part of 
Congress. In the local politics of my own State, I have sustained the 
policy I thought best adapted to promote its welfare. In national 
politics, I have supported the policy of the Democratic party. I advo- 
cated the annexation of Texas in 1844. I supported the doctrines of 
the 'Nicholson' letter in 1848, that Congressional legislation was un- 
necessary to exclude slavery from the Territories of New Mexico and 
California. I * acquiesced' in the adjustment measures of 1850. But I 
go no farther in that direction. I will stop where I am. I will begin 
no new crusade until I know where it is to end. It will not be expected 
of me that I should defend every legislative act of my native State. She 
needs no defence. Massachusetts is a progressive and just Common- 
wealth. Whatever has been wrong in her policy she has labored to re- 
form. And whatever remains of that character she will have wisdom 
and strength to remodel and change. She has been wise and patriotic 
in her day, and will, I trust, still retain her high position in the column 
of free States as time advances." 

He held that the just cause of complaint was with her, and 
not with the States that condemn her course on the Slavery 
question. He complained that Government was changed from 
its original purposes, not merely to a recognition, but to a propa- 
gandism, of slavery. Every question of finance, trade, foreign 
relations, elections of officers, or the enlargement of our bounda- 
ries, had been seized upon to strengthen and expand an institu- 
tion unacceptable, if not offensive, to a vast majority of the 
American people. 

He argued to prove the constitutionality of the Missouri Com- 
promise of 1820, and said that although the bill before the House 
admitted the right of the people to govern themselves, it prac- 
tically denied them the power to do so. 

In July (17th) of the same year, Mr. Banks supported an 
amendment offered by Hon. Mr. Staunton, of Kentucky, for the 
repeal of all laws authorizing the appointment of military officers 
to superintend operations at the national armories, and the ap- 
pointment of well-qualified civilians to such offices. 

The armories at Springfield and Harper's Ferry were established, 
upon the recommendation of General Washington, in 1794. 



24 LIVING RErRESENTATIYE MEN. 

The only officers provided for by the Act of April 2 of that 
year were a superintendent and one master armorer for each 
establishment. 

Until 1841 the superintendents were elected from among citi- 
zens ; and the change was then made by Mr. Bell, at that time 
Secretary of War, because there were officers of the army who 
had no employment. ^ 

Mr. Banks was in favor of the abolition of military supervi- 
sion, because the armories were not military, but mechanical, 
establishments. He did not see any more connection between 
the manufacture of arms and the military departments of Govern- 
ment, than between the manufacture of the cloth for uniforms, 
or of the paper on which the bulletins were printed, and the same 
departments. He showed that the Government wanted officers, 
and they were not wanted at the armories. In reply to inquiries 
by Hon. L. M. Keitt, of South Carolina, the gentleman from 
Massachusetts took the ground that the substitution of military 
men for civilians educated to the business was not economical, 
and instanced in favor of his position the course pursued by Eng- 
land, showing that its great military depots and magnificent steam 
navy were not the creations of military or naval officers, but of 
practical artisans and ship-builders. 

Hon. Wm. S. Barry, of Mississippi, seized an opportunity on 
the 18th of December, 1854, to avow his opinions relative to what, 
*^in common parlance, was called Know-Nothingism," then re- 
cently sprung into existence. He had some difficulty in finding 
out the purposes and character of the new society. It was not 
like other political organizations here, avowing principles, and 
meeting and daring the responsibility of the avowal ; and if, in 
attempting to find out the purposes of the Order, Mr. Barry did 
it injustice, he desired to be corrected by any members holding 
the new faith. He was willing and anxious to be supplied with 
the information. What he knew of it led him to condemn it as 
intolerant, offensive, and tending to narrow the liberty of man. 

On the same day, Mr. Banks replied to the gentleman from 
Mississippi ; and his speech is regarded by his friends as one of 
his best and most prominent Congressional effi)rts. 

Although Mr. Banks was not altogether prepared to partici- 
pate in such a debate, so suddenly called up, yet he did not 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS. 25 

regret its introduction, as tlie subject embodied the great ques- 
tions of government, touched the fundamental rights of the 
people of this Union, and went to the heart of every nationality 
on the face of the earth. He started by taking issue with Mr. 
Barry on the proposition that a man in the United States was 
bound to promulgate his political views. The Government 
springs from the people, is republican in its nature ; and 3Ir. 
Banks held that no man who discharges his duty as a member 
of the social compact, and, according to the forms of law, im- 
presses his convictions upon the political institutions under which 
he lives, is accountable for his actions or opinions to any other 
man. He is not even accountable to the (xovernment. He is 
accountable to Grod alone. A citizen voting for President, or any 
officer of delegated trust, has the right to give his vote in pro- 
found secrecy. 

The association spoken of, he said, was composed of people of 
the United States. It was popular in its nature, and every citi- 
zen had a right to join what society he pleased. After discussing 
the right of secrecy, though he would not say he approved of it, 
Mr. Banks said he had no objection to any man of the Catholic 
Church or faith : — 

"It cannot concern me," said lie, "and it can concern no man, that, 
as a matter of faith, any person cherishes the doctrine of transubstan- 
tiation, accords the full measure of Catholic veneration to sacred relics 
or images, and accepts every article of the Nicene Creed. Each man is 
accountable for his own faith, as I for mine." 

It was a current belief, however, that the Pope, as vicar of 
God, had temporal control over the allegiance of his spiritual fol- 
lowers. He was aware it was disputed ground. It was asserted 
in England under Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, and was never 
disavowed there, nor in Spain, nor in any other land. Catholic or 
Protestant, by the authority of the Roman Church. If the Pope 
had such power, it was not strange that men should hesitate to 
support his followers. "I,'' said Mr. Banks, "would not vote for ]) 
any man holding to that doctrine.'' He had no enmity to v 
foreigners ', but if they understand that their interests are separate 
from those of American citizens, if they take direction from their 
spiritual guides in political matters, they have no claim for sup- 
port. He would not stop the tide of immigration 3 but the pros- 



2(3 LIVING llEi'KESENTATlVE MEN. 

pect was that such people as the Chinese would pour in, like 
swarms of locusts. There may be uses for them in the economy 
of God's Providence, but they had not a Christian character 
adapted to the nation. " Would you/' he asked, " endow them with 
citizenship at the end of five years ?" Mr. Banks held that the 
Constitution was proseriptive, even when immigration did not 
attain more than fifty thousand in ten years. Its franiers unani- 
mously declared that, after a brief period, no man but a native 
could be President; that nine years' citizenship should be required 
for eligibility to the United States Senate, and seven to the 
House of Representatives. They took from the States the power 
to confer citizenship, which the States then exercised. "There 
is nothing," he continued, ''to show that they entertained the 
idea advanced here, that foreigners had a 7'i'ght to participate in 
the highest prerogatives of the Government." He was not for 
the repeal, but for the revision, of the statutes of naturalization, 
and was not sure but that an extension of the term of residence 
to twenty-one, twelve, or ten years, would be justified. 

Hon. Lawrence M. Keitt, of South Carolina, made a very able 
speech (January 3) in reply to Mr. Banks, and in review of his 
positions on "American" politics, religious toleration, and " Know- 
Nothingism;" from which, however, but a brief extract, on a 
point of considerable historical interest, can be made : — 

"xVre Catholics under civil subjection to the Pope, as the member from 
Massachusetts intimated ? What is there in the Catholic creed to war- 
rant this imputation ? In 1789, Mr. Pitt, then Prime Minister of England, 
before he would relax the disabilities of the Irish Catholics, propounded 
to the great Catholic universities the following inquiries:— 

" '1, Has the Pope, or Cardinals, or any body of men, or any indivi- 
dual of the Church of Rome, any civil authority, power, jurisdiction, or 
pre-eminence whatsoever, within the realm of England? 

" '2. Can the Pope, or Cardinals, or any body of men, or any indivi- 
duals of the Church of Rome, absolve or dispense his majesty's subjects 
from their oath of allegiance, upon any pi-etext whatsoever ? 

"'3. Is there any principle in the tenets of the Catholic fiiith, by 
which Catholics are justified In not keeping faith with heretics, or other 
jjersons differing from them In religious opinions. In any transaction, 
either of a public or a private nature ?' 

"The Universities of Paris, Louvaln, Alcala, Douay, Salamanca, and 
Valladolld declare that neither the Pope, Cardinals, nor any Individuals 
in the Catholic Church have any civil authority ; nor can they dispense 



NATHANIEL V. BANKS. 27 

■with an oath ; nor are Catholics justified in not keeping faith in any 
transaction, either of a public or private nature. 

" Thus it will be seen that all the Universities promptly and unequi- 
vocally declared that Catholics were under no civil or temporal subjection 
to the Pope. TJie Catholic Bishops in Great Britain, in the year 1820, 
declared that 'No power in any Pope or Council, or in any individual or 
body of men invested with authority in the Catholic Church, can dispense 
with any oath by which a Catholic has confirmed his duty of allegiance 
to his sovereign, or any obligation of duty or justice to a third person.' "■^"■ 

Hon. J. R. Cliancller, of Pennsylvania, also reviewed and re- 
plied to Mr. Banks, on the "current belief'^ touching the dis- 
ability of Catholics to be good citizens, owing to spiritual inter- 
ference in temporal matters. An eifective point was his quoting 
from the late Dr. p]ngland, the justly-esteemed Tioman Catholic 
Bishop of Charleston, who said, " We deny to Pope and Council 
united any power to interfere with one tittle of our political 
rights, as firmly as we deny the power of interfering with one 
tittle of our spiritual rights to the President and Congress." Ho 
also alluded to the fact that " kings and emperors of the Roman 
Catholic Church have frequently been at war with the Pope. 
Yet they did not cease to be members of the Church, and sub- 
ject to his spiritual jurisdiction, although they resisted his war- 
like attacks." 

The first session of the Thirty-Fourth Congress commenced on Ij 
the 3d of December, 1855. The opening of this Congress was 
unprecedented in parliamentary history in the excitement pre- 
ceding the election of a Speaker. For nine weeks the organiza- 
tion of the House of Representatives was protracted by the 
dogged obstinacy of party men, the complications of party views, 
dnd the manoeuvring of party leaders. The year had been 
fruitful in political disasters to all parties, as distinctly recognised 
by the people. Party principles had been invaded, disguised, or 
suppressed; party names had bowed to emergencies suddenly 
sprung upon politicians; and politicians had hurriedly bent the 
knee to clamors which they thought indications of popular will. 
Old-fashioned party men could scarcely recognise their isolation ; 
and new-fashioned party men soon lost their definitiveness, or 
were unable to master or serve it, in the jumble that took place. 

* Appendix to Cong. Globe, 2d Sess. 33d Cong. p. 68. 



28 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE .MEN. 

Thus, when the elements of the House of Representatives assem- 
bled in Washington, there was much machinery at work, of a 
bold though unobtrusive and elaborate though ajDparently im- 
promptu nature. 

The House was called to order by the Clerk of the previous 
I House, John W. Forney, Esq., on the 3d of December, at noon ; 
I and until that able, eloquent, and fearless gentleman vacated the 
I position of presiding officer, on the 2d of February following, a 
I succession of scenes of the most exciting importance took place 
I on the one hand, while on the other, all the business of the ses- 
sion requiring the co-operation and concurrence of the House 
was suspended. The complexion of the candidates put in nomi- 
nation for the Speakership is thus truly reflected : William 
Richardson, of Illinois, Democrat ; Lewis D. Campbell, of Ohio, 
Free-Soiler; Nathaniel P. Banks, of Massachusetts, Republican 
and Know-Nothing; Humphrey Marshall, of Kentucky, Demo- 
crat and Know-Nothing ; and Henry M. Fuller, of Pennsylvania, 
Whig and National Know-Nothing. To these may be added, as 
prominently brought out during the struggle, Alexander C. M. 
Pennington, of New Jersey, Republican ; James L. Orr, of South 
Carolina, moderate Southern Democrat; and William Aiken, of 
South Carolina, ditto. 

Campbell rose to 81 votes, and withdrew on the 7th of Decem- 
ber. On the 19th, Fuller, making an explanation, said he 
would have voted against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill had he been 
in Congress, and that he would admit Kansas without reference 
to the admission or prohibition of slavery. A member from Penn- 
sylvania declared that if he had known those to be Mr. Fuller's 
views, he would sooner have cut oif his arm than have voted for 
him, and "all his Free-^Soil adherents at once deserted him." 
On the 24th of January, Richardson withdrew, having reached 
122 votes, and the Democrats brought out Orr. Banks soon led 
the anti-Democrats. On the first ballot, he received but 21 votes ; 
but in a few days he rose to 86, to 100, on the 11th of Decem- 
ber to 107, and remained close upon that vote until the finale. 

On the 11th of January, the House resolved to put test-ques- 
tions to the candidates, in reply to which Mr. Banks defined his 
position with great force and clearness. 

He did not regard the Kansas-Nebraska Bill as promotive of 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS. 29 

the formation of free States, inasmuch as it repeals the prohibi- 
tion of the institution of slavery over the sections of the country 
to which that statute applies. 

He believed in the constitutionality of the Wilmot Proviso, — 
that it is within the power of Congress to prohibit slavery in a 
Territory of the United States. 

He did not believe that the Constitution carried slavery into 
the Territories. He based his view on Webster's declaration, 
that even the Constitution of the United States itself does not go 
to the Territories until it is carried there by an act of Congress; 
that Congress was wrong in repealing the jMissouri restrictions 
of 1820 ; and that he was in favor of restoring the Missouri 
restrictions. 

In reply to a query of Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, touching 
the races, Mr. Banks, so far as he had studied the subject, believed 
the general law to be, that the weaker is absorbed. "Whether," 
said he, " the black race of this continent, or any other part of \ 
the world, is equal to the white race, can only be determined by \ 
the absorption or disappearance of one or the other; and I pro- j 
pose to wait until the respective races can be properly subjected y 
to this philosophical test before I give a decisive answer.'^ This,' 
of course, elicited roars of laughter. 

A motion to elect a Speaker by a plurality of votes had been 
negatived ; but, weary with the struggle, it was agreed on the 2d 
of February that if, after three ballotings, they should fliil to 
elect, the one having the greatest number of votes should be 
declared Speaker. Mr. Orr then withdrew, and was replaced by 
his colleague, Mr. Aiken. Mr. Fuller withdrew also; and now 
the certainty of terminating the terrible struggle led to an anx- 
iety, an excitement, and a personal f^nd political fervor more 
intense than ever. The result on the last (the 133d) ballot \ 
— according to the rule adopted — was, N. P. Banks, 103 ; W. I 
Aiken, 100; and 11 scattering votes. And thus these marvel- 
lous scenes terminated with the election of the member from 
Massachusetts as Speaker, and his being escorted to the chair by 
a committee of the leading rival candidates. After thanking the 
House for the honor conferred, Mr. Banks said, — 

"I have no personal objects to accomplish, I am animated by the 
single desire that I may in some degree aid in maintaining the well-esta-' 



30 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

blished principles of our Government in their original and American sig- 
nification ; in developing the material interests of that portion of the 
continent we occupy, so far as we may do so within the limited and 
legitimate powers conferred upon us." 

During the two months which were occupied in the attempt to 
select a Speaker, the Clerk of the previous House, John W. For- 
ney, Esq., was the presiding officer; and the historical importance 
of the period renders it becoming and necessary to make more 
than a mere allusion to the manner in which he performed the 
duties of his office. Those who will peruse the official record of 
the struggle above indicated cannot fail to be struck with the 
prompt energy, the elevated but respectful dignity, and the clear 
analysis of complications growing out of the exigencies of the hour, 
exhibited by Mr. Forney. His decisions always met with the con- 
currence of the House ; and when it is considered that in addi- 
tion to his arduous duties as presiding officer — demanding all the 
alertness of his intellect and all the endurance of his body — he 
had also to keep the Clerk's department in working order with 
official precision, and at the same time conduct and write edito- 
rials for the Government organ, the Union, of which he was the 
chief, some idea of Mr. Forney's force and energy may be arrived 
at. Conflicting as his position in the House and that in the Union 
was, and liable as his articles in the one were to be made the sub- 
ject of attack or denial by the Opposition in the other, it is grati- 
fying to remark that he conducted himself with such a delicate 
and manly sense of his own strength that he received from all 
sides tokens of approbation. His impartiality drew from Mar- 
shall, of Kentucky, Harrison, of Maryland, Paine, of North Ca- 
rolina, Trafton, of Massachusetts, Campbell, of Ohio, and other 
prominent members of the Opposition, tributes of esteem ; and 
after Banks was sworn in, a resolution of thanks was unanimously 
passed to Mr. Forney ''for the distinguished ability, fidelity, and 
impartiality with which he has presided oyer the deliberations of 
the House of Ilepresentatives during the arduous and protracted 
contest for Speaker y^hiph has just closed.'' 

Gentlemen of all sides of politics accord to Speaker Banks the 
fullest n^eed of approbation for his conduct during his term of 
service in the eminent position to which fortune — aided or made 
by his own judgment; tact; and will — had elevated him. It is 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS. 31 

conceded that lie possesses in a very remarkable degree the qua- 
lities necessary for a presiding officer; and the celerity and pre- 
cision with which he despatched the business of legislation have 
been the subject of earnest commendation by gentlemen who, 
though differing from him in politics, benefited by his know- 
ledge of parliamentary rules and the promptitude with which he 
made them paramount. His self-possession is a striking feature 
of his character. A close observer narrates the following : — 

" While on the subject of his non-committalism, I cannot help telling 
an instance related to me by a member of Congress who suffered from its 
effects. This gentleman wanted to obtain from Mr. Banks the chairman- 
ship of an important committee as an equivalent for his vote for him as 
Speaker. Pending the Speakership contest, therefore, he waited upon 
Mr. Banks, beginning as follows : — ' Mr. Banks, you know I have no ob- 
jection to your being Speaker, but your election hangs on my vote. Now, 
I suppose you will understand me when I tell you I shall not vote for 

Mr. , [the Opposition candidate,] for I don't believe he v.ill place 

me on any committee worth serving in. AVhat do you think of that?' 
Mr. Banks, having heard the statement and the interrogatory, remained 
quiet a moment, as if collecting his thoughts for an important proposi- 
tion; but after a preliminary clearing of his throat, and with an air of 

grave astonishment, he only responded, 'Mr. , is it possible?' It is 

needless to say that the applicant transferred his suggestion and his 
support to another quarter." 

In proof of the fairness which characterized his decisions, a 
writer in Harper instances the fact that a Democratic member 
from Greorgia, in advocating the vote of thanks with which 
Speaker Banks was honored on the last day of the session, eulo- 
gized his impartiality in reference to the sectional struggles of 
the House, with the remark that Mr. Banks " stood so straight 
that he almost leaned over to the other side.'^ 

In the fall of 1856, Speaker Banks made a great speech in i; 
Wall Street, New York, by invitation, and advocated Fremont jj 
for the Presidency. 

In the recess after the Thirty-Fourth Congress, and during the 
financial crisis. Speaker Banks delivered a speech in Fanueil 
Hall on the absorbing topic of the day, and, in view of the suf- 
ferings of working-people in consequence of being paid in paper 
money, advocated the reimbursement of labor with specie, and 
believed the time not far distant when the small notes given in 



32 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

compensation for labor — and of which there were fifty millions 
of fives and under in circulation — would no longer exist ; but 
gold and silver, in the hands of the working-classes, would give 
" stability of a solid character to our currency." The general 
view presented was of a hopeful nature, and tended to prove 
that the universal disability of the times would be but tempo- 
rary. He based his conclusions on the facts that the agricul- 
tural crop was estimated at a value of two thousand millions of 
dollars, and the product of manuflicturing industry at about fif- 
teen hundred millions. 

He took his seat in the Thirty-Fifth Congress, and opposed the 
Treasury Note Bill, on the ground that it was the opinion of all 
statesmen that a resort to a loan in. the form of Treasury notes 
was a matter of doubtful expediency and of dangerous character; 
that Government should not have recourse to such means unless 
it had ascertained that necessary relief could be obtained in no 
other way, as it did in 1837, '41, '42, and '46; and that, fur- 
ther, it was his belief that the country was richer than ever, and 
had more gold and silver coin in it than at any time when the 
Treasury Note question had been presented. In the debates on 
its merits, he persistently combated the bill, of which Messrs. 
Glancy Jones, as Chairman of the Committee of Ways and 
Means, G. B. Adrain, of New Jersey, and Letcher and Smith, of 
Virginia, were the prominent supporters. 

Mr. Banks also strenuously opposed the passage of the pre- 
amble and resolutions directing the Committee on Territories to 
inquire into the propriety of excluding the delegate from Utah. 
The preamble gave the reason, by stating that, judging from Brig- 
ham Young's proclamations as well as from the President's Mes- 
sage, Utah was in open rebellion. Mr. Banks reminded the House 
that the President's Message said, " Unless he (Young) should re- 
trace his steps, the Territory of Utah ivi/l be in open rebellion." 
He was willing to aid the proposer of the resolution, Mr. War- 
ren, of Arkansas, in any legitimate course touching Utah ; but 
he protested against assaulting the rights of a delegate or a mem- 
ber from a State except upon a statement of facts touching his 
direct acts as a member. 

Having been elected Governor of Massachusetts in November 
by a plurality of twenty-four thousand, Mr. Banks resigned his 



NATHANIEL P. BANKS. 33 

seat in the House of Representatives, (24tli of December,) and 
ascended the Gubernatorial chair of his native State. To this 
position he did such honor in the eyes of his fellow-citizens, 
that they re-elected him the following year; and he will pro- 
bably be retained in the dignity of this office, as at the Repub- 
lican State Convention, which met at Fitchburg on the 2Cth 
of September of the present year, he received, on the first 
ballot for nomination for Governor, 627 out of the 712 votes, 
and was afterward nominated unanimously. The resolutions 
passed by the Convention — which may be taken as the latest de- 
finition of the principles upon which Governor Banks is not only 
before Massachusetts, but the Union — declare that the Repub- 
lican party was originated in opposition to the slave power, and 
is necessary for the preservation of State rights; and denounce 
the Buchanan Administration for extravagance, for truckling to 
the slave power, for allowing the reopening of the slave-trade, 
and for refusing protection to naturalized citizens.* 

Governor Banks occasionally, as is usual with gentlemen whose 
recognised talents and position give dignity to public celebrations, 
has addressed meetings and societies on occasions of historical in- 
terest. Among his latest efforts in this line maybe mentioned an 
eloquent address on the laying of the corner-stone of the national 
monument in commemoration of the Pilgrims, and that of the 
canopy designed to cover the *' Foreflithers' Rock" at Plymouth; 
and his still more recent speech at the inauguration of Powers's 
statue of Daniel Webster, on the two hundred a^nd twenty-ninth 
anniversary of the settlement of Boston. 

The acquirement of suitable and various knowledge has kept 
pace with the progressively successful career of Governor Banks. 
He has made himself acquainted with the chief languages and 
literatures of Europe, and is an earnest and assiduous student; 
all his spare time being devoted to his farm and his books, in 
the heart and home of his family, in his native town of Waltham. 

* Since the above was written, Governor Banks has been re-elected. 



34' LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



EDWARD BATES, 

OF MISSOURI. 

Although Mr. Bates Las served but one term in the United 
States Congress, and that more than a quarter of a century 
ago, his name and counsel are dearly prized by those who have 
abiding faith and hope in the principles of the Whig party. He 
is one of the most distinguished citizens of the State of Missouri, 
and, as De Bow's Review* observes, a man who has been active 
in the cause of Western progress and improvement ; who pre- 
sided over the deliberations of an important convention held in 
the Northwest for their promotion; and who, for his high and 
liberal views, enjoys a reputation in this particular second to none 
on that side of the mountains. 

Edward Bates is a Virginian b}'^ birth, having been born in 
Goochland County, the 4th of September, 1793. His family is 
of the plain Quaker stock, which for several centuries dwelt in 
the low countries between James and York llivers. His ances- 
tors came from the west of England to the Jamestown settlement 
in 1625, about eighteen years after Bartholomew Gosuell had 
made his second and successful expedition for its colonization, 
and brought with him Captain John Smith, of ever-famous 
memory. The descendants of the Bates settlers remained in 
this region until the war of the Revolution, when the younger 
branches, taking up arms against the king, forfeited, as did Na- 
thaniel Greene in Rhode Island, and others, their membership in 
the peace-loving Society of Friends. If, however, they were dis- 
owned by the ''Friends," they found a host of other friends in 
the country. Among those who took up arms were Thomas 
Fleming Bates, the father of Edward, and several of his uncles. 

Thomas Fleming Bates was a man of fair talents, had a store 

- To which I am largely indebted in the preparation of this sketch. Vol. 
xii., New Orleans, 1852. 



EDWARi) BATES. 35 

of practical information, and was educated to habits of business 
in one of the best mercantile houses in the colony. In proof of 
his capacity, it may be stated that he was several times sent 
to England, Spain, Portugal, and Madeira, as supercargo and 
purchasing agent. 

About the period of the Revolution, believing himself in com- 
fortable circumstances, he settled up his accounts in Henrico (or 
Charles City) County, and moved to a new plantation on James 
Eiver, in Goochland. He soon discovered that his claims and 
jook-accounts were of no value, the times were so out of joint, 
and the Continental money so depreciated. To add to his di- 
lemma, the British army, in one of its marches, destroyed his plan- 
tation. His heart, however, was not a broken bank. Like all 
of the strong and sturdy men whose disinterestedness and devo- 
tion made what the Annual Register called the " Rebellion in 
America" a war of independence, Mr. Bates was above personal 
despondency; and, despite his Quaker coat, he was a soldier and 
a Whig. 

It is related of him that when the British army was encamped 
on his plantation, and the lower story of his house occupied for 
twenty-four hours as head-quarters, he was called into the pre- 
sence of Lord Cornwallis, and there a written protection was 
handed to him by an aid-de-camp. He read it deliberately, and 
reflected sorrowfully on his wife and six young children, who 
had been ordered to the upper apartments. He rapidly con- 
sidered their claims on his safety, but more seriously thought of 
the disgrace he would bring on them by accepting a protection 
that would compromise his patriotism, and, folding the paper into 
a narrow slip, thrust it among the burning coals in a chafing- 
dish standing on the hearth to furnish his lordship's tea. In his 
mind's eye he beheld certain arrest, and the prison-ship, awaiting 
him as the result of his course; yet he pursued it. Cornwallis, 
in a spirit inspired by that of his Quaker prisoner, with a calm 
countenance, only said, " Mr. Bates, would to Grod that you, and 
all such men as you, were loyal subjects !" 

A few months subsequent, our Quaker was a volunteer soldier 
in the ranks under Lafayette, and at Yorktown, October, 1781, 
witnessed the surrender of Lord Cornwallis and his army. His 
Bon Edward has the gun with which his father helped to bring 



36 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

about that result, "still as good a deer-gun as can be found." 
At the close of the war the British debts of Bates remained, and 
they sufl&ced to break up his worldly prospects. He died in 
May, 1805, leaving no estate, but a widow, five daughters, and 
seven sons, Edward being the youngest of the twelve children. 

Thus left an orphan, Fleming Bates, of Northumberland, Ya., 
one of his brothers, — all of whom were industrious, prospering, 
and generous men, — took Edward in charge. He sent him to 
Charlotte Hall Academy, Md., ^'a very good school for boys who 
were anxious to learn, but a very poor one for those who required 
compulsion," where he attained, among other things, the elements 
of mathematics, with some knowledge of the Latin and French 
languages. An accident unfortunately broke off his regular course 
of study; and, having fractured a leg-bone, he was obliged to 
return to his brother's, to suffer a painful confinement of nearly 
two years. 

In this state he found solace in a good library and writing- 
materials at discretion. Without advice or assistance to guide 
either his taste or judgment, he plunged into the books, devour- 
ing every thing that bore the name of poetry, from Homer and 
Shakspeare down to Peter Pindar, and all manner of histories, 
from "Weems's Revolutionary Worthies" up to Livy and He- 
rodotus; allowing his hand also to run a race with the acquire- 
ments of his head, scribbling with a ready and unresting quill. 
In this way he accumulated a heterogeneous mass of ideas, and 
fused them into shapes of his own unguided moulding. 

Looking forward from boyhood to the sea as his business in 
life, his kinsman, James Pleasants, then the representative in 
Congress of his native district, procured for him, in the winter 
of 1811-12, the promise of a midshipman's warrant; but the 
tears of his mother overcame his boyish ambition to win fame in 
the threatened war with England, and he renounced the sea. On 
the other hand, he now prepared to turn his steps far inland, and 
go to St. Louis, at the invitation of his brother Frederick, and 
study law. But he was not quite rid of his warlike propensities. 
Just as he was getting ready to start for the West, in the winter 
of 1812-13, a British fleet made its appearance in the Chesa- 
peake, and troops were called for the defence of Norfolk. En- 
rolling himself in a company of volunteers, he marched to Nor- 



EDWARD BATES. 37 

folk, was a sergeant in Captain Ilopkins^s infantry, and for six 
months ate the public rations there, rendering no particular 
service, save aiding in the digging of several broad ditches. 

In the spring of 1814, he went to St. Louis. A few years 
earlier, the surrounding region is described as a howling wilder- 
ness, inhabited only by wild beasts and merciless savages, and St. 
Louis, as a small town, its inhabitants consisting almost wholly 
of French and Spanish settlers, who were engaged in trafl&cking 
with the Indians the commodities of civilization, such as fire- 
water, beads, blankets, arms, ammunition, &c., for peltry.* 

When Bates arrived at St. Louis, it had about two thousand 
inhabitants, chiefly French, who discountenanced the settlement 
of Americans among them, as they considered it an invasion of 
their monopoly of the traffic with the Indians. The Indians, too, 
thinking themselves better dealt with by the French and 
Spanish, united with the latter in their hostility to the influx of 
the Americans.')" From this period Mr. Bates has been identi- 
fied with the growth of the great West. 

He commenced the study of law in the office of Rufus Easton, 
the best-read lawyer at the bar, and a Delegate from Missouri 
G'erritory to Congress from 1814 to 1816. He applied himself 
with diligen(fe, working fourteen hours a day for six days in the 
week, and in the winter of 1816-17 took out a license, and com- 
menced the practice of the profession. 

Several years of Mr. Bates's life were thus occupied, he also 
having attained, in the interim, various offices of trust under the 
Territorial Government. He was a member — the youngest but one 
— of the convention which formed the State Constitution, July 19, 
1S20, and successively Circuit (prosecuting) Attorney under the 
k'tate Government, Attorney-General under the United States 
Government, and District Attorney for Missouri. Mr. Bates has 
likewise at different times served in both branches of the State 
Legislature, and for one term — from 1827 to 1829 — represented 
the State in the United States House of Representatives in the 

«■ Life and Adventures of James P. Beckwourth, Mountaineer, Scout, and 
Pioneer, <fec. &c. Written from his own dictation, by T. D. Bonner. New 
York, 1S56. 

■f Beckwourth. 



38 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Twentieth Congress. He was tlie friend of Henry Clay in the 
Presidential contest of 1824, and united with him in supporting 
the Administration and re-election of John Quinc/ Adams, and 
was elected to Congress as the friend of that Administration. He 
concurred also with Mr. Clay's general views on the subject of 
emancipation, and exemplified his principles by manumitting all 
his slaves and sending them to Liberia. 

In May, 1829, he married Julia D., fifth daughter of David 
Coulter, formerly of Columbia, S.C, by whom he has had fifteen 
children, eight of whom survive. 

In Congress he was opposed to the occupation of Oregon, con- 
sidering, says De Bow's lleview, that country essentially foreign, 
and the occupation of it by the United States the entering wedge 
to a system of foreign colonization, conquest, and domination. 
Then we had no railroads and telegraphs, which at this day have 
for many purposes annihilated both time and space. He was, 
from beginning to end, against the Mexican War, and the acqui- 
sition of Mexican territory by either arms or money, and expressed 
his ideas on the subject in the St. Louis papers. The writer in 
''De Bow,'' January, 1852, acknowledges the receipt of a recent 
letter from Mr. Bates, in which he says, — 

"Were it not proved by constant experience tliat the currents of so- 
cial life often drift men into courses quite opposite to those they attempt 
to steer, I should be astonished to find myself, in some sort, a public 
man, in spite of ray elForts to the contrary. In youth I was ambitious, 
and sought distinction with some avidity. But the popular storm which 
blew General Jackson into the Presidency blew me out of the track of 
public life. In the canvass for a second term in Congress, I was so 
thoroughly beaten that I was content, as the Kentuckians say, to ' stay 
whipped,' and never again to worry myself with the attempt to climb 
the slippery heights of politics. Thenceforth I looked only to profes- 
sional labor for the means of supporting and educating a numerous 
family, and to the domestic circle for all my enjoyments. A practice of 
more than twenty years in this scheme of life has destroyed whatever 
of appetite I may once have had for public distinction ; and now all I 
desire is, (I hope it is in my reach,) for my children the means of edu- 
cation, and a fair start in life, and for myself the quiet esteem of good 
men." 

Mr. Bates had devoted himself so exclusively to his profession 
for the last thirty years that he was little known out of Missouri 



EDWARD BATES. 89 

when tlie Internal Improvement Convention met at Chicago, in 
1847. That convention is now chiefly memorable from the open- 
ing speech made by Mr. Bates, as its presiding officer, in which, 
in striking contrast with the brief, non-committal letters of Mr. 
Cass and other political aspirants, he explained and enforced at 
length his views of the duties imposed by the Constitution upon 
the Federal Government to execute great national works for the 
development of the country. The convention was large, and 
embraced persons of all shades of political opinion ; but all were 
impressed with the wisdom, integrity, and ])atriotisni of their 
president, and returned to their homes commending him for 
those high c|ualities, as well as for his eloquence and dignified 
manners. Eiforts were then renewed to bring him aoain into 
political life ; but he could not be induced to allow his name to 
be presented for political station in Missouri, and he declined 
a seat in the Cabinet at AVashington, tendered him by Mr. 
Fillmore. 

Mr. Bates has been an occasional writer for the public press, 
chiefly on political topics, and those, for the most part, such as 
concerned the interpretation of the Constitution. 

In February of the present year, (1859,) the New York " Gene- 
ral Whig Committee," in conformity with a resolution of that body, 
addressed Mr. Bates on the inexpediency of agitating the Negro 
question, and the desirability of turning public attention to topics 
of general importance, such as foreign relations, territorial exten- 
sion, building of railroads for national uses, harbor-improve- 
ments, river -navigation, the currency, the tariflf, "and other 
means of developing our own internal resources" and fraternally 
binding together the sections of the Kepublic. The committee 
requested Mr. Bates's opinion on the subject, and his views on 
the signs of the times. He complied with the request ; and his 
reply was deemed of great value, as the " interesting and dispas- 
sionate" view of one of the most conservative and prudent politi- 
cal counsellors in the country. 

The able gentleman prefaces this " definition of his position" 
by stating that his opinions, right or wrong, are his own, and do 
not belong to this or that party, ready to be abandoned or modi- 
fied to suit a platform; they were deliberately formed in the 



40 LIVING REPKKSENTATIVE MEN. 

retirement of private lifC; free from the exigencies of ofEcial re- 
sponsibility and from the perturbations of party policy. 

He believes, as he has often declared, the Negro question to 
be a pestilent question, ^' the agitation of which has never done 
good to any party, section, or class, and never can do good." 
He considered it a dangerous vortex, into which good men are 
drawn unawares ; but when he beheld a Northern or Southern 
of mature age and some experience persisting in urging the 
question, after the sad experience of the last few years, he could 
attribute his conduct to no higher motive than personal ambi- 
tion or sectional prejudice. 

He did not, and would not, doubt the power and duty of Go- 
vernment to raise taxes when necessary for the protection of the 
country and the prosperity of the people. A Government that 
has not such a power is a weak, poor, impotent Government, and 
not at all such a Government as our fathers thought they had 
made when they produced the Constitution. " The people do 
not derive their right from the Government; but the Govern- 
ment derives its powers from the people ; and those powers are 
granted for the main, if not the only, purpose of protecting the 
rights of the people. Protection, then, if not the sole, is the 
chief, end of Government." 

As to foreign policy, Mr. Bates avows himself " not much of a 
progressive, being content to leave it where Washington placed 
it, — upon that wise, virtuous, safe maxim, ' Peace with all na- 
tions, entangling alliances with none.' " He has little sympathy 
with the greedy and indiscriminate appetite for foreign acquisi- 
tion w^hich makes us covet our neighbor's lands and devise cun- 
ning schemes to get them. To him it appeared as a sort of poli- 
tical gluttony, as dangerous to the body politic as gluttony is to 
the natural man, producing disease certainly, hastening death 
probably. The case of Louisiana was different. " Louisiana 
w^as indispensable to our full and safe enjoyment of an immense 
region which was already owned ; and its acquisition gave us the 
unquestioned control of that noble system of Mississippi waters 
which Nature seems to have made one and indivisible." He 
does not believe that the United States is not an independent 
and safe nation because Cuba is not a part of it. On the con- 
trarv, he thought we could defend ourselves if it belono-ed to 



EDWARD BATES. 41 

England, France, or Russia, niucli less to a feeble power like 
Spain. " In fact," says Mr. Bates, '' I cannot help doubting the 
honesty of the cowardly argument by which we are urged to rob 
poor old Spain of this last remnant of her Western empire, for 
fear that she might use it to rob us." 

Neither does Mr. Bates agree with Senator Slidell's projects 
attached to the Thirty-Million Bill, nor with Senator Houston's 
plan of a protectorate over Mexico. He says, — 

" A leading Senator has lately declared (in debate on the Thirty-Mil- 
lion Bill) that we must not only have Cuba, but all the islands from 
Cape Florida to the Spanish Main, so as to surround the Gulf of Mexico 
and Caribbean Sea, and make them our ' mare clausum,^ like the Medi- 
terranean in old times, when the Roman Emperor ruled both its shores, 
from the Pillars of Hercules to the Hellespont. This claim of mare 7ios- 
trum implies, of course, that we must own the continent that bounds our 
sea on the west, as well as the string of islands that enclose it on the 
east, — that is, Mexico, Central America, and all South Americ?^, so far 
south, at least, as the Orinoco, In that wide compass of sea and land 
there are a good many native govei'nments and provinces belonging to 
the strongest maritime Powers, and a narrow continental isthmus which 
we ourselves, as well as England and France, are wont to call the high- 
way of nations. To fulfil the grand conception and perfect our tropical 
empire, Ave must buy or conquer all these torrid countries and their 
mongrel populations. As to buying them, it strikes me we had better 
wait a while, at least, until the Government has ceased to borrow money 
to pay its current expenses. And as to conquering them, pei'haps it 
would be prudent to pause and make some estimate of the costs and 
contingencies before we rush into war with all maritime Europe and 
half America. 

Supposing that we possessed the whole country, continental and 

insular, from the Rio Grande to the Orinoco and from Trinidad 

to Cuba, he doubts whether we could govern it wisely. The 

attempt to govern Kansas and Utah has neither maintained the 

dignity of the nation nor secured the prosperity of the subject 

people. How, he asks, can we do better with the mixed races 

of those countries, some of which for fifty years have in vain 

sought to establish republican governments on our model ? He 

would grieve to see his country, like Rome, become a conquering 

and dominant nation ; nor was he willing to inoculate our body 

politic with the hereditary diseases, social and political, of the 

mixed races alluded to. 

4* 



42 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE .AlEN. 

Mr. Bates severely reviews the present Administration, with 
no maUce airainst Mr. Buchanan, but because "■ of the danoer- 
ous change which is now obviously sought to be made in the 
practical working of the Grovernment, — the concentration of 
power in the hands of the President, and the dangerous policy, 
now almost established, of looking abroad for temporary glory 
and aggrandizement, instead of looking at home for all the pur- 
poses of good government." 

The rapid increase of public expenditure presented to him an 
alarming sign of corruption and decay, as he did not see that it 
bore any fair proportion to the growth of the country, but looked 
rather like wanton waste or criminal negligence : — 

"The ordinary objects of great expense are not materially augmented; 
the army and navy remain on a low peace-establishment ; the military 
defences are little, if at all, enlarged ; the improvement of harbors, 
lakes, and rivers is abandoned ; and the Pacific Railroad is not only not 
begun, but its very location is scrambled for by angry sections, which 
succeed in nothing but mutual defeat. In short, the money, to an enor- 
mous amount, (I am told at the rate of $80,000,000 to $100,000,000 a 
year,) is gone, and we have little or nothing to show for it. In pro- 
found peace with foreign nations, and surrounded with the proofs of 
national growth and individual prosperity, the Treasury, by less than 
two years of rpismanagement, is made bankrupt, and the Government 
itself is living from hand to mouth on bills of credit and borrowed 
money !" 

In conclusion, Mr. Bates felt there was reason to fear that 
some of his ideas were '^so antiquated and out of fashion as to 
make it very improbable that they will ever again be put to the 
test of actual practice.''^ This personal platform, and the policy 
indicated, were received with much enthusiasm by those who hope 
to reconstruct on them the old Whig party. 

The passages in this letter which express the writer's regret 
at the existing agitation of the Slavery question have been con- 
strued by the pro-slavery party to reflect on their opponents, and 
some of the Republican journals have admitted this construc- 
tion; but such obviously was not intended. He could not reflect 
upon the Republican party without stultifying himself; for he 
openly advocates every principle of the Philadelphia platform, 
and the restoration of the Government to the policy of its founders 
with respect to slavery. 



EDWARD BATES. 43 

The agitators denounced by Mr. Bates are those who repealed 
the Missouri Compromise and "■ inaugurated the new policy of 
slavery-extension.'^ This appears also by his letter, dated St. 
Louis, August 20, 1859, to the Memphis Convention, wherein 
he urges the Opposition in the South to co-operate with the Re- 
publicans, which is as follows : — 

"It pleased me very much, gentlemen, to find that you designate the 
band of patriots who have lately done the good work in Tennessee as 
the ' Opposition Party.' The name implies that the party is made up 
of the good men of other parties, — Democrats, Whigs, Americans, Re- 
publicans, — all who can no longer brook the wild extravagance and 
wanton disregard of principle in an Administration and a party which, 
emboldened by former unmerited success, vainly imagine that they 'can 
afford to disregard the censures of the world,' and to despise the judg- 
ment of history. The party in office (I will not say in power) is of itself 
a weak and helpless minority. It has no chance of renewed success but 
the hope (I trust a vain and fallacious hope) that we will be so unwise 
and unpatriotic as to waste our strength in party bickerings about old 
party names and subordinate questions of policy and convenience, and 
to split up our forces into sections, as if for the very purpose of enabling 
our inferior enemy to beat us all in detail. If we be so unwise as that, — 
if we allow the adversary to form the plan of our campnign, to marshal 
our troops, to tell us when to march, where to camp, and how to fight, — 
of course we shall get what we earn and deserve, — defeat; and we shall 
add to the humiliation of defeat the sting of shame, in the consciousness 
that we had in our hands the means of victory and the assurance of the 
peace and prosperity of the nation, but wantonly threw them away. 
Your recent victory, (in Tennessee,) and similar successes in other 
Southern and Western States, embolden me to hope for the like good 
result all over the Union. The spirit of conservative patriotism is aroused 
throughout the nation by the dangerous misgovcrnment and bold inno- 
vations of the last few years; and, in view of the great national interests 
now in peril, a better feeling — a feeling of harmony and mutual confi- 
dence, of kind forbearance on minor points, of generous concession in 
favor of peace and unity — is visibly increasing in all the elements of the 
Opposition. Those who foster and advance that good feeling, and ripen 
it into cordial union, will be great public benefactors. Such union alone 
will constitute the victory without the necessity for another blow ; for 
the Democracy, as now enervated and demoralized, will be no match for 
the united Opposition. And such a victory ! — -in which all, even the van- 
quished, will have cause to rejoice, because it will restore peace and 
harmony to the excited sections, law and order to the disturbed Terri- 
tories, moderation and justice to the Government, and prosperity and 



44 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

honor to the nation. Such, at least, is the earnest hope of your obliged 
friend and fellow-citizen, Edward Bates." 

One of Mr. Bates's latest appearances in public was in the 
shape of a short letter, which has met with much commendation 
from those w^ho are in fiivor of enforcing the Sunday-laws. 
Many of our chief cities have been agitated by the question, — 
among others, St. Louis. To a meeting recently held there on 
the subject, he addressed the following letter: — 

"I am very sorry to hear that there is any occasion for a popular 
demonstration to uphold an institution so ancient, so sacred, so lawful, 
and so necessary to the peace, the comfort, and the respectability of 
society. Its religious character, as a holy day, ought alone to be suffi- 
cient for its protection in a Christian community ; but, that failing, 
surely the laws of the land, made for its security, ought to be as strictly 
enforced as the laws made for the protection of persons and property. 
Vice and crime are always progressive and cumulative. If the Sunday- 
laws be neglected or despised, the laws of persons and property will soon 
share their fate and be equally disregarded." 

Mr. Bates has acquired a wide reputation in his State and the 
West as a ready, forcible, and eloquent speaker; yet, although 
he has been a public speaker for nearly forty years, there are 
none of his speeches in print. A few notes and sketches have 
been published; but he never wrote out a speech for the press. 
He has attempted it once or twice, upon solicitation, but never 
could satisfactorily recall the spirit that animated the oral de- 
livery. 

An authoritative exposition of Mr. Bates's views on the Sla- 
very question has just been issued in his home organ, — the St. 
Louis N^eics. His position, as thus expressed, embraces the 
views originally set forth by the Republican party at the Pittsburg 
and Philadelphia Conventions. It completely discountenances 
the more extreme characteristics of that party as at present 
known. It approves the Fugitive-Slave Law, and announces 
Mr. Bates as desirous of framing a new one if the present is un- 
equal to the intention of its framers, — one which will have the 
desired effect. He would also enforce — if Congress passed — a 
law protecting slavery in the Territories : though he does not 
believe that the Constitution carries it into Federal territory. 



EDWARD BATES. 45 

He does not believe slavery a blessing; is glad that Missouri is // 
becoming free; and thinks the National Government ought to en- 
courage the colonization of free negroes, for the purpose of aiding 
such States as may desire to get rid of them. This document, 
it is thought, will strengthen Mr. Bates's position with the con- 
servative men of the country, as being more broad and general 
in its character than the views propounded by the recognised 
leaders of either the Republican or the American party. 



46 LIVING llEPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



JOHN BELL, 

OF TENNESSEE. 

It has been observed by a -writer in Tennessee, that, in conse- 
quence of the distractions which it is feared or hoped will nullify 
the eflForts of both the leading parties, the political indications 
from all parts tend to the formation of a united Opposition ; that 
*' the conservative, Union-loving, law-abiding, and Constitution- 
observing people of the country are being fully aroused to the 
importance of a united and thorough effort to crush out sectional- 
ism everywhere." At the head of this party it is proposed to 
place Mr. Bell, Senator from Tennessee, and long known as a 
public man, a ready and at times powerful debater, his mind 
stored with the resources acquired in official position, as well as 
much practical knowledge of political economy gleaned in the 
course of a prominent and active public career. 

John Bell was born near Nashville, Tennessee, February 18, 
1797, of parents who, though in moderate circumstances, be- 
stowed upon him the benefits of a sound education at Cumber- 
land College, — the present Nashville University. He chose the 
law as a profession, went through the usual studies, and at the 
early age of nineteen — in 1816 — was admitted to the bar. He 
was no sooner before the people in the practice of his business 
than public life opened to him; and his political influence was 
acquired and recognised at a period of life when the majority 
of youths are but entering college. Settling at Franklin, Wil- 
liamson County, he was elected a State Senator in 1817, when 
only twenty years old. A brief experience, however, enabled 
him to estimate properly this flattering testimonial to hia youthful 
talents; and, after the first term of service, he judiciously de- 
clined a re-election, and retired to his profession, in the active 
practice of which he remained for the next nine years. 

Entering the field against Felix Grundy for Congress, in 1826, 



JOHN BELL. 47 

lie achieved a signal and memorable success. It was Andrew 
Jackson's State; and 31r. Grundy was not only exceedingly 
popular on his own account, but was shielded by the influence 
and cheered by the support of the hero of New Orleans, then a 
candidate for the Presidency against the younger Adams. As 
may be imagined, the canvass was most exciting, and retains a 
place in the general political history of that day. It was carried 
on for twelve months; and Mr. Bell, in the face of the powerful 
odds against him, was elected, in 1827, by a majority of one 
thousand. The hold thus won on the people of his district suc- 
cessively elected Mr. Bell to the House of Bepresentatives for \ 
fourteen years, during which period his name was prominently 
before the country in connection with the most important debates 
and measures. 

He entered into national politics in a spirit friendly to General 
Jackson and John C. Calhoun ; but he differed from both on their 
most favorite projects, — to wit, the removal of the bank-deposits 
in the case of the former, and the South Carolina doctrine of 
nullification of the latter. Mr. Bell was in favor of a United 
States Bank, but voted against its re-charter in 1832 ; in the first 
place, believing that the agitation of the subject at that time was 
conjured up to promote the defeat of General Jackson's chances 
in the ensuing Presidential election; in the second place, because 
it was four years before the old charter would expire; and again, 
because he was convinced the President would — as he did — veto 
the bill. His firm protest against the removal of the deposits 
was followed by as firm a refusal to vote for the resolution ap- 
proving that measure; and thus the alienation of Mr. Bell from 
Jackson and the Democratic party was initiated. 

At first Mr. Bell was energetically opposed to the protective 
system, and made a speech against it in 1832; but more extended 
reflection and study of the matter wrought a change in his 
opinions, and he has ever since, when the question has arisen, 
devoted his ability and influence to the support of the policy of 
protecting American industry. Mr. Bell has also advocated the 
improvement of the great rivers and lake-harbors, and opposed 
indiscriminate appropriations for '' internal improvements" on 
roads and canals, except in an instance such as that of the Pacific 
Kailroad. Opposing the nullification doctrine, he was appointed 



48 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Chairman of the Judiciary Committee of the House, with special 
reference to the questions connected with that subject which 
might have to be considered and reported on. He was also 
Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs for ten years. 

Mr. Bell's secession from the Democratic and co-operation 
with the Whig party, which commenced with his refusal to vote 
for the removal of the deposits, was much accelerated by his 
election to the Speakership of the House of Representatives in 
1834. Mr. Speaker Stevenson, having been appointed Minister 
to Great Britain, resigned the presiding chair of the House, and 
Mr. Bell was elected to succeed him, in opposition to James K. 
Polk. It was a great personal triumph for the successful candi- 
date, and widened the breach already made; as Polk, besides 
being a Tennesseean, was the nominee of the Democratic party 
and had the recommendation of the Administration. Those 
Democrats who were opposed to Van Buren as the successor of 
President Jackson joined with the Whigs in opposition to the 
Administration candidate, and thus secured the elevation of 
Bell to the Speakership of the popular branch of the National 
Legislature, — the third office of the Government. The principal 
ground of Mr. Bell's opposition to Mr. Van Buren was his 
strong disapproval of the system of removals from subordinate 
offices for merely political reasons, — a system which Mr. Van 
Buren had zealously promoted in the party conflicts of the State 
of New York, and which it was supposed he intended to carry 
out to its full extent in the administration of the Federal Govern- 
ment. Mr. Bell had vividly portrayed the tendencies of such an 
exercise of Executive patronage, in a speech in the House on the 
freedom of elections ; and he had made frequent though ineffec- 
tual efforts, in successive Congresses, to procure the enactment of 
laws calculated to check the policy.* 

The rupture between Mr. Bell and Jackson culminated in 
1835, when the former completely threw off all allegiance to the 
latter by opposing Van Buren and declaring for Judge White as 
the Presidential successor. Tennessee had thus far gone with 
Jackson's administration; and it could scarcely be anticipated 
that the agitation of White and his associates could lift itself 

* New American Cyclopaedia, &c., edited by George Kipley and Charles A. 
Dana, N.Y. Vol. III. 



JOHN BELL. 49 

into a stalwart opposition, or that, if it did, the personal and 
political influence of " the Great Chief could fail to quell it. 
But the ways of the politician are inscrutable. White carried 
Tennessee by a large majority; Bell was re-elected to Congress 
— even from the Hermitage district — by as great a vote as 
before ; and thus was commenced and fostered that opposition 
to the Democracy in that State, which so potently arrayed itself 
in the several succeeding Presidential elections, and which has so 
strongly manifested itself under the leadership of Mr. Bell in the 
recent elections there. 

Mr. Bell favored the reception of petitions for the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia, and in 1836 and 1838 dis- 
tinguished himself in speeches upon that question. 

In 1841, he went into the Cabinet of General Harrison as 
Secretary of War, but resigned in the autumn of that year, when 
Mr. Tyler — who had succeeded to the Presidency on the death 
of Harrison — separated from the Whig party. The next Tennes- 
see Legislature, in consideration of Mr. Bell's consistency as a 
Whig, offered him the United States Senatorship; but he declined 
the honor in favor of Ephraim II. Foster, ^Yhosc services to the 
Whig party Mr. Bell thought deserving of such eminent recog- 
nition. Foster was, therefore, elected; and Bell retired into 
privacy for nearly six years, when, at the desire of his county, 
he entered the State Senate, (1847.) The same year, a vacancy 
occurring in the United States Senate, he was elected to that office, 
and subsequently, in 1853, re-elected for the term which expired 
March 4, 1859. 

In this national arena Senator Bell acquired large repute, and 
his position on the leading questions cannot be omitted from 
the history of the times. He favored the Compromise Measures 
of 1850, and desired to see the issues fully settled by a division 
of Texae into States. He opposed the Nebraska Bill, and on 
the 3d of March, 1854, gave his objections at length, and with 
such force as to draw replies from Senators Dawson, Douglas, 
and other leading advocates of the measure. Senator Bell had 
opposed the Nebraska Bill of the previous session w^hen it con- 
tained no provision relative to the Missouri Compromise. He 
had not heard of any proposition to repeal the latter until it was 
offered in direct terms by Senator Dixon, of Kentucky. Mr. 
D 5 



50 MVINCJ KKI»RESENTAT1VE MEN. 

Bell's first objoetion was, that tlioro was no noeossity lor the 
inoasuro. It was an anomaly to establish Goverumcnt;^ to extend 
over innneuse Territories in which there Avas no white popula- 
tion whose wants required such Covernments. He thought the 
demand for Territorial Oovernments should be proven in antici- 
pation of an increase of pc>pulation by emigration and other 
means ; that provision ought to be made for the tribes beyond 
Wind Hills and in the Kocky Mountains; that information of the 
number of necessary military posts should be laid before Con- 
gress; and full details of this policy of extending the Govern- 
ment so iar beyond the present limits of civilization. There were 
oOO,000,000 acres in these Territories. They would support an 
empire. It was a magniticont idea to build up an immense empire; 
and he knew not which most to admire, — the genius or boldness 
displayed by Senator Douglas in the conception of, and the press- 
ing of the measure to carry out, his grand idea. He thought the 
Senator from Hliuois had for some time had a mania for establish- 
ing new Governments. He was the author of the New Mexico 
and Utah ])ills, and also of Washington Territory. He had 
already laid the foundation of three powerful Governments, and 
now proposed to erect two more. Not content with the glory of 
being Conditor Imperii, the Senator was emulous of the fame of 
Clarissimus — Conditor Imperiorum. 3Ir. Bell's next objection 
arose out of the provisions touching the Indian tribes. Those 
Indians who had been carried to this Territory- from east of the 
Mississippi had been guaranteed a home never to be surrounded 
by any Territorial Government. He had examined the bill, and 
held that, as it stood, it was a clear, explicit violation of the Indian 
treaties. In this connection, he condemned the course of those 
who made such ado about breaking liuth with the African race, 
and did not say a word in behalf of the Indians. '' The Wilber- 
forces of the Senate," said he, "had no word of sympathy with 
any persons if they were not Africans." 

In 1S5G, (May 27,) Senator Bell took a decided stand on the 
Mississippi Kiver Bill, introduced by Senator Slidell, for the 
opening of the mouth of the Father of Waters. The bill, 
which had been vetoed by President Pierce, led to a warm dis- 
cussion on its reconsideration. Mr. Toombs having taken a 
leading part against the bill and in favor of the veto, Mr. Bell 



JDIIN BELL. 51 

thought the Senator from Georgia commenced at the wrong point 
in attempting to prevent any appropriations for the removal of 
obstructions from the mouth of the river which concerns a large 
valley and the whole interior of the countr^^ between the Rocky 
Mountains and the Alleghanies, to say nothing of the navigation 
upon the lakes, between the ports of the Northeast and the 
Northwest. The expenditure of one, or even two millions an- 
nually ill keeping open the great river, would be no more than 
an equivalent for the expenditures on the Atlantic coast. 

"Sir," said Mr, Bell, " we have the Mississippi washing Tennessee on 
one extremity ; we have the Cumberland running through our State to 
float off our heavy produce, — our cotton and tobacco. The Senator from 
Georgia will allow no improvement for the Mississippi River, because he 
thinks it unequal ; and he alludes to the fact of Tennessee having spent 
$10,000,000 in order to enable the people from the interior of that State 
to send their products to foreign markets, by making a connection with 
the Georgia roads. Georgia reaps a great benefit from that trade. 
Charleston shares a portion of it; but tlie greater benefit of it goes to 
Augusta and Savannah. We are forced to take our cotton to Savannah and 
Charleston, at an expense of two or three dollars a bale ; when, if we 
could take it down the Mississipj)!, the cost would not be more than one 
dollar, or one dollar and twenty-five cents."* 

In the Thirty-Fifth Congress, Senator Bell's course on the 
leading topics brought his name still more prominently before 
the country. In view of the recent success of the Opposition in 
Tennessee, it is interesting to know that the Legislature, early in 
1858, passed resolutions instructing its representatives in Con- I 
gress to vote for the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton 
Constitution. On the presentation of these resolutions to the 
Senate, Mr. Bell reviewed them at length with his accustomed 
piquancy, and justified his opposition to them. Ilis colleague, 
Senator Johnson, replied, defending the instructions of the State 
Legislature; and, Mr. Bell taking exception to some of Mr. John- 
son's remarks, a debate sprung up which occupied the whole of 
the 23d of February, 1858. Unpleasant results were anticipated ; 
but, on the 25th, both gentlemen made personal explanations, — 
each evincing a spirit becoming the Senatorial character. 

In the great Lecompton debate of March, 1858, Senator Bell 

••■'■' Cong, Globe, 1st Sess. 34th Cong. p. 1310, <lkc. 



52 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

still further, and in a very elaborate speech, — extending through 
the day and evening sessions of the 18th, — gave expression to 
his views in opposition to the measure. He addressed himself 
largely to the issues, doctrines, and arguments promulgated by 
Senator Toombs, which no man could pass unnoticed who took 
the views he did. The Senator from Georgia said in substance 
that it was a question of union or disunion ; it was no sectional 
question, but one which concerned the whole country, — the North 
as well as the South. He proclaimed to the Senate that he had 
estimated the value of the Union. " With him," — to use the 
language of Bell, — " it is a myth, a false idol; and he fears that 
the State of Kentucky, which my honorable and eloquent friend 
(Senator Crittenden) so well represents, has worshipped and 
loved, not wisely, but too well, lie has brought the question to 
a point, — an issue which it becomes us all to ponder." Mr. Bell 
had feared that there were such calculations as Toombs suggested, 
founded on the possible result of the question in debate; but he 
had no evidence of it before. A vague dread had been resting 
on his mind ; but now he had to meet it as an admitted fact. It 
was placed before the country openly, boldly, directly ; and he 
felt called on to notice it in every aspect to which his attention 
had been called by the Senator from Georgia. In a similar spirit 
of openness he investigated the question, and showed that the 
rejection of the Lecompton Constitution would not be a fit pre- 
text for Southern men to agitate disunion ; and that its accept- 
ance would be an actual overturning of the fixed principles of 
our Government. On examining the question on every principle 
connected with the inalienable rights of the people, announced 
by the President and his principal supporters in the Senate, Mr. 
Bell could not discover that there was really any application for 
the admission of Kansas into the Union with the assent of the 
people of that Territory. He also opposed the " English Bill," 
because he could not find in it the basis of a speedy and perma- 
nent adjustment. In fact, it seemed to him a new evidence that 
neither of the two political confederations who were parties 
to this sectional contest had any sincere desire to close up the 
question. 

In the discussion of the Minnesota Bill (April 8, 1858) the 
Senator from Tennessee participated, and especially with refer- 



JOHN BELL. 53 

ence to the provisions of the Constitution of the new State 
touching alien suffrage. He thought them violative of the spirit 
of the Constitution of the United States ; the framers of which, 
in investing Congress with the power of passing uniform natu- 
ralization-laws, had manifestly never contemplated this bestowal 
of suffrage — one of the highest and most distinctive rights of 
citizenship — upon unnaturalized aliens. In former years he had 
raised his voice against this doctrine, and had pointed out the 
abuses to which it might lead ; but a contrary opinion having 
seemed to prevail in the councils of the nation and among the 
people, both of the North and of the South, it only remained for 
him to repeat his convictions of public policy and propriety in 
the matter, without pressing them so far as to vote against the 
admission of Minnesota under a Constitution open to these ob- 
jections, especially since, under the construction now admitted 
by a majority of the Senate, he could have no guarantee that if 
the Constitution were amended in this regard, while before 
Congress, it would not be forthwith altered by the people after 
their admission and made to conform to their wishes in respect 
to alien suffrage. He regretted to find in this, as in other political 
developments of the time, the indications of an increasing ten- 
dency toward a wild and unregulated liberty. 

In the debates on financial matters, Senator Bell opposed the 
propositions of the Administration. He supported Senator Fes- 
senden's amendment, curtailing, as far as practicable, the enor- 
mous expenditures to which the Administration had committed 
the Grovernment, by the inopportune advance of the troops into 
Utah, — inopportune, because undertaken at a time when it must 
have been foreseen that they would have to winter in the gorges 
of the Kocky Mountains. Again, it was questionable whether 
the President had the legal authority to order our troops into 
Utah, to act as an escort for Federal ofiicers, under the name of 
a jjosse comitatus. But, even if he had the power, its exercise 
in the premises was a great abuse. 

The Fifteen-Million Loan Bill, reported from the Finance 
Committee, drew from Senator Bell an elaborate argument. Re- 
viewing the circumstances which ostensibly and actually created 
the necessity for money, he said, Twelve months ago we had a 



54 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

surplus of twenty millions in the treasury. Now the treasury 
is bankrupt, and we are running rapidly in debt, without pro- 
viding any certain means of liquidation. Should not such a 
prospect rouse the people to inquiry into the financial policy of 
the Administration ? In what other free country would such a 
condition of affairs be regarded with acquiescence ? No British 
Ministry would so far presume on the toleration of a British 
public as to come before Parliament with a loan bill like that 
now pending in the Senate of the United States; for, since the 
Eevolution of 1688, no British public would have allowed such 
management of the national revenues to pass unchallenged. An 
unparalleled financial revulsion had recently swept over the 
civilized world. It was the duty of our rulers to have been 
among the first to descry the coming storm, whereas they 
seem to have been among the last, if we may judge from the 
dispositions taken by the present Secretary of the Treasury in 
buying up on its eve the bonds of the Government at exorbi- 
tant premiums. Powerless to avert, they confessed themselves 
equally incompetent to remedy, the disasters which have befallen 
the trade and industry of the country. 

While the Naval Appropriation Bill was before the Chamber, 
a spirited debate sprang up on the motion of Senator Mallory, 
who reported from the Naval Committee an amendment author- 
izing the construction of ten steamships. Senator Bell endorsed 
the amendment, believing, ever since the acquisition of posses- 
sions on the Pacific, that the Navy should be increased. 

He is strongly in favor of a Pacific Railroad. He argued 
that it now costs the Government more than two millions of 
dollars per annum to convey the mails to California by the pre- 
sent routes, while the expenses of the army on our remote 
Western frontiers amounted during the last year to ten millions 
of dollars ; and there was every prospect that our army would 
be needed in that quarter. He therefore thought ten millions, 
as proposed by Senator Davis, of Mississippi, too small a quota 
for the Government to contribute to the enterprise. Seven 
years ago, he had said that a hundred and fifty millions were not 
too much; and he was of the same opinion still. He intro- 
duced an amendment authorizing the Secretary of the Interior 



JOHN BELL. 55 

to advertise for proposals to construct three routes, — a Northern, 
a Southern, and a Central, — leaving Congress at a subsequent 
day to choose between them. He particularly remarked on the 
singular fact that those who doubt the propriety of building a 
Pacific Railroad, because of their constitutional scruples, uncon- 
sciously adopt, in advocating the acquisition of Cuba, the same 
line of argument which is held to be so unsound when urged by 
the friends of the railroad. If it was lawful and proper to ac- 
quire Cuba because that island was necessary to the military 
defences and commercial aggrandizement of the country, why 
was it inadmissible to employ the same re;\sons in advocacy of 
the Pacific Railroad ? On putting it to a vote, the amendment 
was rejected; but, having been subsequently renewed by Senator 
Simmons, it was passed. 

The right of Congress to donate lands for the purpose of 
founding agricultural colleges being questioned by several lead- 
ing Senators, Mr. Bell could see no difference between the con- 
stitutional power of Congress to pass such a bill and that exer- 
cised in the case of the numerous grants made to the several 
States for the purpose of aiding in the construction of internal 
improvements. 

Such is an outline of Mr. Bell's career and opinions. Of the 
character of his usefulness and ability, the " National Intelli- 
gencer'' of 3Iarch 7, 1859, in announcing the expiration of his 
Senatorial term, said, — 

"We are sure that we do but give utterance to the voice of a large 
portion not only of the people of Tennessee, but of the country at large, 
when we say that the withdrawal of the Hon. John Bell from the body 
which he has so long instructed by the wisdom of his counsels and 
adorned by the dignity of his demeanor deserves to be regarded as a 
serious loss to the public service. Uniting to habits of patient study 
those cardinal qualities of mind which constitute the conservative 
statesman, he had, moreover, acquired, by his long services in different 
branches of the Government, an experience which fitted him in a sin- 
gular degree for the high functions he has lately discharged with so 
much credit to himself and usefulness to the country. It is to be hoped 
that his withdrawal from public life will prove only temporary, and that 
our National Councils may still share in the benefits to be derived from 
the signal ability he brings to the discussion of all great public mea- 



56 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE xAIEN. 

sures. That ability has been sufficiently illustrated in the able speeches 
he has delivered on the topics of political concern which have occupied 
the attention of Congress during the last few years ; and we venture to 
express the hope that a selection from his Senatorial eiforts on great 
questions of State policy may be gathered into a permanent form, as 
we are sure they would compare favorably with similar productions of 
the leading statesmen who have shed lustre on our Parliamentary 
annals." 



JOHN -M. BUTTS. 57 



JOHN M. BOTTS, 

OF VIRGINIA. 

John Minor Botts was born in Dumfries, Prince William 
County, Virginia, on the 16th of September, 1802. His father, 
Benjamin Botts, was the youngest man engaged in the defence 
of Aaron Burr, and was then already eminent at the bar. His 
specialty was courage, nerve, — the " bravest of all possible men," 
I have heard him described by a contemporary. Losing his parents 
at the early age of nine, by the memorable conflagration of the 
Richmond Theatre, in December, 1811, young Botts, then but a 
child, was left to his own care. He attended various schools until 
the age of eighteen years, and acquired a knowledge of Greek, 
Latin, French, and mathematics. He then studied law, entirely 
under his own direction, and was licensed to practise the profes- 
sion after a six-weeks' acquaintance with it, — a feat which it is 
claimed but one other achieved, and that one the immortal 
orator of the Revolution, Patrick Henry.* 

After devoting himself for six years to the practice of the 
law in Richmond, he became dissatisfied with the confinement it 
imposed. Purchasing a farm in Henrico County, in 1828, he 
turned his attention to agriculture, and in a few years became 
famous for producing the largest crops, acre for acre, of any 
farmer in the county. 

While turning the soil, he did not allow his political sympa- 
thies to stagnate. It is recorded that he was the twelfth anti- 
Jackson man in Henrico in 1828, and that he was then seized 
with the desire and intention of revolutionizing the political sen- 
timent of the county, formidable as it was. Five years after, 
the fruit of his labor and enthusiasm in the Whig cause was 



•■■ A large portion of this sketch is adopted almost verhntim from material fur- 
nished by a capable gentleman, who is intimately acquainted with the subject. 



58 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

manifested in his return to the State Legislature,- (1833,) in 
which he sat, by successive re-elections, until 1839; and in the 
latter year he received the nomination of the Whigs for Con- 
gress in a district -which had never elected any other than a 
Democrat since John IMarshall* had represented it. 

Mr. Botts being regarded as the only adversary ^Yhom the 
Democrats had reason to fear, they selected for his opponent the 
most popular man of their party in the district, who resigned an 
official position he then held in the State, and took the stump 
against Mr. Botts, under the assurance that, if defeated, he 
should be placed in a better Mtuation in Washington than that 
he relinquished. In this contest Mr. ]]otts succeeded, by the 
handsome majority of over 200 votes I In 1841, he was again 
triumphantly elected to Congress over the Hon. Wm. H. Iloane, 
whose term in the United States Senate had just expired. 

In 1843 the State was re-apportioned and the districts very 
much enlarged. The Democrats had a large majority in the 
Legislature, who avowed that their purpose in enlarging the 
Richmond district was to make it as Democratic as possible, in 
order to defeat Mr. Botts in the future. They, therefore, struck 
off two of the four Whig counties that had been represented by 
him, and added three others, two of which were very largely 
Democratic, and the other about equally divided. This made 
the Democratic majority between five and six hundred in the 
district • but, fearing this might not thoroughly effect their pur- 
pose, they proposed to attach another Democratic county to it, 
which then gave 350 majority, and which was publicly pro- 
claimed on the floor of the Legislature to be the " cap-stone" 
upon Mr. Botts's political grave, from which he could never 
rise. His opponent was John W. Jones, afterward Speaker of 
the House, a gentleman whose great personal and political popu- 
larity promised a majority of 1000 votes. In addition to this 
disadvanta":e, Mr. Botts had but six weeks to canvass the district. 
His courage, however, not only did not fail, but received a vital 
fervor from the odds against him. He met his opponent face to 
face wherever and whenever possible. He arraigned the Demo- 
cratic party, and especially the Democratic Legislature, for the 

* Afterward the celebrated Chief Justice, and biographer of Washington. 



JUllN M. BOTTS. 59 

injustice and wrong done to all the rest of the State by its de- 
sign to punish him for his fidelity to those principles which lie 
believed essential to the welfare of his country. When the elec- 
tion took place, the Democrats were astounded to find their anti- 
cipations of a majority dwindled down to 32 votes. A convic- 
tion resting on the minds of some that Mr. Botts was actually 
elected, a public meeting was held, by the voice of which he 
contested the seat. The Democrats were as powerful in the 
House of Representatives as in the Legislature of Virginia. 

In order, therefore, to avoid the possibility of defeat, they re- 
sorted to the extraordinary expedient of electing Jones Speaker 
of the House, with the contested election hanging over him. ^Mr. 
Cave Johnson moved a resolution requiring the committee to 
which the case was referred to consist of six Democrats and 
three Whigs, instead of five to four, as had been the uniform 
custom up to that period. When, at last, Mr. Botts forced this 
committee into action, and they found from the investigation 
that there was serious reason to fear for the safety of the Speaker, 
they reported against him before having gone through one-third 
of the evidence. When it came before the House, the same ap- 
prehension was manifested. The hour-rule was applied, and no 
entreaty on the part of the Whigs could induce the Democrats 
to extend the time, so as to allow him to expose the corrupt 
course the House and committee had pursued toward him.* He 
went home and took the stump for Mr. Clay, and by his almost 
unaided efforts he succeeded in revolutionizing the district, which 
gave that great patriot a majority of about 250. 

In 1845, just after the defeat of Mr. Clay, the most unpa- 
ralleled apathy seemed to possess the Whigs over the whole 
country, the result of which was the Democracy in Congress 
obtained a majority of 80 in the House of Bepresentatives. Mr. 
Botts was again unanimously nominated by his party for Con- 
gress. Mr. Jones declined a re-election, declaring on the floor 
of Congress that he would rather run against any twenty-five 
men in the district than meet Mr. Botts. Mr. Sedden, a stran- 
ger in the district, was elected, " for the simple reason that the 

* " Hancock," in the " New York Express," July, 1859. 



60 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN, 

loss of Mr. Clay's election had carried dismay into every Whig 
heart, and it was impossible at that time to rally," 

The confidence of the party in Mr, Botts was, however, in- 
creased; and, in 1847, he was again unanimously called into 
the contest, and, to the great delight of the Whig party through- 
out the State and country, he was re-elected to Congress by a 
majority of 596 votes. Thus was the " cap-stone" removed, and 
the dead restored triumphantly to life in the short space of two 
te^-ms. 

While Mr, Botts was removing obstructions almost insurmount- 
able, no competitor appeared before him ; but his triumph brought 
many aspirants forward, all anxious to have him set aside, that 
their chances for the succession might be equalized. That oppor- 
tunity was presented in the year 1848, in the memorable contest 
between the friends gf Mr. Clay and Gen, Taylor, The State of 
Virginia declared in convention for Gen. Taylor, when it was 
known that the party in the State were for Mr. Clay, Mr. Botts 
adhered to the fortunes of Mr. Clay until the action of the Phila- 
delphia Convention destroyed the last hope of success. Mortified 
and grieved by what he considered the folly of the proceeding, as 
well as the injustice done to the founder of the Whig party, he 
was slow in coming to the support of Gen. Taylor. But at last he 
did, and made a speech at Yauxhall Garden, in the city of New 
York, when, at the request of Mr. Clay himself, he withdrew 
his name, and urged the numerous Clay organizations in the 
State to surrender their favorite and rally upon Gen. Taylor. 
This they did, and thus secured the vote of New York, and the 
election of Gen. Taylor, as was admitted by the " New York 
Herald" at the time. The speech of Mr. Botts on that occa- 
sion made a profound impression upon the thousands who lis- 
tened to him, and a visible emotion seemed to thrill every 
heart. As Mr. Botts closed his speech, the supporters of Gen. 
Taylor gave vent to their exultation, which the friends of Mr. 
Clay could not then hear without pain, and they demonstrated 
their displeasure by hisses. Mr. Botts reminded them of what 
was staked upon the result, and urged them to be magnanimous. 
The " New York Tribune" immediately hauled down the Clay 
banner, and next morning ran up Gen. Taylor's colors, — a course 
Vv'hich was soon followed by all the Clay adherents in that State. 



JOHN M. BOTTS. 01 

Those who were secretly opposed to Botts in Virginia 
managed to get a " Taylor" man in the field for Congress, and 
by that means the district which Mr. Botts had won from the 
Democracy fell back to it. His defeat, however, still served to 
show his popularity among the Whigs. In a three-days' contest 
the Taylor candidate received but 317 votes, those of 3[r. Botts 
amounting to 2500. 

In 1851, he was again unanimously called by the convention 
of his district to take the field. He reluctantly obeyed. But, 
satisfied that the causes of the dissensions in 1848 were not yet 
entirely removed, he subsequently declined the nomination and 
invited the convention to choose another candidate, — the election 
having been postponed from May to October. The convention 
re-assembled and insisted that he should run. 

Mr. Botts has been fourteen times, by party conventions, 
placed before the people, and triumphantly elected ten times out 
of the fourteen. And when defeated, it took the whole power 
of the Legislature to overcome him, aided by the lower House 
of Congress ; and then, like Mr. Clay in 1840 and 1848, he was 
beaten by his own household, whom he had so faitlifully served 
in every trying contest. Since 1851, Mr. Botts has positively 
refused to allow his name to be presented as a candidate for any 
office in the State. 

Ilis career has been singularly consistent and fearless in the 
advocacy of what he deemed the best and broadest views of 
statesmanship. Soon after the Southern Democracy had changed 
its issue from the tarifi" to the Slavery question, the Abolitionists 
at the North began to petition Congress against slavery. This 
led to the passage of the twenty-first rule, forbidding the recep- 
tion of such petitions. The denial of this right aroused universal 
indignation at the North, and the petitions increased a hundred- 
fold. The North resolved upon the abrogation of the rule, and 
the South threatened a bloody dissolution of the Union as the 
consequence of its repeal. Mr. Botts came boldly forward and 
advocated its removal; while a storm of denunciation from friend 
and foe was poured upon him from every quarter of the South. 
He saw clearly the necessity of the abrogation, and he defied all 
injurious constructions placed upon his motives, and persevered 
until the obnoxious rule was rescinded. The wisdom of his con- 



62 LIVINU KKPllxSSENTATIVK MKN. 

elusions was manifested at the next session of Congress, when 
but six Abolition petitions were offered, instead of about six thou- 
sand, as at the previous session. 

Mr. Botts's defence of John Quiucy Adams and his disruption 
with President Tyler, with whom he had been on terms of pecu- 
liar intimacy, are cited by his friends as striking evidences of 
his characteristic reliance on and advocacy of sterling principle. 
In both instances he almost stood alone ; and it is the boast of 
his admirers that Southern opinion, then so fiercely opposed to 
him, now concedes him all credit for the motives which prompted 
his action. To his course in the Tyler case, even 31r. Clay hesi- 
tated to yield his approval ; but Mr. Botts stood firm. lie was 
compelled to stem the torrent of an almost universal opinion ; 
but he did not falter. In his own party he found no support. 
The Cabinet condemned him, the press censured him, Congress 
blamed him. " Still, solitary and alone, he agitated public opi- 
nion, and in a few weeks he had thoroughly transformed it." In 
the House of Representatives, where at first Mr. Botts had not 
one supporter, one hundred and nineteen eventually joined him in 
a severe rebuke of the President, and eighty-nine voted to im- 
peach Mr. Tyler, as the highest possible measure of national 
condemnation. 

In September, 1853, Mr. Botts was invited by the venerable 
Ex-Chief-Justice Ilornblower, Hon. A. C. M. Pennington, Wil- 
liam E. Robinson, D. T. Clark, and several other leading Whigs, 
to a public dinner at Newark, New Jersey. It resulted in a 
flattering success. On every side were to be seen those who 
had battled through good and evil report, in storm and sun- 
shine, for the success of the Whig cause. In proposing the 
health of the guest, Mr. Pennington said he was ^' a Whig who 
has been ever faithful and ever true, — a man who, whether in 
success or defeat, in storm or sunshine, in glory or in gloom, has 
ever stood by the Whig party, — a man, I may add, who is a 
Whig because he loves the Whig party, and not because he 
wishes to profit by it. He comes from the good old State of 
Virginia, — a State said to be the mother of Presidents. She 
certainly has been the mother of statesmen, and, not the least 
of them, of him in whose honor I rise to propose this sentiment. 
Our guest, — Hon. John Minor Botts, of Virginia, — independent 



JOHN M. I50TTS. 63 

ill Ills cpinioiis and fearless in advocating them : the "Whig party 
are proud of him a-? a champion of the good old Whig cause." 

In reply, Mr. Botts made a lengthy speech, exposing the 
"spurious Democracy," and arguing that the Whig party still 
existed. ^' If dead," said he, "• it died on the 3d of November, 
1852 ; and on that day it recorded one million three hundred and 
eighty-five thousand true, genuine, undismayed Whig votes, — 
such a vote as was never given before for that or any other party 
since the foundation of the Government ; and it only required 
about thirty-five thousand votes, properly distributed, to have 
secured success to its candidate." In relation to himself, he said 
he was tired of political life, and woul-d never again seek public 
station. If, however, services were demanded of him in a posi- 
tion where he could uphold the position of the people against the 
power of the politicians and selfish ofiice-seekers of the land, he 
would obey the call. 

The Kansas-Nebraska Bill is another striking exemplification 
of the characteristic qualities of Mr. Botts. From the moment 
that question was mooted, it seemed to find unqualified approval 
in the Southern mind. Not a Southern Senator in Congress 
opposed that bill, but either enthusiastically supported it, or re- 
mained silent. Every Southern member of the House followed 
the same programme. Every Southern paper either lauded or 
said nothing. Every petty orator and politician declared that the 
bill was the only thing to save Kansas to the South. It was at 
this period that Mr. Botts came out with his letters of utter con- 
demnation. The result of this course again brought upon his 
head the united animadversion of the people. The press and 
politicians south of Mason and Dixon's line denounced his oppo- 
sition to the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, without regard to party dis- 
tinction. Almost every paper condemned him ; and the Whig 
and Democratic journals seemed for a time to vie with each other 
in the measure of abuse showered upon him. About this period, 
certain distinguished gentlemen of the Whig party called upon 
the editors of an influential paper and tabooed the further issue 
of his mischievous letters in their columns. As time passed on, 
Mr. Botts not only refused to recant his views, but reiterated 
his abhorrence of this "popular Baal;" and the popular clamor 
against him was lashed into fury. Whig papers essayed to 



64 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

expel liiui from the party. Democratic editors were ecstatic in 
indignation at his " traitorous proceedings ;'' and Henry A. Wise 
proposed to hang him in the summer of 1850. But all this 
never had the slightest effect toward causing My. Botts to 
recede from a single position he had assumed. 

One of Mr. Botts's most telling public addresses was that 
delivered at the African Church in Richmond, on the 8th 
of August, 1856. In it he vindicated his past action, and, 
among other points, traced the history of the Missouri Compro- 
mise, and showed what were its fruits, by whom they were en- 
joyed, and what had been the effect of its repeal. It was not, 
said he, as has been commonly stated, a measure imposed upon 
the South by the North. It was proposed on the part of the 
South to the North, " that if you will allow us — you being in 
the majority, and having the control — if you will permit us to 
carry slavery up to the line of 36° 30', we will pledge ourselves 
not to attempt to carry slavery beyond 36° 30'." They said, 
" We will allow every State s-outh of 36° 30', that chooses, to 
adopt slavery or reject it as they please; but if they apply for 
admission, as 3Iissouri has done, as Slave States, then you shall 
make no objection to their admission because they recognise 
slavery." Thus, the South, with a few Northern votes, carried 
the measure. It was voted for by twenty out of the twenty -two 
Southern Senators in Congress. Macon, of North Carolina, and 
Smith, of South Carolina, were the only Southern Senators who 
voted against it. In the House it passed by 134 to AI ; forty 
Southern Bepresentatives voting for, and thirty-seven voting 
against, it. The history of that day will show it to have been a 
great Southern triumph. The repeal of it he held to be a cunning 
device to reopen agitation on the Slavery question, and, in a cir- 
cumstantial series of statements, he essayed to show that the De- 
mocratic party never sanctioned any thing that would produce 
peace and harmony ] that it was their intention to agitate and 
keep up agitation on the subject, and provoke resistance to the 
Fugitive-Slave Law. 

In the same year, a committee of the American party of Rich- 
mond addressed the Americans of the Union, recommending 
Mr. Botts for the Presidency, as an honest, true, courageous, 
pure, and able man, — one Avho had been so pronounced by Mar- 



JOHN M. ROTTS. 65 

shall, Gallatin, Webster, and Clay. "We are aware," said the 
authors of the Address, " that our candidate is not without ene- 
mies — bitter and vindictive, but, we trust, impotent, enemies — 
at home and abroad. We are aware that among the most bitter 
and vindictive of these are men of our own State and city. But 
in this position he stands not alone. Everett, in Massachusetts, 
Fillmore and Dickinson, in New York, Cass, in Michigan, Bu- 
chanan, in Pennsylvania, Wise and Hunter, of Virginia, and 
Houston, of Texas, have, in the vicinity of their own homes, 
men of their own party equally bitter." 

On Washington's Birthday, 1859, Mr. Botts addressed the 
Order of United Americans in the Academy of Music, New 
York. His speech, which drew down high encomiums from his 
party, is a continuation of his previous expositions of the Demo- 
cracy. It was especially severe on the Administration of Mr. 
Buchanan and the complications arising from the attempted en- 
forcement of its chief measures, such as the Lecompton-Kansas 
affair, the Loan Bill, the Thirty-Million Cuba Bill, the Mormon 
War, and the difficulties with the Central American States. He 
only less condemned the "Black Republicans," and, alluding 
to the "Americans," denied that it was proposed to interfere 
with the subject of religion or the religious worship of any por- 
tion of the people of the United States. The Order was not, 
and never had been, mixed up with any question relating to the 
Church ; and the other organizations sought nothing more than 
resistance to any union of Church and State. Their purpose was 
to permit no ecclesiastical order to govern the civil authority, nor 
force any particular religion upon the people by legal enactment, 
and to oppose the exclusion of the Bible from the common 
schools. 

" For my owu part, [to use the words of Mr. Botts,] I should be more 
than willing that every foreigner now upon our shores, or arriving here 
■within any given future day, within a limited period, should be allowed 
to go at once to the proper tribunal, and by declaring his intention, upon 
oath, to become a permanent citizen, take the oath of fidelity to the 
United States, and become at once invested with every civil and religious 
privilege enjoyed by a native citizen ; but I would withhold from him all 
political power, and let him wait patiently until his children, raised under 
republican institutions, nursed, as it were, by the milk of liberty from its 
mother's breast, should stand forth and claim, as we do now, that he has 
E C- 



66 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

rights and privileges at home that do not belong to every travelling vagrant 
that, from charity, he might choose to take into his household to protect 
from want and cold." 

On the question of protection to naturalized citizens, which 
sprung up in the summer of this year, (1859,) Mr. Botts came 
out in a most emphatic manner, arguing in favor of a thorough 
protection, inasmuch as the naturalized citizen, by the form pre- 
scribed by the Constitution of the United States, withdraws all 
allegiance to foreign Governments. He did not dispute that 
there was an international European law which does not recog- 
nise the right of expatriation. Operating among those who 
recognise it, that law was fair and equal, because mutual and 
reciprocal ; but that the United States had no voice or agency 
in establishing that international law, and that this Government 
has always repudiated and condemned it, and refused to be go- 
verned by it, was equally indisputable. It was not necessary 
to go beyond the Constitution itself to prove it by the authority 
there given to Congress to establish aiimform rule of naturaliza- 
tion^ which, under the international code denying the right of 
expatriation, could not have been authorized or justified. 

Such is a succinct view of the opinions of Mr. Botts. That 
they meet with favor from a large and respectable portion of his 
fellow-citizens is undeniable. lie has been recently recom- 
mended by several meetings at leading places, including New 
York, Brooklyn, and Richmond, as the candidate of the Opposi- 
tion party for the next Presidency. Few gentlemen in public 
life have had more bitter enemies or warmer friends. In ap- 
pearance he is portly, in manners blunt, but courteous, and his 
talents are of a positive and eloquent character. 



JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 67 



JOHN 0. BRECKINRIDGE, 

OF KENTUCKY. 

The most fortunate gentleman connected with politics in our 
country is certainly the young statesman whose name I have 
just written. I say fortunate, in a sense complimentary to the 
nation as well as to him; for it is rare to find a man of his talents 
and capacity so profoundly appreciated at so early a period of life. 
John Adams was fifty-four years old when elected to the Vice- 
Presidency; Jefi'erson, fifty-three; Aaron Burr, forty-four; 
George Clinton, sixty-five ; Elbridge Gerry, sixty-nine ; Daniel 
D. Tompkins, forty-three; John C. Calhoun, forty-three; Mar- 
tin Van Buren, fifty ; Richard M. Johnson, fifty-seven ; John 
Tyler, fifty-one ; George M. Dallas, fifty-three ; Millard Fillmore, 
forty-eight; William R. King, sixty-six; while the subject of 
this sketch was elected to the high office he now holds at the age 
of thirty-five. He is by far the youngest of the most prominent 
men in the country, and it is with no little pride that his State 
and his friends throughout the United States may point to that 
fact. The man whose career inspires such reliance that it can 
meet, as his has safely done, the rivalry of more experienced cele- 
brities, and harmonize all into an approving satisfaction at his 
elevation, has achieved that which in our day and nation is one 
of the highest testimonies to his capacity and merits. The man 
whom the assembled wisdom of the Democracy agreed to elevate 
to the second place in the nation is a man to be judged not by 
his years, but by his suitableness to the age in which he lives. 
In this connection, it is a noteworthy fact that the two young- 
est of the really prominent men of the Democratic or any other 
party — Messrs. Breckinridge, and Orr, of South Carolina — at 
the same time presided over the two Houses of the National 
Legislature. 

John C. Breckinridge is a native of Kentucky, and was born 



68 LIVIX(3 REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

near Lexington, January IG, 1821. He received liis etlncation 
at Centre College, enjoyed the benefits of some months at Trince- 
ton, and, after going through the requisite law-studies at Tran- 
sylvania Institute, was admitted to the bar at Lexington. 
Hoping to find a fruitful field in which to sow his knowledge, 
he emignited to the Northwest, but, after something less than a 
couple of years spent in Burlington, Iowa, he returned to his 
native State, and took up his abode at Lexington, where he still 
resides. He entered immediately on the practice of his profes- 
sion, and met with a well-merited success. 

The trump of war, however, excited the military ardor of our 
young Kentuckian, and the result was creditable service as a 
major of infiintry during the Mexican War, He also distin- 
guished himself as the counsel for Major-General Pillow in the 
celebrated court-martial of that officer. 

On the return of Major Breckinridge from Mexico, he was 
elected to the Kentucky Legislature, and created so favorable an 
impression as a legislator that he was elected to Congress from 
the Ashland District, and, being re-elected, held his seat from 
1851 to 1855. 

It was not long before the name of Mr. Breckinridge was in 
the mouths, so to speak, of all reading people. It is not so far 
back but that his difi'erence with the "Democratic Review" is 
familiar to most readers; but the high station attained by Mr. 
Breckinridge since, makes it imperative to record as matter of 
history the occasion which gave him his first prominence. 

The "Democratic Review" for January, 1852, burst upon the 
political world with a startling fury. Old jog-trot politicians 
were aghast. Canvassing the question of the Presidency, so 
soon to come up, the Review said that, while the fathers of the 
people personally lived, it was an easy task to select the candidate 
most worthy of success and most certain of attaining it. Now 
^it was somewhat different. Looking at the defeat of the Demo- 
cracy, in 1848, after the brilliant Democratic administration of 
Polk, it believed that "if it were impossible for the old politi- 
cians, the surviving lieutenants of the days of Jackson, to agree, 
in 1848, on the election of a candidate, it was ten times more 
impossible for them to agree on the nomination of any one ofj 
themselves as a successful candidate" in '52. Nor would it 



JOUN C. BRECKINRIDGE. GO 

be well if tlicy could agree, tliouirht the licview, for they had 
had "the control of the destinies of the country and the 
party, but, by lack of statesmanship, lack of temper, lack of dis- 
cretion, and, most of all, by lack of progress, they brought into 
our ranks discord and dissension; and the party they received 
united, strong, and far in advance, they left a wreck — a mutinous 
wreck — struggling in the slough of questions settled by the 
federal compact of the United States." To meet the exigencies 
of the times, the Review advocated and announced a new gene- 
ration of statesmen, not trammelled with the ideas of an anterior 
era, — men who would bring not only young blood, but young 
ideas, to the councils of the Republic* 

Mr. Breckinridge was in favor of progress, liked young 
blood and young ideas, but objected to the course of the Review. 
The Review had been most extensively circulated : indeed, no Re- 
view in America, before or since, made any such sensation as the 
" Democratic" did in 1852. '' Politicians were in a nervous fever 
in the breathing-time from month to month, between congratu- 
lating themselves on not having been noticed in the last number, 
and fear of being scarified in the next. The newspapers were 
eager to get an early copy, to extend the obituary of some decapi- 
tated '■ Fogy,' or contradict the rumor that the '• Democratic 
Review' had killed him. Being always in a rage itself, the 
Review soon created a like feeling in the public (/it became the 
rage. Comic papers caricatured its writers, and revivified its 
victims into ludicrous notoriety; comic versifiers squibbed on its 
suggestions; leading journals, all over the country, poured out 
praise and denunciation with equal heartiness; and the wise 
heads of Congress even took to criticizing and debating on its 
merits and mcn."t Deeming that the article in question was 
generally considered "an attack upon almost every man in the 
Democratic party whose name had been mentioned in connection 
with the Presidency," Mr. Breckinridge felt bound to notice it 
in the House. The February number followed up the denun- 



"••• See article " Eightecn-Fifty-Two and the Presiclenc3\" Dem. Review, Jan. 
1852. Written by the late Thomas Devin Reilly. 

f See Memoir of Thomas Devin Reilly, by John Savage, in " '98 and '48," p. 
.378. 



70 i.TVJNt; R!;riii:s]:xTATn'K mj;n. 

ciatory promises and premises of the January issue, and gave the 
gentleman from Kentucky still further grounds of objection, es- 
pecially as General Butler, of Kentucky, had b<?en described by 
name as an <'old fogy." 

In March, he bitterly and boldly reviewed the reviewer, and 
denounced the publication and its conductors, as attempting 
to promote particular interests by traducing the most honored 
names in the ranks of the Democracy. It was conceived by 
some prominent men and journals that Mr. Breckinridge's 
speech was an indirect attack on Judge Douglas, he being the 
only prominent man not assailed by the Democratic Review. Mr. 
Breckinridge also rather implied that the Review was the organ 
of the Senator from Illinois, and that it was for that reason he 
was exempted from denunciation in its pages. Hon. Mr. Rich- 
ardson authoritatively denied that Douglas had any connection 
with the publication; and Hon. E. C. Marshall, of California, 
made a very vigorous reply to the gentleman from Kentucky, 
in defence of the Review, — ^' a periodical in which he felt no spe- 
cial interest, except in so far as it was ably edited." 

The Review continued to create great anxiety among the poli- 
ticians and newspapers, and, in view of the debate in Congress, 
placed both Messrs. Marshall and Breckinridge on record in its 
pages, — the former in a very fine steel-plate portrait, and the 
latter in an equally elaborate, but tantalizing, review of his speech. 
The newspapers taking up the debate in Congress, and reviewing 
the Review, bestowed upon Mr. Breckinridge a large share of 
notice in the discussion of the aifair. 

The prominence thus derived, other circumstances helped to 
sustain. 

Introducing (on the 30th of June, 1852) the resolutions of 
respect to the memory of Henry Clay, who had died the day 
previous, Mr. Breckinridge laid the fulness of his young heart 
on the grave of the great Kentuckian, in whom " intellect, per- 
son, eloquence, and courage united to form a character fit to 
command." Standing by that grave, and with the memories of 
the great dead about him, " the mere legerdemain of politics" 
appeared contemptible to him. What a reproach was Clay's life 
on the iiilse policy which would trifle with a great and upright 
people ! " If I were to write his epitaph,^' said Breckinridge, 



JOHN r. LJi;t:<JKlMllDGE. 71 

^' I would inscribe, as thu highest eulogy, on the stone which shall 
mark his resting-place, ^ Here lies a man who was in the public 
service for fifty years, and never attempted to deceive his coun- 
trymen/ " 

In the Thirty-Second Congress, Mr. Breckinridge was instru- 
mental in securing an appropriation for the completion of a 
cemetery near the city of Mexico, in which the remains of the 
American ofl&cers and soldiers who fell in battle or otherwise in 
or near the city of 3Iexico should be interred. He also favored 
an appropriation for a weekly mail with the Pacific, and advo- 
cated putting these contracts out to the lowest bidder. 

Though Mr. Breckinridge did not seek to be constantly before 
the House, he took a very distinguished position, and sometimes 
in debate was sharp and eff"ective. 

Hon. Mr. Giddings, in the course of a speech (16th of March, 
1852) on the Compromise Measures and Fugitive-Slave Law, 
denied that the Federal Government had power to pass laws by 
which "to compel our officers and people to seize and carry back 
fugitive slaves." Mr. Breckinridge briefly pushed him into an 
enunciation of his most extreme doctrines, and then said, 
''Against the impotent ravings of his baffled fanaticism I place 
the plain words of the Constitution. To his coarse and offensive 
language I have no reply.'' 

Again, toward the close of the discussion about the '' Democra- 
tic lleview," Mr. Cartter asked him some questions about that 
periodical, when Breckinridge retorted, '' I did not suppose the 
gentleman from Ohio would omit a favorable opportunity to ring 
himself into the debate, and say something which might go upon 
the record.'^ This turned the laughter of the House on the 
gentleman from Ohio, who did not get an answer to his inquiry. 

With the debate on the Nebraska Bill, in March, 1851, 
Thirty-Third Congress, Mr. Breckinridge's name is intimately 
woven. It was during this discussion that his difficulty with the 
Hon. Mr. Cutting, of New York, took place. On the 21st of 
March, Mr. Richardson, desiring to reach the Nebraska Bill, 
heretofore reported by him, moved the House to go into Com- 
mittee of the Whole on the State of the Union. After some 
slight discussion, this motion was lost. Having proceeded with 
the business on the Speaker's table, several smali bills were taken 



72 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

up and referred, and the Nebraska Bill reached by title. Much 
feeling was manifested, and all seemed to regard this as a crisis. 
Mr. Richardson and Mr. Cutting rose together. The former 
moved to refer to the Committee on Territories ] the latter moved 
to refer to the Committee of the Whole on the Union. The 
Speaker recognised the member from Illinois, and the member 
from New York raised a point of order. Richardson said his 
purpose was to amend the bill, and that Cutting's course would 
kill it. Mr. Cutting persisted in his motion, and supported it by 
a speech, disclaiming any disrespect to Mr. Richardson as Chair- 
man of the Committee on Territories, and stating that it was 
understood that that committee had already discussed and elabo- 
rated the subject. He was opposed to putting it again through 
the circuitous mode of referring it to them, and having it on the 
Speaker's table as it was to-day. The North was in a state of 
civil insurrection since the introduction of the bill; and he 
thought it was a time, not for parliamentary tactics, which give 
rise to suspicion, but for full, frank, and manly discussion. He 
was in vain appealed to: he would not withdraw; and, his 
motion being passed, he clinched the vote by moving to recon- 
sider, and then laying the motion on the table. 

Mr. Millson, of Virginia, having brought up the Nebraska 
matter in a discussion on the Indian Appropriation Bill, on the 
2od, was followed by Mr. Hunt, of Louisiana, "two enemies of 
the bill" having precipitated the debate on the House. Mr. 
Breckinridge entered the lists in a memorable speech, in which 
he strongly stigmatized the course of Mr Cutting. " The gentle- 
man may be for the bill," said he, "but his voice is that of an 
enemy." He warned the friends of the measure from following 
the member from New York, whose course would kill it; and 
preferred to have a score of open enemies than a professed friend 
who struck in the manner he did. 

On the 27th, Mr. Cutting replied at great length to the impu- 
tations thrown out by Mr. Breckinridge, when, the latter retort- 
ing, a scene of great excitement took place. The difficulty was 
carried out of the House, and for some days public curiosity was 
aroused at the prospect of a duel, the preparatory steps for such 
a settlement having been taken. On the 31st, however, Mr. 
Preston informed the House that Mr. Cutting had left the mat- 



JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 73 

ter in the hands of Colonel Monroe, of New York, and General 
Shields, United States Senator from Illinois, and Mr. Breckin- 
ridge had referred to Colonel Hawkins, of Kentucky, and him- 
self, (3Ir. P. ;) and he was authorized to state that a settlement 
had been eflfected mutually satisfactory and honorable to both 
parties. On the part of both gentlemen he also offered an apo- 
logy for any violation of the rules of the House which had taken 
place in the excitement of debate. 

In Mr. Breckinridge's speech of the 23d, he declared himself ' 
in favor of perfect non-intervention, and said that he would not 
vote for the bill if it proposed to legislate slavery into Nebraska j 
and Kansas. " The right to establish,'^ said he, " involves the 1 
correlative right to prohibit; and, denying both, I would vote for) 
neither. I go further, and express the opinion that a clause! 
legislating slavery into those Territories would not command one! 
Southern vote in this House." Alluding to the restriction of ' 
1820, and its inconsistency with the Compromise of 1850, he 
said the eflect of the repeal of the former was " neither to esta- 
blish nor to exclude, but to leave the future condition of the 
Territories dependent wholly upon the action of the inhabitants, 
subject only to such limitations as the Federal Constitution may 
impose." 

"Sir," he said, in continuation, " I care nothing about refined distinc- 
tions or the subtleties of verbal criticism. I repeat the broad and plain 
proposition, that if Congress may intervene on this subject it may inter- 
vene on any other; and having thus surrendered the principle, and broken 
away from constitutional limitations, you are driven into the very lap of 
arbitrary power. By this doctrine you may erect a despotism under the 
American system. The whole theory is a libel on our institutions. It 
carries us back to the abhorrent principles of British colonial authority, 
against which we made the issue of Independence. I have never acqui- 
esced in this odious claim, and will not believe that it can abide the test 
of public scrutiny." 

In recognition of Mr. Breckinridge's identification with the 
views of the Administration, President Pierce tendered to him 
the mission to Spain ; but the honor was respectfully declined, 
family matters compelling Mr. Breckinridge to this course. He 
was a delegate to the Cincinnati Convention in June, 1856. 
After the nomination of Buchanan for the Presidency, several 
names were offered for the second office, — among others, that of 



74 LIVING llEi'KKSENTATIVK MEN. 

John C. Breckinridge, proposed by tlie Louisiana delegation, 
through General J. L. Lewis. Acknowledging the flattering 
manifestation of good will, Mr. Breckinridge begged that his 
name would be withdrawn. On the first ballot, however, the 
Vermont delegation, through Mr. Smalley, believing that no 
Democrat has a right to refuse his services when his country 
calls, cast its five votes fur Breckinridge. Many other States 
followed, and of the total he received fifty-one votes, second on 
the list, and only eight under the first, — General Quitman. On 
the second ballot, Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont led off" 
for Breckinridge ; Massachusetts followed with eleven out of 
thirteen votes; Bhode Island followed with her four; then the 
New York " Softs" gave him eighteen. Delaware, Maryland, 
and Virginia voting in the same way^Jft became quite obvious 
that he was the choice of the bodyj/and though several of the 
remaining States voted for other candidates, they quickly, 
one by one, changed their votes, the several delegates making 
neat and appropriate speeches in announcing the change. The 
names of other candidates were withdrawn, and the whole poll 
went for John C. Breckinridge, at which the Convention 
rose, and w^ith waving of handkerchiefs and the loudest vocal 
demonstrations directed its attention i^pon the tall and graceful 
delegate from Kentucky, who had be^n so unexpectedly nomi- 
nated for so exalted a post. It was long before the demonstra- 
tions subsided so as to allow a word to be heard. At last, the 
commanding figure of Mr. Breckinridge stood fronting the 
mighty triumph. It certainly was a time to try a young man. 
He spoke briefly and becomingly. / The result just announced 
was unexpected, and his profound gratitude was without words. 
He gave the Convention the simple thanks of a true heart; and, 
expressing his appreciation of their first choice, and linking his 
humble name with that of the tried statesman of Pennsylvania, 
cordially endorsed the platform, and sat down amid the booming 
of cannon and the vociferous applause of the multitude outside 
breaking in upon and almost overpowering the loud cheers within 
the hall. 

Three days after this exciting and gratifying scene, his neigh- 
bors gathered to congratulate him at Lexington, and he then, in 
an address to them, reiterated the views of his Nebraska-Kansas 



.lOlLN ('. lUlECKINRlDGE. 75 

speech and the platform upon which he was placed before the 
people. 

"The wliole power," sai<l he, "of the Democratic organization is 
pledged to the following propositions: That Congress shall not interpose 
upon this subject in the States, in the Territories, or in the District of 
Columbia; that the people of each Territory shall determine the question 
for themselves, and be admitted into the Union upon a footing of perfect 
equality with the original States, without discrimination on account of 
the allowance or prohibition of slavery." 

He was elected Vice-President, having received 173 Electoral 
votes, being 59 over AVilliam L. Dayton, the Republican candi- 
date for the same office. Thus, at the age of thirty-five, he had 
served his country abroad, had been a legislator in his State and 
in the National Legislature, had been tendered the representa- 
tion of the Kepublic in Europe, and elevated to the second office 
in the gift of the people. Truly might the lines of the poet be 
applied to him : — 

'* lie is almo;;t sunk 
Beneath the weight of trust:? and oCSces 
Not merely ofTer'd, but imposed upon him."-- 

As President of the United States Senate, he took the chair 
of that eminent body early in the first session of the Thirty- 
Fifth Congress, December, 1857, and, with some intermission, 
caused by the illness of his family, presided during that stormy 
session. 

At Florence, Kentucky, on the 24th of July, 1858, the Vice- 
President, then being in rustication in his own State, attended, 
by invitation, a meeting of his fellow-citizens, and addressed them 
in an eloquent speech on the topics of the day. He defended the 
Administration against the charge of extravagance, showing that 
the ''Americans" and "Republicans," who clamored so much 
about extravagance, were the very parties that attempted in the 
previous session to add several millions to the budget; that the 
extravagant and objectionable appropriations were made by a 
"Republican" House, and that the only resistance made against 
them was by Democrats. He reviewed the Slavery question up 



* Goldsmith of Padua: a Drama; by Thomas S. Donoho, Washington, D.C., 
1858. 



<t) J,1\ING Ri:PUtSENTATJ\K M1:N. 

to 1820, when intervention against Slave States commenced, 
followed with a rehearsal of the Wilmot Proviso movement, and 
the reaction that followed, expressing the belief that the people 
of Kentucky had not appreciated the scope and force of the 
Anti-Slavery movement, which was broadening and deepening at 
the North. He showed them how the Slavery question had 
killed the old Whig party, — an organization that was bold, open, 
gallant, full of pluck and fire; how the American party had died, 
partly of the same issue, and partly of an inherent weakness in 
its constitution, and thought that the gentlemen who caused the 
death of the last party left afloat in Kentucky would and should 
become Democrats, to enable the State to cope with the Repub- 
licans. It was impossible to remain neutral. The Democratic 
party was not a destructive but a conservative party, based upon 
the Constitution, and the rights of citizens and States. It alone 
had survived the agitation, and was now vital, untamable, and 
unconquerable. The speech gave great satisfaction. 

In the great struggle in Illinois between Senator Douglas and 
the Ejepublicans and scceders from the Democracy, the Vice- 
President sympathized with the former. Though he did not 
endorse the course of Senator Douglas in the session of Congress 
then recently closed, on the Lecompton question, he sympathized 
with him, and desired his success, " being the leader of the De- 
mocracy of Illinois in their present fight against Black Kepub- 
licanism.^' 

On the removal of the Senate from the old and time-honored 
chamber, which had been the scene of so many great events of 
American history, to the new one, the Vice-President made a 
feeling address. He gave an historical outline of the exigencies 
to which Congress was put in its early days, — holding its sessions, 
as the chances of war required, at Philadelphia, Baltimore, Lan- 
caster, Annapolis, and Yorktown, and, during the period between 
the conclusion of peace and the establishment of the present 
Government, at Princeton, Annapolis, Trenton, and New York, 
lie followed with a history of the choice of the present locality, 
the foundation of the city, the building of the Capitol, and the 
onward career of our legislature, with suggestive memorials of 
the great men who had made the place they were leaving im- 
mortal. It was a chaste and suitable farewell to the old chamber, 



JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 77 

and will be treasured among the archives recounting its dear old 
memories. 

In the recent (August) election in Kentucky, a majority of 
the members of both branches of the Legislature ^Yere returned 
favorable to the election of the Vice-President to the United 
States Senate, as successor to the Hon. John J. Crittenden, whose 
term expires in 1862.* 

After such a record, it is needless to dwell upon the popularity 
or merits of the man; or to commend the appreciation which has 
thus carried out the recommendation in favor of an infusion into 
our political life of some young blood and intellect. 

* Mr. Breckinridge has since been elected Senator by twenty-nine majority, 
on joint ballot of the Kentucky Legislature. 



7* 



78 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



ALBERT G. BROWN, 

OF MISSISSIPPI. 

South Carolina has the honor of his birth, and the future 
historian of that State will have to credit the Chester District 
with at least one more name on its list of eminent men;* for in 
that district, and on the 31st of May, 1813, Albert Gallatin 
Brown was born. The granite region of his birth, not less than 
the sturdy stock which dwell there,"|- seem to have lent their 
characteristics of stability and fervor to the future career of the 
legislator. 

When Albert was about ten years old, his father, Joseph Brown, 
emigrated to Mississippi, and settled in what is now Copiah County. 
He went into the woods and wilderness, not to mend but to make 
his fortune. One of the first to disturb the solitudes, for the pur- 
pose of pointing out to his boys a pathway to competency, com- 
fort, and civilization, the elder Brown surmounted the difficulties 
of the new locality, overcame the hardships of poverty and the lack 
of those aids which make the tangled forest a smiling farm as if 
by magic, and after a few years of stern industry and economy be- 
held the fair fortune he had labored to propitiate. 

During this period the boys Edwin and Albert were" not idle, 
but to the ability of their strength helped to open the farm. The 
young pioneer, the subject of this sketch, was a bright and active 
boy. " It was his business to mind the stock, work a little on 

* Mills, in his "Statistics of South Carolina," under the head of "Eminent 
Men" of Chester District, gives one name, that of Colonel Lacy, who so highly 
distinguished himself at the battles of Hanging Rock, King's Mountain, and 
Blackstocks. 

I " The settlement of this part of the country was as early as 1750, principnlly 
by emigrants from Pennsylvania and Virginia ; after the peace of Paris, in 1763^ 
a considerable accession of emigrants from Ireland took place, which increased 
for several years; so that the major part of the inhabitants of this district may 
be said to be descended from the Irish."— R. Mills. 



ALBERT G. BROWN. 79 

the farm, go to mill on Saturday, and attend school occasionally, 
when there was nothing else to do." This course of life not 
only strengthened the limbs, but expanded the mind, of the boy. 
It is, no doubt, owing to his recollections of this era, and to 
the lessons imparted by the experience of his family, that ]Mr. 
Brown, as a legislator, has ever been an earnest advocate of the 
Homestead Bill. Nearly thirty years after his farmer-boy expe- 
riences and his Saturday mill-journeys, he said, in the House of 
Representatives, " I claim to have been among the earliest, as I 
have certainly been among the most steadfast, friends of the wise 
and humane policy of providing homes for the homeless." 

As poverty retreated before the energy of the Browns, Albert's 
love for books unfolded itself, and the youth received such en- 
couragement and rough trimming as the neighboring frontier 
schools could give, — the mill-journeys and farm-work, however, 
claiming his first attention in time of need. In February, 1829, 
he was sent to a school known as Mississippi College, under the 
management of Bev. D. Comfort. Three years' residence here 
endeared him to his classmates, and especially to his teacher, to 
whose parental care and counsel Mr. Brown, with gratitude, refers, 
as having placed him on the road to distinction and fortune. In 
the winter of 1832, he was transferred to Jeflferson College, where 
he remained but six months, hoping to enter on a regular collegiate 
course at Princeton or Yale, — a hope never fulfilled, the resources 
of his father on the one hand, and his numerous family on the 
other, not warranting the outlay. Disappointed, but not despond- 
ent, he went to the village of Gallatin, made an arrangement 
with E. G. Peyton, a lawyer of high standing, and the next day 
commenced the study of the law. 

Thus, at the age of nineteen, Albert G. Brown has closed his 
accounts with the academies and opened one with the world. 

In less than a year, Mr. Brown stood an examination before 
the Supreme Court of the State, and was admitted, being then 
scarcely twenty years old, the bench omitting to put the question, 
" Are you twenty-one ?" Having undergone a course of military 
training at Jefi'erson College, his county elected him a colonel of 
militia on his return therefrom, and the next year he was chosen 
brigadier-general of militia. In the autumn of 1833, Mr. Brown 
commenced the practice of his profession. It cannot be said that 



80 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

success followed him : it was immediate, and kept up with 
him. His personal popularity at once gave himself and others 
confidence in his position and powers, and placed him honor- 
ably among the oldest and most distinguished gentlemen at the 
bar. 

In October, 1835, Mr. Brown was married to a Virginia lady 
of worth and accomplishments, — Elizabeth Frances Taliaferro, — 
who, however, survived but five months. A month after his 
marriage he entered upon his political career. His very first step 
displays the extent to which he had won the popular affection. 
It was a stirring time in Mississippi politics, and the competition 
for seats in the Legislature may be imagined, when it is stated 
that for the three seats to which Copiah County was entitled 
there were nine candidates, nearly all of whom were on the same 
side, — that is, Democrats, or, as they were then called, '^Jack- 
son men." In this melee the opposition of candidates to young 
Brown was energetic. Those looking to the future did not like 
to give him a step in advance. His youth was brought against 
him; but, that being a weak invention in the face of his already 
great success, a stronger argument was sought in the alleged 
unsoundness of his political views, the foundation for this being 
the attachment of his father to the old Federal school. The 
election came off", and Brown was sent to the Legislature, being 
second on the list, and leading the third member for the county 
by 75 votes. This settled the matter of his youth and his poli- 
tics ; and his conduct in the Legislature so completely determined 
the question of his capacity that he was chosen Speaker j9?'o tcin., 
to fill a vacancy, and at the next election he was returned with- 
out a struggle. 

About this time. Governor Lynch, first and last Whig Governor 
of Mississippi, entering — in a message — into an elaborate argu- 
ment in favor of a National Bank, recommended the Legislature 
to give an opinion on the subject. Mr. Brown was chairman of 
the committee to which it was referred, and his report took strong 
ground against the bank, inasmuch as, first, " the Government of 
the United States has no constitutional right to charter a National 
Bank;" and as, secondly, '^ it is inexpedient and improper to 
charter such an institution at this time, even if Congress had the 
constitutional riffht to do so." After reviewins; the unconstitu- 



ALBERT Li. BROWN. 81 

tionality of tlie proposition, he replied to the arguments of its 
friends. If the bank did not render labor more valuable, what 
was its use to the working-man ? But when, on the contrary, the 
redundancy of paper-money swelled the value of tn'ery horse, 
plough, harrow, and all the articles for field-use or home-con- 
sumption needed by the laborer, then, said ]Mr. Brown's Report, — 

"Then we find it is an institution which, instead of lightening the 
poor man's toils, in fact levies a heavy contribution upon the wages of 
his industry. It is an institution which makes the weak weaker and 
the potent more powerful, — even filching from the poor man's hand to 
replenish the rich man's purse. Your committee have mistaken the 
duties of legislators, if it is their province to guard over the peculiar 
interests of the speculator and the gambler, who live by the patronage 
of banks, to the detriment and ruin of the honest yeomen, whose toils 
have raised our happy Republic from a few dependent colonies to the 
highest pinnacle of national fame; causing Indian wigwams to give place 
to splendid cities, and the whole wilderness to bloom and blossom as the 
rose." 

These bold and vigorous views attracted wide-spread comment 
at the time, being as warmly defended by the anti-bank journals 
as bitterly denounced by the opposite side. Mr. Brown's faith 
in the principles of his now famous Report was soon and unex- 
pectedly put to the test. In the autumn of 1838, the pecuni- 
ary panic in Mississippi afibrded the alert bank party a chance 
to create a reaction. Taking advantage of the excitement, and of 
Mr. Brown's absence from the State, they succeeded in getting 
up written instructions requiring him to vote for a United States 
Senator favorable to the bank, or resign. Mr. Brown promptly ac- 
cepted the alternative, and resigned; but as promptly presented 
himself to fill the vacancy caused by his resignation, although 
750 out of 900 voters had signed the instructions. This was a 
bold course, but quite characteristic of Mr. Brown's faith in the 
people. He told the people he should not feel contented in his 
seat if they no longer desired him, but he should like to know 
their determination through the ballot-box, — and wound up a 
brief and manly address to them by saying, " All I ask is a free 
conference with the people. Come, sit ye down, and let us reason 
together." It was a coup cVetat. He was returned by about 150 
votes over the bank candidate. 

The eiFect of so direct a course, and the ability with which the 
F 



82 LIVING RErRESENTATIVE MEN. 

canvass was conducted, was not lost on the Democracy of the 
State, It was impossible to overlook either j and the result was 
that the Democratic State Convention, which met soon after, una- 
nimously nominated the younp; victor for Congress. Now his 
energies were doubled, and all that he could muster were needed. 
The Whigs had had it all their own way at previous elections, 
and the bank interest was in its meridian in Mississippi. He 
was met, step by step, with all the resources of the ascendant 
party; but Brown, proud of his past, and feeling that he must 
sustain it, went gallantly on, accompanied by his colleague, Mr. 
Jacob Thompson, the present Secretary of the Interior; and by 
the time of election — November, 1889 — the friends had met 
and held open discussion with the leaders of the other side in 
nearly every corner of the State. The result was another coup 
d'etat. The whole Democratic ticket was elected by an average 
majority of 3000, Mr. Brown leading the Congressional ticket by 
several hundred votes. Thus has the whilom bright boy who 
gave a helping hand to the farm and went to the mill on Satur- 
days raised himself, in a very few years, to the front of his party 
in the State, and into a scat in the National Councils, at the 
early age of twenty-five. 

The career of Mr. ]3rown in the State Legislature is said to 
have been brilliant and useful. It can only be known by its 
fruits ; for in those days, unfortunately for the political history 
of the State, no reports of debates were kept by the Legislature 
of Mississippi. "A record of these debates would exhibit in 
relief, admirable and bold, the political forecast of General 
Brown."''' 

He took his seat in the United States House of Representa- 
tives, December, 1839, and during his first term preferred chiefly, 
in his own words, '' to listen to the views of other gentlemen 
than to present any of his own." He was not silent, however; 
and, when he did speak, he efl'ectively supported the measures in 

•'■Democratic Review, Nov. 1849, vol. xxv, p. 459. "Speeches, Messages, 
and other Writings of Hon, Albert G, Brown, Senator in Congress from Missis- 
sippi, Edited by M. W, Cluskey, Postmaster of the Ilouse of Representatives 
of the U. S. :" Phil. 1859. The volume contains the memoir from the Dem. 
Rev,, with additions by the editor. To it the present writer is indebted for 
many useful references. 



ALUEUT <;. UKUWN. 8::> 

advocacy of which he had won his laurels, and to sustain which 
he had pledged himself. His effort of the session was a full and 
fervid review of Mr. Van Buren's Administration, and an equally 
zealous and keen dissection of the Whigs and their measures 
generally. He was especially severe on the National Bank. 
Instead of giving up the powers of Government to be exercised 
by an invisible moneyed aristocracy in the form of a National 
Bank, he proposed to give them to the President of the United 
States, " whether he be William Henry Harrison or Martin A^an 
Buren, or even, sir, in the language of Mr. Clay, if it be Thomas 
H. Benton, Amos Kendall, Francis P. Blair, or the Devil." 
In reply to the cry of the Opjwsition, that such powers would 
constitute the President a king, he said, — 

"If we are to have any king or tyrant in this country, I want that 
he may be a living, creeping thing, — something that I may see, that I 
may feel, into whose face I can look, and upon whose brow I can place 
my burning curses, as he binds about these uncaptive limbs the fetters 
of despotism, — and not a soulless, unfeeling corporation, — an invisible, 
intangible, and immaterial thing, — a thing not responsible to man on 
earth, or God in heaven." 

To the cry of ^' economy and retrenchment," he replied that 
he was for both, but he spurned them at the expense of national 
honor. 

"If," said he, "the disease, the extravagance, the profligacy of which 
you speak exist in the War Department, go there with your remedy; if 
in the Navy, go there ; and if in the Treasury or Post-Office, go there. 
But do not, I pray you, stretch the Government on the Procrustean bed, 
and, under pretence of curing a diseased part, cut off a leg on this side 
and an arm on that, until you have so mutilated its fair proportions that 
it withers and dies, or hobbles out a miserable existence, ' the pity of its 
friends and the scorn of its enemies.' " 

With telling irony he reviewed the ^^Whig sins," and, 
in anticipation of the Presidential election, dealt some hard 
blows at the candidate of that party, and its inconsistency in 
adopting him. " Of General Jackson it was said that it were 
better that war, pestilence, and famine should visit the country, 
than that a military chieftain should be chosen to ride over it. 
And yet," said Brown, "by the same men we are exhorted to 
vote for General Harrison because he is a military chieftain." 
He concluded this exceedingly effective speech by dignified 



84 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

allusions to Webster and Clay, — with whom he had no sentiment 
in common, but whom, as Americans, he was proud to honor, — 
and by a striking and more passionate tribute to the genius and 
patriotism of Calhoun. I have dwelt on this speech; for it was, 
to a great extent, the platform on which Mr. Brown presented 
himself, not alone to his State, but to the Union, and that upon 
which he entered with his accustomed vigor into the Presidential 
contest. " Many of his speeches were remarkable specimens of 
stump oratory ; and, though they failed to carry the State under 
the weight of Mr. Van Buren's name, they did not fail to add 
greatly to General Brown's character as a speaker." 

On the 12th of January, 1841, Mr. Brown contracted mar- 
riage for the second time, — the lady being Miss Roberta E. 
Young, youngest daughter of the late General Robert Young, of 
Alexandria, Va. 

Taking fresh cares upon himself, and his personal interests 
having been neglected, Mr. Brown declined a re-nomination to 
Congress, lie felt confidence, however, in the Democracy of his 
State; he felt that the defeat was but temporary; and the elec- 
tions in November, 1841, sustained his views. Though barely eli- 
gible, on account of his youth, he was elected a Judge of the Circuit 
Court, — men of every shade of opinion supporting him; so that 
his distinguished competitor, Judge Willis, was beaten by nearly 
three votes to one. Serving as Judge for two years, he resigned 
upon accepting the nomination for Governor. For this position 
he again — being just thirty years old — was barely eligible, ac- 
cording to the Constitution of Mississippi. The Gubernatorial 
campaign was conducted on the " Union Bank Bond" controversy, 
which grew out of "a difi"erence of opinion in regard to the 
State's liability to pay a class of bonds issued in her name." 
Judge Brown held that the people should not pay them by taxa- 
tion, as they were issued in violation of the Constitution. He 
had two competitors in the field, one — Colonel Williams — an 
ex-United States Senator from that State, and an independent 
bond-paying Democrat, and Mr. Clayton, the regular Whig 
nominee. The fight was a great one, but just such as Judge 
Brown could desire. The odds seemed greatly against him ; but 
it is enough to say he was elected, — beating both competitors 
together by 2300 votes. 



ALBERT G. BROWN. 85 

As Governor during two terms, his administration was for- 
tunate and memorable. His triumphant election put an end to 
controversies that had greatly delayed internal progress. When 
he entered upon his office, the State officials were paid in paper 
called "Auditor's warrants," then depreciated fifty to fifty-five per 
cent. ; at the end of two years the warrants were at par with specie. 
He found the treasury bankrupt ; and at the close of his second 
term he left in it a surplus of several hundred thousand dollars. 
The cause of education and the establishment of the common- 
school system commanded his most zealous advocacy; and, 
though not completely carried out by the Legislature, his recom- 
mendations had most healthful results. Under his direction, the 
State University was set in motion ^ and so fruitful in other re- 
spects was his first term that at its close no one would enter the 
field against him. His second term being about to close, Go- 
vernor Brown was, without opposition, elected for the Fourth 
Congressional District. 

When he took his seat, in the latter part of January, 1849, the 
House of Ilepresentatives was in the midst of the excitement 
growing out of the Mexican AVar. He defended the war. He 
admitted that the annexation of Texas caused it, although 
Mexico had no right to complain of the annexation. Daniel 
AVebster had said that, after the events of 1836 and the battle 
of San Jacinto, Mexico had no right to regard Texas as one of 
her provinces; that it must be fairly admitted that Texas was by 
this and foreign countries acknowledged to be an independent 
State among the States of the earth; and that he therefore 
would not admit that Mexico had any cause of complaint. 
Governor Brown gave a vivid history of the growth and 
cause of the war, and scornfully held up the Opposition, who 
refused to raise money to carry it on by a loan, an issue of 
treasury-notes, and a duty on tea and coffee. He thought the 
logic and sympathy of Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, Mr. Smith, 
of Indiana, Mr. Marsh, of Vermont, and others, strange and 
incomprehensible. They would tax the poor man's hat, shoes, 
shirt, plough, axe, — every thing, in fact, — for the benefit of the 
manufacturer; but their sympathetic hearts would not permit 
them to tax his tea and coffee to support their Government in a 
war 

8 



86 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

" You would," he cried, addressing the Opposition, "send him shoeless, 
hatless, shirtless, to cultivate his ground without implements, unless he 
pays tribute to the manufacturers ; only give liim tea that is not taxed, 
and you are satisfied. You would lay his diseased body on a pallet that 
is taxed ; give him taxed medicine from a spoon that is taxed ; give him 
untaxed tea in a cup that is taxed; he dies, and you tax his winding- 
sheet, and consign him to a grave that is dug with a spade that is 
taxed, and then insult his memory by saying that you gave him un- 
taxed tea. . . . For me and my people, we go for the country. We write 
o.n our banner, 'Millions for defence, but not one cent for tribute.' " 

From that time to the present, Governor Brown has been a 
prominent member of Congress, increasing in strength and influ- 
ence, and giving his opinions and counsel on all the leading 
topics which have agitated our political world. He was in 
favor of the Bounty-Land Bill, believing that if any class of the 
public servants are better entitled than another to the special 
regard of the law-making and bounty-dispensing power of Govern- 
ment, it is the soldiers. He has no objection to the Government 
selling land to those who are able to pay for it, at a moderate 
price; but he protests against "national land-jobbing." To his 
mind " there is a national nobility in a republic's looking to the 
comfort, convenience, and happiness of its people ; there is a 
national meanness in a republic's selling a poor man's home to his 
rich neighbor because that neighbor can pay a better price for it." 

In the discussion of the Cuba question, in 1853, Governor 
Brown very markedly defined his position relative to the acqui- 
sition of that island. A strong reason for the acquisition was 
that it would result in the instantaneous abolition of the foreign 
slave-trade. He desired an outlet for slavery, because he desired 
its extension, — beholding in such extension " safety to the South 
and no harm to the rest of the Union." Rhode Island, Massa- 
chusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania ''were slave-holding 
States 3 but they sent their slaves South and sold them, and then 
boasted of making their States free." Virginia, Maryland, and 
the border States were undergoing the same process. The slave 
population was multiplying rapidly ; and, said Governor Brown, — 
" when they have become profitless or troublesome, we, too, want 
a South to which we can send them. We want it; we cannot 
do without it ; and we mean to have it." 

At the close of the Thirty-Third Congress, Governor Brown 



ALBERT G. BROWN. 87 

desired to retire to private life and his profession ; but his State 
demanded his presence in a still higher position. The Legisla- 
ture elected him a United States Senator, a vacancy occurring 
from the failure of the previous Legislature to elect a successor 
to Senator Walter Brooke, whose term expired in 1853. lie 
took his seat as Senator on January 26, 1854. 

Governor Brown voted for the Kansas Bill in the Senate of the 
United States in May, 1854, although he expressed himself not 
entirely satisfied with it. He respected the Constitution more 
than a compromise, and, as he said, acquiesced in the Compro- 
mise of 1850, just as we all did in the Compromise of 1820, 
without approving it; and in February, 1858, supporting the 
admission of Kansas uncJer the Lecompton Constitution, he said, 
"■ I accepted the Compromise of 1854, I say, reluctantly in the 
beginning; but, having accepted it, I made up my mind, as a 
man of honor, to abide by it.'' He voted for the so-called Eng- 
lish Bill, desiring " to see this question settled on the terms pro- 
posed," although he did not like the terms. He believed, how- 
ever, the bill had a tendency to heal pending difficulties, and 
give peace, to some extent, to the country. 

In 1855, an expression of Senator Brown's views in reference 
to the American party having been invited by J. S. Morris, Esq., 
editor of the Port Gibson RevciUe, the result was the "Letter 
against Know-Nothingism," in which the Senator from Missis- 
sippi reviewed the new organization, and most eloquently and 
emphatically denounced it as tending to revive the worst charac- 
teristics of the Jacobins, the Star-Chamber, and the Inquisition, 
The effort to excuse secrecy by citing the example of Free 3Ia- 
sons and Odd-Fellows, Senator Brown showed to be weak and 
futile, for " things to be compared must have some sort of resem- 
blance to each other. Free Mason and Odd-Fellow associations 
are purely charitable ; Know-Nothings are exclusively political. 
We have the highest Christian example for dispensing charities 
in secret, but the same authority teaches us to govern openly." 
The next paragraph is the index to the spirit and tone of the 
whole letter : — 

" I am American enough to prefer my own countrymen to any other, 
and Protestant enough to prefer a follower of Luther to a disciple of 
Loyola. But my lovo of country will forever keep me out of any asso- 



88 LIVING KEPKESENTATIVE MEN. 

ciation that (if fame speaks truly) binds its members by terrible oaths to 
sustain American Protestants for office, tliough they may be fools, knaves, 
or traitors, in preference to Irish or German Catholics, though they niaj' 
have genius, honor, and the highest evidences of patriotic devotion to our 
country and our institutions. All other things being equal, I should 
certainly prefer an American Protestant to an Irish Catholic. But I will 
take no oath, nor come under any party obligation, that may compel nio 
to sustain a fool or a knave in preference to a man of sense and honor. 
While I assume no censorship over other men's thoughts or actions, I am 
free to say, for myself alone, that such oaths and such obligations are, to 
my mind, palpably at war with man's highest and most sacred duty to his 
country." 

Senator Brown has declared himself in favor of the abolition of 
the franking-privilege. Touching the Pacific Kailroad, he doubts 
the constitutionality of its being done by Congress, "unless there 
be direct and immediate necessity" for it as a means of national 
defence, and he believed (January, 1859) that no such necessity 
existed. lie believes in the protection of slavery in the Terri- 
tories, on the basis of the Dred 8cott decision by the Supreme 
(yourt, — that slaves were property, and that slaveholders had the 
f-ame right to carry their slave property to the Territories that 
any other citizen from any other State had to carry any other 
kind of property J and that, when there, the Government should 
protect it. In the running discussion consequent upon his speech 
on this subject, (February 23, 1859,) and in reply to interroga- 
tories from Northern Senators, Senator Brown declared that he 
utterly, totally, entirely, persistently, and consistently repudiated 
the whole doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty, by which, said he, 
" I mean Territorial Sovereignty. I utterly deny that there is 
any sovereignty in a Territory." 

Senator Brown is very much beloved by his State, and the 
great secret — which is no secret — of his success and influence is 
the direct and energetic manner in which he carries out what 
seems right and just. His speeches strongly partake of those 
characteristics which have led him to the front rank of Southern 
statesmen, — a prompt eloquence and a disregard for policy when 
weighed against conviction. The following passage, concluding 
his speech at Hazlehurst, Mississippi, in September, 1858, on his 
return from the exciting scenes of the first session of the Thirty- 
Fifth Congress, may fitly conclude this personal and political 
sketch : — 



ALBERT a. BROWN. 89 

*' I have no silly aspirations for the Presidency, and therefore have no 
occasion to suspect that my judgment has been warped by ambition. I 
am ambitious, but my ambition does not lead me toward the Presidency. 
That is the road to ap'bstasy : I would rather be the independent Senator 
that I am, and speak for Mississippi, than be President, and be subject 
to the call of every demagogue and compelled to speak for a heterogeneous 
mass with as many opinions as the rainbow has hues. Whenever the South 
can no longer rely on the National Democracy, and feels that the time has 
come for her to go it alone, I will stand for her if she can lind no son more 
worthy of her confidence. But I never will consent to compromise my 
principles, or flatter Free-Soilers for their votes. "When it comes to that, 
I stand out." 

One of Governor Brown's biographers, before quoted, says. 
As a Senator he has been eminently national in his course. If 
to the casual observer he has sometimes appeared a little sec- 
tional, it must be borne in mind that he comes from the South, — 
a section against which Abolition has directed its batteries, — and 
that it was his duty, as it was his pleasure, to defend that section. 

Senator Brown was re-elected for six years, commencing March 
i of the present year, (1859.) 



8* 



90 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



SIMON CAMERON, 

OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

It is one of the happiest resuhs of our institutions, that none 
can claim respect or command public confidence on account of 
parentage. No prominent position can be gained by inheritance : 
every man must, so to speak, be his own father. The history of 
Simon Cameron is an illustration of this fact. He is one of the 
large number of our public men who, besides the disadvantage of 
earl}'- orphanage, 4iave had to struggle against poverty and ob- 
scurity. All he is he has made himself. 

Descended from the hardy Cameronians of Scotland, the sub- 
ject of this sketch possesses many of the acute and persistent 
characteristics of his race. His great-grandfather, Donald Came- 
ron, was among those who sided with the unfortunate but chi- 
valrous Charles Edward. He took part in the famous battle of 
Culloden in 1746, and soon after that disastrous fight emigrated 
to America. Arriving here, he served in the army, and was 
present at the. storming of the Heights of Abraham, at Quebec, 
under the gallant Wolfe. On the maternal side his grandfather 
was a German Huguenot, w^ho, being subjected to religious perse- 
cution, sought in this country that toleration which he could 
not find at home. He soon actively engaged in the service of 
his adopted country, took a distinguished part in the Indian 
wars of those days, and became the intimate friend and compa- 
nion of the famous Captain Sam Brady, whose great achieve- 
ments as an Indian fighter are so well known. 

The father of Senator Cameron was in an humble occupation, 
but had the reputation of being an honest, industrious, highly-in- 
tellectual, and much-respected citizen. In consequence of the 
financial revulsions about the beginning of the present century, he 
was overwhelmed in ruin, in the crowding shadow of which he sank 
into the grave, leaving his family in very destitute circumstances. 



SIMON CAMERON. ^1 

At the death of his father, which occurred in Northumberland, 
Pennsylvania, Simon Cameron was about nine years old, having 
been born in 1799, at Lancaster in the same State. Thus de- 
prived of their natural guardian and protector, and left in a state 
of almost absolute destitution, it was impossible for the children 
to enjoy even the poor advantages of the then existing system 
of school-education. The mother, though possessed of great 
energy and a courage the most unfaltering, had more than 
enough to do to feed and clothe and keep together her little 
ones until they might be able to provide for themselves. 

Discouraging and unpropitious as were these dismal circum- 
stances, they had no disheartening effect or influence on the 
mind of Simon ; on the contrary, they stimulated him to exer- 
tions proportionate to the obstacles to be overcome. He thirsted 
for knowledge, and, having once found the way to satisfy this 
growing appetite, spent, from his boyhood, every leisure moment 
in reading. He soon devoured every thing in the shape of a book 
he met with, and, there being then no well-furnished libraries 
accessible to boys, as there are now, he directed his attention to 
the village printing-office. The exchange newspapers contained 
a mine of information, and from it he determined to dig out the 
jewels. The knowledge to be obtained in this was of a useful 
and practical character, and he eagerly devoted himself to its 
acquisition. An opportunity offering, he apprenticed himself to 
the printer, and for a couple of years enjoyed the benefits of his 
position. At that time (in 1817) his employer succumbed to 
financial reverses and closed his establishment. 

Having arrived at the age of eighteen, and acquired a good 
stock of practical knowledge, he was emboldened to commence 
life with a confident reliance upon himself. Almost penniless, 
and with a little bundle of clothing under his arm, the youth 
started out, with the intention of working his way — how, or in 
what manner, he hardly ventured to imagine — to South America, 
and joining in the struggle for independence which was then 
going on between the South American colonies and Old Spain. 
His intention was frustrated. When he reached Harrisburg, he 
found his feet so blistered, and his energies so exhausted, that 
he could proceed no farther, at least for several days. To sub- 
sis-t during this period, was the next consideration. Having a 



92 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

letter of introduction to James Peacock, Esq., editor of a paper 
in the town, Cameron applied to tliat gentleman for employment. 
There was no vacancy; but Mr. Peacock kindly offered him a 
place for a few days, to enable him to recruit. This was all the 
young man desired ; but the editor, finding him an expert work- 
man, and being otherwise pleased with his demeanor, offered to 
take him as an apprentice in the printing-office, which was 
promptly accepted. Thus our young hero settled down to 
"sticking type" instead of sticking the Spaniards; and so fulfilled 
the terms of his apprenticeship. 

Having arrived at his majority in 1820, Mr. Cameron left 
Ilarrisburg, and spent the greater part of that year in a printing- 
office at Doylestown. The next year he was employed as a journey- 
man printer in the office of Messrs. Gales & Seaton's " National 
Intelligencer," in the city of Washington. In 1822 he returned 
to Ilarrisburg, and entered into partnership with his former em- 
ployer, Mr. Peacock, in the publication of the "IntelHgencer" of 
that place, which was then the organ of the Democratic party at 
the Pennsylvania seat of government, and enjoyed the official 
patronage of the State Administration. Thus has the graduate of 
the printing-office placed his foot firmly on the ladder of fortune. 
With what skill and ability he performed the important duty 
he thus assumed, his success in the undertaking, and his rapid 
rise to influence and power in the State, will sufficiently demon- 
strate, lie took a very active part in the contest for the 
Gubernatorial nomination of the Democratic party in 1823, and 
was mainly instrumental in nominating and electing John Andrew 
Shultz. In return. Governor Shultz appointed Mr. Cameron 
Adjutant-General of the State. While he had editorial charge 
of the " Intelligencer," he efficiently advocated the protection of 
American industry. During the memorable contests in Congress 
on the subject in 1823-24, and again in 1827-28, the columns of 
his paper were filled with articles " proving the Democratic cha- 
"^racter of a tariff for the protection of American labor, and show- 
ing that no nation ever flourished that did not, encourage and 
protect its own labor and develop its own resources." 

Relinquishing the charge of the " Intelligencer," General Ca- 
meron turned his attention to business matters. In 1832, the 
Middletown Bank was established. He then became, and still 



«IMOX CAMERON. Oo 

continues to be, its principal officer. Though chiefly occupied for 
the next thirteen years in his banking-business, he ever took a 
lively interest and active part in the political movements of the 
day. During this period, he was repeatedly urged to be a candi- 
date for public position, and on one occasion was unanimously 
nominated for Congress by the Democratic party of his district, 
but on all occasions declined the proffered honors. 

In 1845, when James K. Polk, the President elect, tendered 
the State Department to Mr. Buchanan, and the latter gentleman 
resigned his seat in the Senate of the United States, an election 
to supply the vacancy became necessary. The Democratic party, 
having a majority in both branches of the Legislature, then in 
session, counted with confidence on selecting a Senator who would 
sustain the new Administration at Washington. But it became 
apparent, even before the President was installed in office, that 
the policy of the Administration would conflict with the position 
of Pennsylvania on the Tariff question. Great difficulty arose in 
the caucus of the Democratic members. A majority were dis- 
posed to nominate a Senator who would sustain the National Ad- 
ministration; while a minority were determined to refuse anyone 
not pledged to the industrial interests of Pennsylvania. After 
much discussion, George W. Woodward finally became the caucus 
nominee, which was regarded by all as a Free Trade triumph in 
the State, and rendered it certain that some other Democrat, 
known to be devoted to the Tariff policy of the State, could be 
elected by a union of the Whigs and the Protection Democrats. 
In view of this condition of affairs, James Cooper, John P. San- 
derson, Jasper E. Brady, Levi Kline, John C. Kunkel, and other 
Whig members of the Legislature, on the morning of the day 
fixed for the election, addressed a note to General Cameron, pro- 
pounding certain queries as to his views on the subject of the 
Tariff, and the course he would pursue if elected Senator. In 
reply, Mr. Cameron said, — 

"I have long since matured and avowed my opinions. During the 
recent Presidential election, the Tariff of 1842 was much discussed. 
The Democratic party of this State took a decided stand in favor of this 
measure. The leading interests of the State are involved in its preser- 
vation. The people, without distinction of party, concur in desiring 
that its provisions should remain unaltered, and regard any attempt to 



94 LiviNc R]:rRi:sE:;TATivE men. 

change tliem as hazardous to the interests of American industry. Sup- 
ported by the Democratic party of the State in my views, and feeling the 
importance of the measure to Pennsylvania, I have no hesitation in de- 
claring that I am in favor of the Tariff of 1842; and, if elected to the 
Senate of the United States, I will sustain it without change. 

" The amount received into the Treasury from the public lands will 
not, for many years, be of much importance. Whether the proceeds of 
such sales should be distributed among the States, is a question that, in 
my opinion, will not for a long period be of much practical moment. 
The public lands are held in trust, however, for the benefit of all the 
States. In my apprehension, the best application that this State can 
make of her share in that trust would be its employment in the discharge 
of the State debts. I am, therefore, in favor of the distribution of the 
proceeds of the public lands, and, if elected, will support that measure." 

These views beiug satisfactory, the Whigs and the Americans 
then representing the county of Phihidelphia went into the 
Convention determined to support him in case he should receive 
a sufficient number of Democratic votes with this to secure his 
election. On the first ballot, Judge AVoodward received 54 votes, 
being 13 less than a majority; Cameron received 11 votes, all De- 
mocratic. On the fifth, Cameron received 67, and Woodward f>-S 
votes; 6, scattering. This unexpected result greatly distracted 
the Democracy, but proved a death-blow to the further progress 
of Free Trade in the State, and led to the overwhelming defeat 
of that party in the State elections of 1846. 

General Cameron took his seat in the Senate, and occupied it 
until the 4th of March, 1849. During the term of his service, 
he distinguished himself as an active business member, and in 
consequence wielded a personal influence not surpassed by that 
of any other Senator. It is claimed by his friends that he not 
only remained true to the great interests of the State and the 
principles upon which he was elected, but that he fearlessly 
reflected, by his speeches and votes, the sentiments of the 
industrial classes, ^' whose rights and interests were about to 
be sacrificed." 

In 1855 — the Whigs and Americans having united in the fall 
of 1854 and elected a Governor and secured both branches of 
the Legislature — Senator Cameron became the caucus nominee 
for re-election. Owing, however, to internal feuds and divisions 
among the majority, the election was postponed, and finally held 



SIMON CAMERON. 95 

over until the succeeding session of the Legislature, when, the 
Democrats meanwhile having obtained a majority, Ex-Governor 
Bigler was elected to the United States Senate. 

In the session which opened January 1, 1857, Mr. Cameron 
was the nominee of the entire Opposition for the vacancy to occur 
by the expiration of Senator Brodhead's term on the 4th of 
March. The Democratic caucus, with great confidence, nomi- 
nated John W. Forney, Esq.; but internal divisions in that 
party rendered it impossible to unite a sufficient number of Demo- 
cratic members to elect him. The result was, Mr. Cameron was 
elected for a second term, and took his seat in the Senate on the 
4th of 3Iarch, 1857. 

As a member of the Committees on Finance and Printing, his 
great practical qualifications and habits have secured him an 
enviable influence in all matters of legislation. Though reared 
in the Democratic ranks, he has been all his life the constant 
and devoted advocate of Protection. His position may be gleaned 
from a speech delivered by him in the Senate in July, 184(3. 
He then felt proud of being a Democrat and the son of a Demo- 
crat. He represented a Democratic State, and he objected to the 
mode of fixing principles on the party. " I was taught in early 
life," said he, "to believe that the Democratic party was the 
friend of the poor, — of the laboring-classes ; that its principles 
were calculated to elevate the masses; but the principles of this 
Southern Democracy would rob the poor man of his labor and 
make him dependent on the capitalists of England for his scanty 
subsistence. Such was not the doctrine of such Democrats as 
JelFerson, Madison, Monroe, or Jackson." 

In the same speech ho defined his position and that of his 
State. Pennsylvania was deeply interested in the development 
of her resources and in fostering the industry of her citizens. 
She had expended more than $150,000,000 in making those 
resources available. She had expended more blood and treasure 
in two wars, and for the common defence, than any other State 
in the Union. She had never asked any favors from the Union, 
:ind had received but little benefit from it: even the fort built 
for the defence of her city, with the money of her own citizens, 
had been sufi"ered to fall into decay by the General Government. 
Sh', was proverbially Democratic, — so much so that no Democratic 



96 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

President was ever elected without her vote : nay, she never gave 
a vote against a Democratic candidate until she believed that there 
was a settled design to desert her dearly-cherished rights. He 
was astonished that she should be charged with a want of Demo- 
cracy because she opposed the bill before the Senate, (the Tariff 
Bill of 1846.) From one end of her domain to the other she 
did oppose it: and he justified her; for, so far as she was con- 
cerned, the bill could produce evil, and evil only. "No man," 
he said, " has ever presumed to ask her favor without admitting 
the justice and propriety of her views upon this subject; and I 
may add, Mr. President, woe betide the man who raises his hand 
against her now in the hour of her extren>ity." 

During this month of July, Senator Cameron had presented 
several petitions from counties in Pennsylvania against removing 
the duties on coal, imports, &c. On the 23d, after the presenta- 
tion of some others in the same strain, Senator Cameron dwelt on 
the fact that they came from counties which had given Demo- 
cratic majorities. Senator Sevier, of Arkansas, said he regretted 
to find the Senator from Pennsylvania engaged in " panic- 
making;" but, said he, to do justice to the Senator, he (Mr. S.) 
was bound to admit that he did it with a pleasant smile, as though 
it was all a first-rate joke. A good deal had been said about 
coincidences; and there certainly was something like a coincidence 
in what was going on then. On the meeting of the Senate every 
day, first they had prayers by the Chaplain, then the reading of 
the Journal, and next an hour and a half consumed in the recital 
of a sort of funeral dirge from the pensioners of Pennsylvania. 
He had sat quietly and patiently while all that was going on, 
because the Senator himself appeared to think the whole thing a 
good joke. Was there, he asked, an intelligent man in Pennsyl- 
vania who at the last Presidential election did not know per- 
fectly well what were the opinions of Mr. Polk in regard to the 
Tariff? Was there a single individual who did not then know 
that Mr. Polk was a Free-Trade man ? 

Mr. Archer, of Virginia, said, " They thought him a better 
Tariff man than Mr. Clay: that's all;" and, after some further 
remarks from Mr. Sevier, Senator Cameron replied. 

He always smiled when his friend the Senator from Ar- 
kansas addressed the Senate on this subject. His wit was so 



SIMON CAMERON. 97 

irresistible that it excited his risibilities, no matter how solemn, 
the mood in which it found him. But he could not per- 
mit his friend to charge his State, or her citizens, with being 
dependants or pensioners on the Government. They were not, 
like Arkansas, or other States that he could name, constantly- 
appealing to Congress for aid from the Treasury ; for whose bene- 
fit some twenty bills were now on our files, asking for aid ; and 
for whose benefit we had been called upon only yesterday for 
some 850,000, without even a voucher, except that the money 
had been drawn for and expended. Alluding to some quotations 
made by Senator Sevier from previous remarks, Cameron said 
injustice had been done him. He did not say that a single person 
in Pennsylvania controlled 900 workmen. The workmen of that 
State were not controlled by their employers : they were freemen, 
and they could stand erect before their God, without being con- 
trolled by any one. The Senator from Arkansas had much mis- 
taken the character of these petitioners when he compared them 
to the slave laborers of the South, as he did when he said that 
"laborers were the same everywhere." The laborers of Penn- 
sylvania were white men; they were freemen; they were intelli- 
gent men ; and they asked no favors from the Government but to 
be let alone in the enjoyment of their labor. 

The Senator from Arkansas had charged the Senator from 
Pennsylvania with acting on this question with 3Ir. Webster. 
Mr. Cameron admitted that on this question they were together, 
and reminded Mr. Sevier — what seemed to have escaped his 
memory — that he (Sevier) and the Senator from Massachusetts 
had stood shoulder to shoulder on a question which was perhaps 
of still greater magnitude than this; which dismembered the 
nation; which took from this country and gave to Great Britain 
several degrees of latitude in the Oregon country. He wished 
his friend to reconcile that coalition before he charged other 
Senators with acting in the company of Whigs. As for himself, 
he was acting with the Democracy of his own State; and he de- 
sired to learn no new Democracy from gentlemen who compared 
his laboring fellow-citizens with the negro laborers of the South. 
A rumor was abroad about this time that letters had been re- 
ceived from Pennsylvania advising the repeal of the Tariff of 
1842. Senator Cameron denounced the writers — if any letters 
G 9 



98 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

had been written — as men "wlio would barter principle for office. 
He had heard, also, that the bill then pending was to become a 
law by the casting vote of the Vice-President, — Mr. Dallas. 
Cameron denied it, saying it could not be that "a native Penn- 
sylvanian, honored with the truyt and confidence of his fellow- 
citizens, could prove recreant to that trust, and dishonor the State 
that gave him birth. His honorable name, and the connection 
of his ancestry with her history, forbid it. His own public acts 
and written sentiments forbid it." 

"Truly national in his principles, views, and feelings," writes 
elohn P. Sanderson, Esq., of Philadelphia, to me,* " General 
Cameron has yet never been so forgetful of the rights of free 
labor as to lend himself to its surrender to appease the aggressive 
spirit of slavery. Nor would he, on the other hand, lend himself 
to the infringement or violation of any constitutional rights of 
those enjoying the benefits of slave labor. He is no extremist 
on any subject. Schooled in the political creed of the Demo- 
cratic party of Pennsylvania when it had for its main pillars 
such men as Simon Snyder, William Findlay, Abner Lacock, 
and their like, he has consistently maintained the principles of 
those great men." 

On the Slavery question, his friends claim for him the same 
position "which John Sergeant, James Buchanan, and other 
eminent men held in 1820, and have held until the introduction 
into Congress of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill by Senator Douglas.'' 
Recognising all the compromises of the Constitution, and willing 
to concede to the South all the rights he thinks guaranteed by 
them, "he cannot and will not lend himself to slavery beyond 
the requirements of those compromises." He recognises the 
power of the Federal Government to restrict slavery within its 
present limits, and deems it expedient to exercise that power if 
need be. During the Mexican War, though acting generally 
witli the party in power, he voted for the Wilmot Proviso. 

Senator Cameron opposed the Lecompton Constitution, and 
participated in the famous debate thereon in March, 1858. At 



*" Mr. Sanderson was one of the members of the Pennsylvania Legislature to 
whom Mr. Cameron owed his first election to the Senate. From him I have 
received valuable materials for this sketch. 



SIMON CAMERON. 90 

one of the night sessions of that memorable debate, quite a scene 
took phice, which gave rise to much newspaper gossip and expec- 
tation. Late ill the night of the 14th of March, Mr. Green, the 
Senator from Missouri, who had charge of the Lecompton Bill, 
desired to perfect the last amendment he had to oflfer, and call a 
vote. Cameron objected to this hurry. He said he had striven 
to conciliate the opposite side, until he was diijgusted. " Who is 
the gentleman from ^Missouri," he asked, "that he should dictate 
terms to us? Is he any thing more than our peer? He is cer- 
tainly not the commander of the Senate. What right has he to 
come and say the question shall be taken now, or to-morrow, or 
any other day? This bill, I believe, came up here on the 18th 
of February. On the 20th, his side adjourned the Senate over 
until Tuesday of the next week, to attend a political pageant in 
the State of Virginia."* 

Mr. Green denied the truth of this statement, and recrimina- 
tions were speedy and mutual. The Vice-President interfered. 
Both Senators strove to speak, but the Vice-President called both 
to order. Though restrained, they were not silent, and, in the 
heat of debate, Cameron said Green told an "untruth;" and 
Green retorted by calling Cameron "a liar." Of course this 
created great excitement. Order having been restored, Mr, 
Cameron begged pardon of the Senate, avowed himself responsible 
to the Senator from Missouri for what he had said, and repeated 
that the whole matter before the Chamber had been carried out 
in a dictatorial and improper manner. In reply, Mr. Green 
denied that he arrogated to himself any superiority or command 
not properly belonging to him. He was merely the organ of a 
committee, and the responsible agent of the party on the question. 
The Senate sat all night until after six o'clock on the morning of 
the 16th, the night having been consumed by innumerable 
motions to postpone and to adjourn, on which the yeas and nays 
were taken. An occasional speech diversified the scene, until 
the majority yielded and allowed an adjournment. 

The rumors of " the difficulty" between the Senators from 

* It was tho occasion of the inauguration of the Washington statue in the 
city of Richmond, Feb. 22. 



lOU LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Missouri and Pennsylvania brought quite a crowd to the Capitol 
on the following morning; but the lovers of excitement were 
disappointed, as the offensive expressions were withdrawn, and 
graceful interchanges of mutual respect took the place of the 
duello. 

In conclusion, it is just, perhaps, to give the opinion of his 
friends upon his general position : — 

His aspirations are to build up, not to tear down. He has a 
profound reverence for all the safeguards which long experience 
and sound wisdom have thrown about individual rights. His 
reliance is upon great and enduring principles. He confides in 
those which have formed the rule of his public life. No crisis, 
however fearful, surprises or disarms him. Cool and self- 
possessed, with a sagacity that can see, through the mists of 
the hour, the future to which it leads, he is ever prepared for 
any emergency. Ardent and spontaneous as are all his Demo- 
cratic impulses, and strong as are his feelings of humanity, he 
never could be brought to lend himself to the destruction of 
established order, regardless of the happiness of those most 
nearly concerned. Nor would he do so with ruthless violence 
upon institutions which might stand in his way even in the asser- 
tion of right. His earliest political sentiments were formed 
under the instruction and in the intimate companionship of the 
wisest and most patriotic men of Pennsylvania. The principles 
he then, imbibed from them have been his unerring guide 
through life, and are still those of the people of his native State, 
who have served so long as a moral breakwater between the 
opposing sentiments and passions of the Northern and Southern 
people.* 

Senator Cameron has been connected in some degree with 
most, if not all, of the improvements in Pennsylvania. He pro- 
jected the Harrisburg and Lancaster Railroad. To his energy 
its construction is largely indebted. The same may be said in 
connection with the Lebanon Valley Piailroad; the Northern 
Central, from Harrisburg to Sunbury; the Tide-Water Canal, 

-■• Address of the Philadelphia Cameron Club, an advance copy of which in MS. 
I have been kindly furnished with. 



SIMON CAMERON. 101 

and a number of otlier valuable imiDrovements. His business 
capacities are of tlie highest order, and enable him to perform a 
great amount of labor. As an illustration of this, it need only 
be remarked that he was at one and the same time president 
of two important railway-companies, cashier of a bank, and 
president of an insurance-company, all in successfi^l operation; 
and the duties assigned to him in each were faithfully dis- 
charged.* 

* Address of the Philadelphia Cameron Club. 



102 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



.SALMON P. CHASE, 

OF OHIO. 

This widely-known and distinguished leader of the Repub- 
lican party was born in the State of New Hampshire, at Cor- 
nish, January 13, 1808. About 1815, his father removed to 
Keenc, with which place the earlier school-boy days of Chase are 
associated. But two years, however, had rolled over until our 
boy was an orphan ; and a few years later he was taken to that 
great State of the West with which his name is now an historical 
boast. At twelve he was taken to Worthington, Ohio, and his 
uncle, Philander Chase, then Episcopal Bishop of that diocese, — 
with whose entertaining " Beminiscences" the general reader is 
acquainted, — undertook and superintended his education. He 
was prepared for, and entered at, Cincinnati College, of which 
the bishop had accepted the presidency. He only remained a 
year in Cincinnati, when he returned to his mother's home in 
New Hampshire, and in his sixteenth year entered the Junior 
Class of Dartmouth College, where he was graduated in 1826. 

Determined to turn his acquirements to immediate account, he 
proceeded to Washington, and opened a classical school for boys, 
and was patronized by many eminent men, — among others, by 
Henry Clay, William Wirt, and Samuel L. Southard, wh^e sons 
were intrusted to his care. Having studied law under Mr. Wirt 
while earning a livelihood as a teacher of the dead languages, he 
closed his school on attaining his majority, in 1829, and was ad- 
mitted to the bar of the District of Columbia. He practised 
little, if any, here, but, thinking the West afforded a better field 
for his talents and ambition, returned to Cincinnati in the spring 
of the following year, and took up his permanent residence there 
as a practitioner at the bar. 

The inducements which attract young men of energy and cul- 
tivation to the West also render competition in that region, in 



SALMON P. CHASE. 103 

almost every phase of life, very great. As a consequence, the 
embarrassments are not few, and the difficulties to be sur- 
mounted task the best energies of the best men. If Mr. Chase 
had his share of embarrassments, he also had more than the ave- 
rage amount of intelligence, and the industry to make it avail- 
able. Hence, while looking out for cases, he was also looking 
up the laws of the State, and, not finding them as he thought 
they ought to be found, he set to work and prepared an edition 
of the Statutes, accompanied them with copious annotations, and 
prefixed to them an historical sketch of the State, — the whole 
occupying three large octavo volumes. Success attended his 
labor : his edition soon superseded all other editions of the Sta- 
tutes, and is now the received authority in the courts. 

The necessaiy reading and study for his work brought him 
valuable acquisitions of available knowledge, and its publication 
brought him reputation. Then, again, the latter won him busi- 
ness, and the former the power to hold it and make him success- 
ful. He thus acquired a valuable practice, and early in 1834 we 
find him solicitor of the Bank of the United States in Cincinnati, 
to which was soon added a similar position in connection with 
one of the city banks. Thus was the foundation of his fortune 
laid. 

In 1837, Mr. Chase came prominently forward in the advocacy 
of those ideas with which his name is now so widely identified. 
Acting as counsel for a colored woman who was claimed as a 
fugitive slave, he made an elaborate argument controverting the 
authority of Congress to impose duties or confer powers in fugi- 
tive-slave cases on State magistrates, — " a position in which he 
has since been sustained by the Supreme Court of the United 
States, — and maintained that the law of 1798 relative to fugitive 
slaves was void, because unwarranted by the Constitution of the 
United States." In the same year he defended James Gr. Birney, 
who was prosecuted by the State for harboring a negro slave. 
The case was tried before the Supreme Court of Ohio, and Mr. 
Chase argued that slavery was a local institution, and dependent 
on State law for its existence and continuance ; and that the 
slave, having been brought within the territorial limits of Ohio 
by one claiming to be her master, was, in fact and by right, free. 
In 1838, he followed up these arguments by a review, in a news- 



104 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

paper, of a report enianatiug from the Judiciary Committee of 
the State Senate, which took grounds against granting slaves the 
trial by jury. 

Outside of the political reference of the legal question he dis- 
cussed, Mr. Chase had taken but slight part in politics until 
1841. He had not settled himself into a party man. Sometimes 
he voted with the Democrats, but more generally with the 
Whigs; and this because the Northern Whigs appeared more 
favorable to Anti-Slavery doctrines than their political antago- 
nists. He supported Harrison for the Presidency in 1840, but 
" the tone of his inaugural address, and, still more, the course of 
the Tyler Administration, convinced him that no effective resist- 
ance to the encroachments of slavery was to be expected from 
any party with a slaveholding and pro-slavery wing, modifying, 
if not controlling, its action. He had made up his mind. His 
day for giving a stray vote with the Democracy was gone, and 
the time for fully organizing a distinct party, pledged to Anti- 
Slavery views, had come." He, with others, in 1841, called a 
convention of those opposed to slavery and slavery-extension. 
The convention met in December of that year, organized the 
" Liberal party of Ohio, nominated a candidate for Governor, 
and issued an address defining its principles and purposes.'^ Mr, 
Chase wrote and reported this address, which has an historical 
importance in being one of the earliest expositions of the politi- 
cal warfare against slavery. In 1843, Mr. Chase was an active 
participant in the " National Liberty Convention," which assem- 
bled at Buffalo. He was on the Committee on Resolutions, to 
which was referred, under a rule of the Convention, a resolu- 
tion proposing " to regard and treat the third clause of the Con- 
stitution, whenever applied to the case of a fugitive slave, as 
utterly null and void, and consequently as forming no part of 
the Constitution of the United States, whenever we are called 
upon or sworn to support it." This resolution was opposed by 
Mr. Chase, and was not reported by the committee. Having 
been moved, however, in Convention, it was adopted by that 
body. Senator Butler, of South Carolina, afterward charged 
the authorship and advocacy of the resolution on Mr, Chase, and 
denounced the doctrine of mental reservation apparently sanc- 
tioned by it. Chase replied, " I have only to say I never pro- 



SALMON P. CHASE. 105 

posed the resolution : I never would propose or vote for such a 
resolution. I hold no doctrine of mental reserA^ation. Every 
man, in my judgment, should speak just as he thinks, keeping 
nothing back, here or elsewhere." 

In the same year, "the great Repeal year," as it was called, 
Mr. Chase was designated to prepare an address on behalf of the 
friends of Liberty, of Ireland, and of Kepeal, in Cincinnati, to 
the Loyal National Repeal Association of Ireland, in reply to a 
letter from Daniel O'Connell. In it he reviewed "the relations 
of the Federal Government to slavery at the period of its organi- 
zation, set forth its original anti-slavery policy, and the subse- 
quent growth of the political power of slavery, vindicated the 
action of the liberal party, and repelled the aspersions cast by a 
Repeal Association in Cincinnati upon anti-slavery men." 

The Southern and Western Liberty Convention held in Cin- 
cinnati, June, 1845, originated with Mr. Chase. He desired 
to embrace " all who, believing that whatever is worth preserving 
in republicanism can be maintained only by uncompromising 
war against the usurpations of the slave-power, are, therefore, 
resolved to use all constitutional and honorable means to effect 
the extinction of slavery in their respective States, and its reduc- 
tion to its constitutional limits in the United States." There 
were two thousand delegates present, and over twice that num- 
ber of spectators. As chairman of the committee, the pro- 
jector of the movement drew up the address, embracing a his- 
tory of the Whig and Democratic parties in their relation to 
the Slavery question, recommending, as a political necessity, the 
formation of a party pledged to the overthrow of the Southern 
institution, and showing what to the writer seemed the natural 
and necessary antagonism between Democracy and Southern 
interests. 

Mr. Chase was now a widely-known champion of the grow- 
ing anti-slavery party. He was associated with the Hon. 
W. H. Seward in the defence of John Van Zandt, who was 
arraigned before the United States Supreme Court for aiding 
in the escape of slaves. In this case Seward made one of* his 
most eloquent efforts; and Chase followed up the arguments 
suggested by the above outline of his views on the subject in a 
still more elaborate manner, contending that, "■ under the Ordinance 



106 LIVING REPKKSENTATIVE MEN. 

of 1787, no fugitives from service could be reclaimed from Ohio 
uuless there had been an escape from one of the original States; 
that it was the clear understanding of the framers of the Consti- 
tution, and of the people who adopted it, that slavery was to be 
left exclusively to the disposal of the several States, without 
sanction or support from the National Government; and that 
the clause of the Cojistitutiou relative to persons held to service 
was one of compact between the States, and conferred no power 
of legislation on Congress, having been transferred from the 
Ordinance of 1787, in which it conferred no power on the Con- 
federation and was never understood to confer any." He was 
subsequently engaged for the defence in the case of Dieskell va. 
Parish, before the United States Circuit Court at Columbus, and 
argued the same positions. 

Mr. Chase attended a second "National Liberty Convention" 
in 1847, and, in expectation that the agitation of the Wilmot 
Proviso would result in a more positive movement against slavery- 
extension, opposed the making of any national nominations at 
that time. He anticipated the Whig and Democratic Conven- 
tions in 1848, by calling a Free-Territory Convention, which 
resulted in the Buffalo Convention in August, and the nomina- 
tion of Martin Van Bureu for the Presidency. 

On the 22d of February of the following year, Mr. Chase 
was elected to the United States Senate, receiving the entire 
vote of the Democratic members of the Legislature, as well 
as a large number of the Free-Soilers. Agreeing with the 
Democracy of Ohio, which had, by resolution in Convention, 
declared slavery to be an evil, he supported its State policy and 
nominees, but declared that he would desert it if it deserted the 
anti- slavery position. He spoke at length, on the 26th and 27th 
of March, 1850, against the Compromise resolutions. Opening 
with a modest allusion to his coming from the private walks of 
life, without the advantage of previous public position or expe- 
rience in legislative debates, he claimed consideration for his 
sincerity and the directness with which he would present his 
positions. He then proceeded to give a history of the Govern- 
ment in its relations to slavery. Senator Hunter had, on the 
day previous, remarked that the South had no cause of complaint 
against the North in regard to slavery until the year 1820, — the 



SALMON P. CHASE. lUT 

date of the Missouri Compromise. However that might be, Sena- 
tor Chase thought that we should go farther back if we wanted to 
trace to its source the controversy between shivery and freedom 
in this country. We must go two hundred years back, he said. 
It was in June, 1G20, that a Dutch ship ascended the James 
River, bringing the first skives into Virginia. In that same year 
the Mayflower brought the Pilgrim founders of Xew England to 
Plymouth Rock. Slavery was introduced into Virginia. Free- 
dom was planted in New England. The contest between the 
despotic principle — the element and guarantee of slavery — and 
the democratic principle — the element and guarantee of liberty 
— commenced. After going through the documentary history 
touching the subject, an allusion to a monument to Jefferson 
gave rise to a striking passage, which all can appreciate. He 
did not know that Jefferson had a monument in Virginia. Sena- 
tor Mason informed him that there was, — a granite obelisk ; and 
Senator Seward remarked that the inscription was, "Here is 
buried Thomas Jefferson, Author of the Declaration of American 
Independence, of the Statute of Virginia for Religious Freedom, 
and Father of the University of Virginia." 

"It is an appropriate inscription," said Senator Chase, "and worthily 
commemorates distinguished services. But, Mr. President, if a stranger 
from some foreign land should ask me for the monument of Jefferson, I 
would not take him to Virginia, and bid him look on a granite ohelisk, 
however admirable in its proportions or inscriptions. I would ask him 
to accompany me beyond the AUeghanies, into the midst of the broad 
Northwest, and would say to him, — 

Si monumentum quteris, circumspice ! 
Behold, on every side, his monument! These thronged cities; these 
flourishing villages ; these cultivated fields ; these million happy homes 
of prosperous freemen ; these churches ; these schools ; these asylums 
for the unfortunate and the helpless ; these institutions of education, 
religion, and humanity; these great States, — great in their present re- 
sources, but greater far in the mighty energies by which the resources 
of the future are to be developed ; these, these are the monuments of 
Jefferson. His memorial is all over our Western land : — -< 

Our meanest rill, our mightiest river, 

Rolls mingling with his tame forever. 

" But what monument should be erected to those whose misapplied 

talents, energy, and perseverance have procured, or whose compromising 

timidity has permitted, the reversal of the policy of Jefferson ? What 

inscription should commemorate the acts of those who have surrendered 



108 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

vast Territories to slavery ; who have disappointed the expectations of 
the fathers of the Republic ; -who have prepared for our country the 
dangers and difficulties which are now around us and upon us ? It is 
not for me, sir, to say what that inscription should be. Let it remain a 
blank forever." 

He continued his speech on the following day, in review of the 
resolutions under discussion. He concurred in the decision to 
admit California with the boundaries claimed by her and the Con- 
stitution which she had adopted. He could have wished that she 
had been divided into two States. He opposed the propositions 
to connect the admission of California with the general settle- 
ment of the Slavery question, and to give the Utah and New 
Mexico Bill precedence over the California Bill. In regard to 
Texas, he thought the questions connected with the erection of 
new States within her limits, the liability of the United States 
for her debts, and the determination of her western and north- 
western boundaries, might be disposed of when they arose. He 
did not concur in any way with Mr. Webster in regard to the 
obligation to admit new slave States out of Texas. Webster 
had opposed the admission of Texas and denied the constitution- 
ality of the resolutions of annexation. He was therefore startled 
when he heard the Senator from Massachusetts declare not only 
that he regarded the constitutionality of the admission of Texas 
as a matter adjudged, and not now open to question in any way, 
but that, when the proper time for the enactment should arrive, 
Congress would be bound to admit four new slave States out of 
Texas. Senator Chase denied the obligation. It was, he said, 
known at the time that the resolutions would not have passed 
except upon the assurance of Mr. Polk, President-elect, that he 
would adopt the alternative presented by them, which contem- 
plated negotiation and a treaty. But Tyler, in the last days of 
his official power, took the matter out of the hands of the in- 
coming President. 

He was in favor of the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia, and was surprised by the proposition '■'' That Congress 
has no power to prohibit the slave-trade among the States." 
''Why, sir," said he, "that trade is prohibited now, except upon 
certain conditions. It is prohibited in vessels of less capacity 
than forty tons. Not a slave can be shipped coastwise without 
a permit from an officer of the United States ) not a slave shipped 



SALMON P. CHASE. 109 

can be landed without a permit." Congress has a constitutional 
right ^- to regulate commerce among the several States ;" and he 
thought, '^ if they can prohibit the trade in vessels of less than 
forty tons, they can prohibit it in vessels of one hundred, — five 
hundred, — altogether." He argued that the legislative power of 
Congress did not extend to the subject of the extradition of 
fugitive slaves, and, in his peroration, said, '^ I have never cal- 
culated the value of the Union. I know no arithmetic by which 
the computation can be made. AVe of the West are in the habit 
of looking upon the Union as we look upon the arch of heaven, 
— without a thought that it can ever decay or fall. With equal 
reverence we regard the great Ordinance of Freedom, under 
whose benign influence, within little more than half a century, 
a wilderness has been converted into an empire.""^ 

He followed up this speech with others on the specialties con- 
tained in the Compromise resolutions in detail during the session, 
and moved an amendment against the introduction of slavery in 
the Territories to which Mr. Clay's bill applied ; but it was lost 
by 25 to 30. An amendment to the Fugitive Slave Bill, to 
secure trial by jury to alleged slaves, also failed, by 11 to 26. 
He also moved to amend, by striking out the second section of an 
amendment made by Senator Davis, to "conform the provisions," 
in the words of Chase, " of the bill to the provisions of the Con- 
stitution," and illustrated his jDoint thus: — "The Constitution 
provides that 'no person held to service or labor in one State, 
under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse- 
((uence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such 
service or labor, but shall be delivered up.' The terms of the 
Constitution confine the right of reclamation to the taking of 
persons escaping from one State into another State. This section 
extends the remedy, or the right of reclamation, where it does not 
exist, to the Territories. That is the reason why I desire that it 
may be stricken out." After having been discussed, it was lost, 
by 1 to 44, Mr. Chase himself being the solitary "yea." 

When the Democratic Convention of Baltimore nominated 
Franklin Pierce, in 1852, and approved the Compromise of 1850, 
Senator Chase dissolved his connection with the Democrats of 



* See Congressional Globe, 1st Sess. 31st Cong. Appendix to the same, Ac. 

10 



110 LIVING KEPIIESENTATIVE MEN. 

Oliio, and addressed a letter to B. F. Butler, of New York, sug- 
gesting and vindicating the idea of an Independent Democracy. 
He made a platform, which was substantially that adopted at the 
Pittsburg Convention in the same year. He continued his sup- 
port to the "Independent Democrats" until the Nebraska-Kansas 
Bill came up. His action at this crisis is well epitomized by Mr, 
W. S. Thayer.=!= 

In the general opposition to the Nebraska Bill, he took a 
leading part, and the rejection of three of his proposed amend- 
ments was thought to be of such significance as bearing on the 
Slavery question, that it may be well to state them. He first 
proposed to add after the words "subject only to the Constitu- 
tion of the United States," in section 14, the following clause : — ■ 
" Under which the people of the Territory, through their appro- 
priate representatives, may, if they see fit, prohibit the existence 
of slavery therein.'' This was rejected : j'cas, 10 ; nays, 3G. The 
second proposed to give practical efi"ect to the principle of popu- 
lar sovereignty, by providing for the election by the people of 
the Territory of their own governor, judge, and secretary, instead 
of leaving, as in the bill, their appointment to the Federal Exe- 
cutive. This was defeated : yeas, 10 ; nays, 30. He then pro- 
posed an amendment of the boundary, so as to have but one 
Territory, named Nebraska, instead of two, entitled, respect- 
ively, Nebraska and Kansas. This was rejected: yeas, 8; nays, 
34. His opposition to the bill was ended by an earnest protest 
against it on the night of its final passage. 

During his Senatorial career, Mr. Chase advocated economy in 
the national finances, a Pacific Railroad by the shortest and best 
route, the Homestead movement. Cheap Postage, and held that 
the national treasury should defray the expense of providing for 
the safe navigation of the Lakes, as well as of the Atlantic and 
Pacific Oceans. 

In 1855, Mr. Chase was elected Governor of Ohio, by the op- 
ponents of the Pierce Administration. His Inaugural Address, 
among other things, recommended single districts for legislative 
representation, annual instead of biennial sessions of the Legis- 
lature, and an extended educational system. At the next 

* Author of the comprehensive article on Chase in the " New American 

Cyclopedia." 



SALMON P. rilASE. Ill 

National Convention of the Ecpiiblicaus, the Ohio delegation, 
and several from other States, desired to nominate him for the 
Presidency; but, at his own request, his name was withdrawn. 
In his first Annual Message, after touching on the usual topics, 
he recommended a bureau of statistics, which was adopted. 
Grovernor Chase was re-elected to his high office by the largest 
vote ever given for Governor in Ohio. 

Governor Chase is a ready and able debater. On his specialty 
he is powerful, and never fails to impress his hearers. He is 
forcible, eloquent, and wields a free and a copious diction. The 
last prominent exposition of his views on public questions is 
contained in an address delivered, August 25, 1859, to the peo- 
ple of Sandusky, in which, after elaborately discussing matters of 
State policy, he branched out into a review of national questions. 

He referred to Mr. Buchanan's letter of a few years ago, in 
which he said that unless the Democracy put forth its strong 
arm and resisted the existing tendency to extravagance, the ex- 
penditures would, in a sluort time, amount to one hundred mil- 
lions a year. Mr. Buchanan was elected in 185G. He put 
forth his strong Democratic arm, but it had an opposite effect to 
that which he had predicted. Instead of arresting extravagance, 
it propelled it ; and in the first year of his Administration the 
expenditures of the Government were about sixty-five millions 
of dollars. They had already reached the enormous sum of 
fifty millions when he went into office. Now they were raised to 
sixtj'^-five millions. In 1858, the strong Democratic arm was still 
extended and still in action, and the expenditures of the Govern- 
ment went up, instead of down, to eighty-one millions of dollars. 
In 1859 — this year — this strong Democratic arm still extends, 
and the expenditures, according to the estimates, go up to ninety- 
one millions of dollars. Next year, when this strong Democratic 
arm will be still extended for the last time, there is every reason 
for the encouraging expectation that Mr. Buchanan's prophecy will 
be fulfilled, and the expenditures will be raised to over one hun- 
dred millions of dollars. 

Eeviewing the Slavery question, he believed the Lemmon case 
would be decided as the Dred Scott case was, if the Democrats 
gained the next Presidency. He severely criticized the Legis- 
lature of Ohio for repealing the acts against the Fugitive-Slave 



112 LIVING REPKESENTATIVE MEN. 

Law. Reviewing the history of the Missouri Compromise and the 
growth of the Kansas agitation, he pictured President Pierce as 
completely at the mercy and direction of the South. When the 
South found that the Presidential patronage and the repeal of 
the Missouri restriction did not serve their purposes, they wanted 
a constitutional sanction for slavery everywhere. 

"This," continued Governor Chase, "came from the Dred Scott deci- 
sion. Now you have certainly got suflBcient. You have got the Drcd 
Scott decision, by which slavery is sanctioned in all the Territories; you 
have the Government so organized as to enforce these decrees. Then 
surely you are satisfied now. ' Oh, no : what is the use of having sla- 
very established in all the Territories unless we have negroes to put 
there ?' So Mr. Stephens said the other day in Georgia. Said he, ' I 
don't see that we have gained much unless we have negroes to put into 
the Territories. If you want,' said he, * to put slavery in the Territories, 
you must have negroes to put there.' So they have revived the slave- 
trade already. The Government made some poor, puny, and ineffectual 
attempts to repulse it hy a judicial proceeding at Charleston. "What was 
the result? The slaveholders in the jury-box said, 'We don't reco;inise 
any law or Constitution which condemns the slavery which exists among 
us; and if you condemn the trnflic in slaves in Africa, you equally con- 
demn that traffic at home.' That is true. You cannot get away from that. 
Everybody has to admit that, and so these South Carolina men said, ' We 
are not a-going to condemn it at home, and therefore not abroad ; and 
therefore we shall acquit these men.' And acquit them they did." 

lie held that the shive-trade was actually revived ; and the 
question was, Would the Pemocracy consent to the repeal of the 
laws prohibiting it ? They would say that they would not ; but 
they had said so of the Missouri Compromise and of the Fugitive- 
Slave Law, and yet they did consent. If they had not an Afri- 
can, they had an American, slave-trade. People might deem 
his views but as imagination, but he did not dream when, in the 
Senate, he resisted the Fugitive-Slave Law, and foretold that the 
Democracy would inscribe it on their Presidential banner. 

He branded as false the statement that the Republican party 
were unfriendly to the foreign-born citizens, and challenged 
scrutiny into his own career on the subject. His every act and 
word breathed the broadest spirit of liberality for all, regardless 
of the country of their birth • and in common with the Repub- 
lican party he protested against any such discrimination as the 
Government proposed in the Cass letter. 



SALMON P. CHASE. Ho 

III the name of the Eepublican party he also stood by the 
Iloiuestead Bill ; that is, he aud they stood by the principle 
that it was a great deal better that the public lands of the coun- 
try should pass into the hands of settlers ; that they should have 
all opportunity to take up those public lands with little or no 
price, and cultivate them, the country looking for remuneration, 
not to the price of land, but to the increased wealth resulting 
from the settler's industry. It was the policy of the Ilepublican 
party to have free homes for all. He avowed that the Democra- 
tic party in the State Convention endorsed it too ; but what did 
they do at Washington ? In solid phalanx they voted against it. 
All the slaveholders in the South, aided by a great body of the 
Democracy of the North, united in voting down that proposition. 

Governor Wise, having been informed that certain combina- 
tions were being made in Ohio to follow up the attempted inva- 
sion of Virginia commenced at Harper's Ferry in October, wrote 
to Governor Chase on the subject. The reply of the Governor 
of Ohio was laid before the Legislature on the Gth of December, 
1859. The following embraces the chief points : — 

"Whenever it sball be made to appear, either b}' evidence transmitted 
hy you, or otherwise, that unhawful combinations are being formed by auy 
persons or at any place in Ohio for the invasion of Virginia, or for the 
commission of crimes against her people, it will undoubtedly become the 
duty of the Executive to use whatever power he may possess to break up 
such combinations and defeat their unlawful purposes ; and that duty, it 
need not be doubted, will be promptly performed. 

" I observe with deep regret an intimation in your letter that necessity 
may compel the authorities of Virginia to pursue invaders of her juris- 
diction into the territories of adjoining States. It is to be hoped that no 
circumstances will arise creating, in their opinion, such a necessity. Laws 
of the United States, as well as the laws of Ohio, indicate the mode in 
which persons charged with crime in another State, and escaping into 
Ohio, may be demanded and must be surrendered ; and the people of this 
State will require from her authorities the punctual fulfilment of every 
obligation to the other members of the Union. They cannot consent, 
however, to the invasion of her territory by armed bodies from other 
States, even for the purpose of pursuing and arresting fugitives from 
justice." 

For one who has been but one term in Congress, Governor 

Chase, like Mr. Bates, of Missouri, has a paramount hold on the 

affections of his party. His services there and elsewhere have 

done much to combine and elevate it. 
II 10- 



114 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



HOWELL COBB, 

OF GEORGIA. 

Howell Cobb was born at Cherry-Hill, Jefferson County, 
Georgia, on the 7th of September, 1815, and is the son of John 
A. Cobb, who, when quite a boy, removed from Greenville, N.C., 
with his father. The mother of the present Secretary -of the 
Treasury, Sarah K. Cobb, was the daughter of Thomas Rootes, 
of Fredericksburg, Va. His uncle, Howell Cobb, after wHom he 
was named, represented a district in Congress up to the second 
war with Great Britain, in which he served with distinction as 
captain ; and a cousin, Thomas Cobb, having been a Representa- 
tive from 1817, with slight intermission, to 1824, was Senator 
in Congress from that year until 1828. 

At the age of nineteen, in 1834, the subject of this sketch 
was graduated at Franklin College. On the 26th of May of the 
following year he was married to Mary Ann Lamar, daughter 
of the late Colonel Zachariah Lamar, of jMilledgeville. In 
1836, Mr. Cobb was admitted to the bar- and the best proof 
of his immediate success and the confidence inspired by his 
abilities is to be found in the fact that, though barely of age 
and but a year in practice, he was in 1837 elected by the 
Legislature to the office of Solicitor-General for the 'Western 
Circuit of his State. In this position he had to meet the most 
competent and able gentlemen of the bar, and no doubt owes . 
much of his present prominence to the cultivation of the re- 
sources he found in himself during this arduous but gratifying 
period of his career. It is said that his naturally cool judgment 
and almost intuitive legal perception made amends for want of 
experience ; and certain it is that such information as I have 
been enabled to consult credits Mr. Cobb w^ith having conducted 
the office with skill, vigor, and unvarying success. He held the 
place three years, and left it taking rank with the chief lawyers 



HOWELL COBB. 115 

aud advocates in the State ; and he failed not to avail himself 
of his prominence and reputation. For the next three years his 
attention to professional labor was unremitting and productive. 
Grifted with a quickness of perception, rapidity of thought, and 
force of expression engrafted on a sympathetic disposition that 
vehemently adopted his clients' rights and wrongs, Mr. Cobb's 
appeals to a jury were naturally strong and effective. Human 
nature has more power than legal technicalities. The crotchetty 
few can understand the latter, the large-hearted many acknow- 
ledge the former. This was a chief secret of Mr. Cobb's success. 
Speaking of the Georgia bar and the period at which Mr. Cobb 
" won his spurs" at it, a writer in the " Democratic Eeview" for 
1849 s/iys, ^' As a professional man, his character has been 
moulded by the combined influence of his own temperament and 
the customs of the country in which he for the most part prac- 
tised. The Western (his) Judicial Circuit of Georgia has never 
been distinguished for devoted application to books. Situated in 
a broken and, in part, mountainous country, with a sterile soil 
and wretched roads, the people are simple and primitive in their 
ideas and habits, and to this day remain untouched by the pro- 
gress of luxury or refinement. The character of its bench and 
bar has, as usual, assimilated itself to that of the country, and 
the proceedings of the court have been characterized by the 
same features. The ' viginti annorum lucuhrationes' have never 
been much valued there. Courts and juries in that region, there- 
fore, are more influenced by the arguments of a strong though 
rough common sense than by the refinements and subtleties of 
legal learning. The bar, consequently, have been distinguished by 
a quick and clear apprehension of the prominent and controlling 
points of a case, and by force aud eloquence in presenting them to 
courts and juries, rather than by the display of professional re- 
search and nice discrimination of shades of principle. Of this 
general character of the circuit Mr. Cobb is one of the finest ex- 
amples, though, when forced by circumstances to resort to books, 
he readily shows that he can follow the law applicable to his case 
through the most intricate refinements, — which, however, is not 
the usual method of his practice. In common with his profes- 
sional associates, he usually relies on a readiness and self-posses- 
sion of which no surprise can deprive him, on a perfect under- 



116 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

standing of the facts, and on a forcible application of the broad 
and fundamental principles bearing on his case."* 

In the Nullification agitation which so distracted Georgia and 
South Carolina, Mr. Cobb sided with Jackson, and, having thus 
early won reputation as a Union Democrat, the people of his 
district sent him to Congress in October, 1842, — it being his 
first entrance into any legislative body. In the early part of 
his Congressional career, he mingled sufficiently in the debates 
to master the details and duties of the new field upon which 
he was destined to achieve extended reputation. He was suc- 
cessively re-elected in 1844, '46, and '48, representing that 
portion of his State which, under the apportionment of the 
sixth census, was designated the sixth district. In the Twenty- 
Eighth and Twent}^Ninth Congresses, Mr. Cobb continued to 
devote himself to a perfect study of the management of the 
deliberations of the House. This information, — necessary above 
all other to a man who would succeed as a leader in any legis- 
lative body, — with the quickness of thought and readiness in 
resource which he possessed, began to direct attention to the 
young Georgian in moments of exigency. His business capacity 
acknowledged, the tenacity with which he clung to the policy of 
his party became of great service, and indicated him as a leader 
among much older politicians. 

In the Thirtieth Congress, — from December, 1847, to March, 
1849, — Mr. Cobb's position was still more broadly defined. As 
the lamented Drumgoole, of Virginia, failed in health, it became 
necessary that some one should supply his place as parliamentary 
leader of the Democracy in the House, " which for ten years 
that gentleman had filled without even the semblance of rivalry." 
In the occasional contests over political points in the absence of 
Mr. Drumgoole, it was found that Mr. Cobb possessed more of 
the elements of a successful parliamentary leader than any other 
on that side of the House. Mr. Cobb is the first who, without 
previous service in a State Legislature, or long experience in 
that body, was suddenly, as it were, elevated to a party leader- 
ship in the House. Yet, says one who claimed to have carefully 
noted his career at Washington, " we are by no means surprised 

* Democratic Review, September, 1849. 



HOWELL COBB. 117 

at the rapidity witli wliich lie has acquired his influence in the 
Hall," — attributing his success to the possession of strong sense, 
never-failing good temper, an intuitive knowledge of men and 
things, general attainments, and an acquaintance with previous 
decisions upon mooted parliamentary rules and regulations far 
superior to those of any gentleman who had been a member of 
the House during the period alluded to. While Hon. Mr. Vin- 
ton, of Ohio, was the business leader of the Whigs, Mr. Stephens 
their resource in a severe party contest, Mr. R. C. Schenck their 
ready spokesman in the often-occurring impromptu passages at 
arms, and Mr. Hudson, of Massachusetts, their reliance upon 
questions such as the Tariff or Independent Treasury, Mr. Cobb 
was the '^ ever-watchful, ever-ready, and competent leader of the 
Democrats on all mooted party points." 

In the midst of this absorbing duty, to which the representa- 
tive from Georgia was early called, he found time to deliver care- 
fully-prepared speeches upon leading questions from time to time. 
On the 14th and 18th of January, 1844, he made an able speech 
on the motion of his colleague, Mr. Black, for the re-adoption 
of the celebrated 21st rule. In this he upheld the South for its 
devotion to the Union, and the Northern Democracy for its con- 
stitutional position. Mr. Cobb held that '^ to refuse to receive 
petitions asking Congress to flagrantly violate the Constitution, 
or demanding the exercise of power notoriously not confided to 
it, was not an infraction of the fundamental principle of our 
political institutions, precluding the Grovernment from passing 
any law by which the people should be prevented from meeting 
together in their deliberative assemblies, freely and fearlessly 
discussing the conduct and actions of their representatives and 
agents, and, if necessary, presenting the result of their delibera- 
tions in the form of a petition or remonstrance to any department 
of their Government." He also indicated the certain eff'ects 
of the extension of Abolitionism at the North, and placed the 
responsibility of its growth on the Southern Whigs, who, for 
party purposes, refused to stand firmly against the measures of 
the anti-slavery advocates. 

In May of the same year, Mr. Cobb addressed the House in 
Committee of the Whole on the Tariff" question, advocating free- 
trade doctrine, and accusing the Whigs of the South of deserting 



118 LIVING REPRESENTATiyE MEN. 

the extreme anti-Tariff views common to them in the days of 
NuHification, to subserve the purposes of New England capitalists. 
On the 22d of January following, Mr. Cobb defended the con- 
stitutionality of the annexation of Texas in an elaborate speech. 
On the 8th of January, 1846, — an auspicious day for the discus- 
sion of a national question, — he supported President Polk's 
views on the Oregon question, addressed himself forcibly to his 
Southern colleaorues, and besous-ht them to sink all sectional 
sentiments in the prime duty of voting as Americans contending 
for their right with a foreign Power. In 1818, Mr. Cobb fol- 
lowed up these broad national views by taking an active part in 
defending Polk's Administration against the attacks of the Oppo- 
sition relative to the jVIexican War. He demonstrated that the 
grounds upon which the Federalists in Congress were then under- 
taking to censure their own Government involved the grossest 
stultification ; for if any branch of the Government had caused 
the war, Congress alone deserved to be held responsible. The 
original votes of the Whigs for annexation, notwithstanding the 
protest of their leaders, that it was equivalent to the adoption 
of a war with Mexico, the first vote of men and money for its 
prosecution, with the various remarkable incidents of the legis- 
lation of Congress upon these two momentous questions, fur- 
nished Mr. Cobb with so ample data for the exposure of the 
hollowness of the anti-war pretences of the Federalists, that no 
member of the Opposition ventured to reply to him.''' The 
speech was extensively published and made a deep impression, 
'' identifying the anti-Mexican- War spirit of the Federalists of 
our day with the animus of the Hartford Conventionists during 
the War of 1812.'' This effort was greatly appreciated by the 
Administration, placed Mr. Cobb high in the confidence of Pre- 
sident Polk, " and secured for him the permanent and proud 
position, for so young a statesman, of being the leader of his 
party." 

In July, 1848, pending the consideration of the Civil and 
Diplomatic Appropriation Bill, Mr. Cobb made another vigorous 
essay against the Federahsts. He traced the rise and progress 
of the political organizations of the country, and showed what 

* Dem. Rev. 1849, vol. xxv. 



HOWELL COBB. 119 

danger would result from the actions of either party when in 
power, unless checked by the bold watchfulness of an independ- 
ent opposition. This speech was regarded as a triumphant vin- 
dication of the doctrine of Jefferson, that in party organization 
is to be sought the antidote for the evils threatening the Govern- 
ment and the people from the influences of demagogisni and the 
encroaching spirit which, in all ages and under all systems, has 
characterized all rulers. 

The session of 1848-49 was especially eventful to Mr. Cobb 
as a Southern man and representative. The following clear 
account of the political movement from which, though a South- 
ern man, he thought it his duty to differ, is from an authentic 
source. It will be recollected that many of the Southern mem- 
bers, becoming alarmed by the more decided encroachments upon 
what they regarded as the constitutional rights of their con- 
stituents in the matter of slavery, manifested by several votes in 
the House of Representatives, called a meeting of Southern 
delegates in Congress^ without distinction of party, to consider 
their common danger and deliberate upon the line of conduct 
proper on their part. This meeting or convention resulted in 
the promulgation of the Southern Address, signed by a large 
portion of the Democratic Senators and Representatives from 
the South. Mr. Cobb — who, since the times when he manfully 
sustained the integrity of the Union, as involved in Jackson's 
Nullification crisis with Mr. Calhoun, had been emphatically 
a Union Democrat, with others from the South — did not feel at 
liberty to sign that paper ; and, finding their motives misrepre- 
sented, he and his colleague, Mr. Lumpkin, with Messrs. Boyd 
and Clarke, of Kentucky, published a joint address to their con- 
stituents. This was understood to be from the pen of My. Cobb, 
and set forth the motives of the signers in refusing their signa- 
tures to Mr. Calhoun's address. 

The circumstances under which Mr. Cobb felt it his duty to 
pen this admirable paper were indeed peculiar. From his en- 
trance into Congress he had been the efficient advocate and 
defender of the rights of his own section, as involved in the 
strict maintenance both of the letter and spirit of the slavery 
compromises of the Constitution. Believing in the great consti- 
tutional truths insisted on in the Southern Address, it was of 



120 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

course the wish of Mr. Cobb to have felt at liberty to take ground 
with the signers of that paper. To enable him to append his 
name to it, he urged that its recital of the grievances of the 
South from Abolitionism should be full and just. It was his 
opinion that the occasion should be used to show the people of 
the South iirechely how parties at the North had stood for years 
past upon anti-slavery questions, and that full justice should be 
meted to the administration of James K. Polk for the noble 
stand it had early taken and to the last defended, in the matter 
of Southern rights under the Constitution. All this the Address 
failed to do, representing the late Executive and the Southern 
members who voted for the Oregon Bill to have abandoned the 
constitutional platform upon the Slavery question involved 
therein. Deeply sensible of the debt of gratitude due from the 
South to that portion of the Northern Democracy which had 
steadily defended their rights, Mr. Cobb could not bring himself 
to sign a paper effectually classing them with the Abolitionists 
and Northern Whigs, and drawing no line of distinction between 
their course in this connection, and that of those who, for so 
many years, had steadily maintained positions side by side with 
Mr. Giddings or Mr. Jacob Collamer. Still other reasons forbade 
him from becoming a party to Mr. Calhoun's Address. He 
believed that the South should look to the supremacy of a 
national Democracy, administering in the Grovernment Mr. Jeffer- 
son's readings of the Constitution, as her safeguard, her only 
reliable shield against anti-slavery encroachments. Thus be- 
lieving, he was loath to join in a measure tending, evidently, to 
destroy the nationality of the Democratic organization.* 

The election of General Taylor threw Mr. Cobb into the Oppo- 
sition. The popular vote had gone against Cass, the Democratic 
candidate, not because it became dissatisfied with the war-policy 
of the last xVdministration, but because the manner in which 
General Taylor had carried out that policy captivated the people. 
The very election of the Mexican hero was a ratification of the 
Mexican AVar. Mr. Cobb had been the zealous friend and ardent 
supporter of General Cass for the Presidency. -"Not only,^' says 
a recently-written biography of the present Secretary of the 

* Sec Dem. Rev. vol. xxv. 



HOWELL COBB. 121 

Treasury,* '*' not only as the candidate of his party did he advo- 
cate his election, but he defended him upon every stump on the 
position he had taken upon the Slavery question in his letter 
known as the celebrated Nicholson letter ) and that, too, when 
others of his friends either faltered in their support, or openly 
denounced his principles." 

Taylor and the Whigs had been in povrer nine months when 
the Thirty-First Congress assembled in December, 1849. In the 
House the Whigs were divided on a policy relative to the Slavery 
question and the Territories. The Democratic party was also 
divided on the same subject. Northern Whigs and Southern 
Democrats both claimed that their respective organizations at 
the North were alone faithful to the Constitution, which guarantied 
equal rights to all sections. A climax had been reached ; the 
question was to be tested and settled between them. The Free- 
Soilers, though but few in number, held the balance of power. 
The published lists of the day gave the House thus : — Whigs, 
105; Democrats, 112; Free-Soilers, 13; and one vacancy in 
Massachusetts. From the 3d of December to the 22d, the House 
was engaged in the election of a Speaker, and the excitement 
which prevailed at Washington spread all over the country, and 
all parties were on the qui vive. Kt first, and for several days, 
the struggle seemed to be between Mr. Cobb and Mr. Winthrop, 
of Massachusetts, the former leading in the ballotings, but with- 
out (?ettiu2: a sufficient number of votes. Mr. Cobb's name was 
withdrawn; and the Democrats, on the 11th of December, showed 
a disposition to unite on Mr. William J. Brown, of Indiana. On 
this day Mr. Winthrop withdrew; and on the 12th, a coalition 
having been nearly completed between the Democrats and Free- 
Soilers, Brown received 112 votes, none others receiving more 
than 26. 

A motion by Mr. Stanly, (Whig,) of North Carolina, to ap- 
point a committee to confer as to the choice of officers of the 
House, led to a discussion, which resulted in the election of Mr. 
Cobb. Mr. Bayly, of Virginia, placed the responsibility of the 
tedious contest for Speaker upon the Whigs, and the doubtful 
position their President held relative to the Slavery question. 

* United States Democratic Review. New Series. Feb. 1858. Edited by 
Conrad Swackhamer, New York. 

11 



122 LIVING IIEPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Stanly insinuated that something improper had taken place be- 
tween the Democrats and Free-Soilers ; and Bayly branded the 
rumor as without foundation. Mr. Ashmun, of Massachusetts, 
asked Mr. Bayly if a correspondence had not taken place be- 
tween Mr. Brown and a leading Free-Soiler, in which the com- 
mittees were pledged to suit the latter. After some further 
denial, Mr. Brown and Mr. Wilmot defined their positions, and 
two notes were exposed which had passed between them, — the 
latter pledging the Free-Soil vote if the Committees on Territories, 
Judiciary, and District of Columbia were constituted to suit him 
and his friends; and the former, in reply, accepting the propo- 
sition. Mr. Brown withdrew his name; Mr. Bayly, thanking 
Messrs. Stanly and Aslimun for leading to the discovery of the 
correspondence, declared he would not have voted as he did had 
he known of its existence; and the confusion was worse con- 
founded than ever. The ballotings proceeded — Cobb and Win- 
tlirop being the leading men — until the 22d, when, a resolution 
having been adopted in favor of the plurality rule, Mr. Cobb 
was elected on the 63d ballot, having 102 votes; Mr. Win- 
throp, 99. 

At the period at which Mr. Cobb was elevated to the Speaker- 
ship, the duties of the position were calculated to test the nerve 
and the intellect of the strongest and the ablest. That first ses- 
sion of the Thirty-First Congress was the longest on our Con- 
gressional annals.* It was also, up to the period, the most 
exciting. In the Compromise measures Mr. Cobb took a deep 
and earnest interest; and it is claimed for him that to none, 
living or dead, is the country more indebted for their adjustment. 
His position as Speaker precluded the possibility of his taking 
so prominent a public share in the arrangement as others, but he 
was untiring, as he was instrumental, in bringing about the final 
settlement. 

In nearly every Southern State, opposition to the Compromise 
measures was manifested by the organization of a ^'Southern 
Bights" party. Georgia was an especial battle-ground for 
'' Southern Bights.^' This party demanded a settlement with 
a wider basis than had been conceded. Mr. Cobb, having with 

••■• It commenced on December 3, 1849, and continued until September 30, 
1850,— a period of 302 days. 



now ELI. COUB. 123 

the strongest convictions upheld the Compromise, was placed in 
opposition to what seemed the ruling spirit of his State. Yet 
on the issue he was run for Governor at the conclusion of his 
Congressional term. His competitor was the Hon. Charles J. 
McDonald. The contest was bitter and acrimonious beyond pre- 
cedent; and Mr. Cobb was elected as a Union man by the largest 
majority that was ever given in the State in any political contest. 

As Governor, his past experience was of exceeding benefit to 
Mr. Cobb, and his administration is admitted to have been able 
and acceptable. At the end of two years he retired from the 
Gubernatorial chair to the practice of his profession in the dis- 
trict where he had previously resided. 

In the contest which resulted in the election of Franklin Pierce 
to the Presidency, Mr. Cobb took an active interest. The Balti- 
more Convention endorsed the measures of 1850 ; old antagonisms 
were lost sight of in the union of the Democracy ; and !Mr. Cobb 
and those who had opposed him for Governor were now thrown 
shoulder to shoulder in the same party organization from which 
the causes above mentioned had dissevered them. 

Mr. Cobb remained in retirement from the election of Pierce 
until 1855, when his old constituency again demanded his pre- 
sence in Congress. He served on the Committee of AVays and 
Means with his usual ability, and was one of the most prominent 
actors and leaders on the side of the Constitution and the Union. 
He fully endorsed the nomination of Mr. Buchanan, and at 
various places addressed the people on the issues upon which the 
Democracy carried the campaign. At West Chester, Pennsyl- 
vania, he made a speech in September, 1856, which attracted 
much attention, as defining the difference between what was 
called *' Southern Doctrine" and '^Squatter Sovereignty." He 
held to the principles which he had always advocated, — the right 
of the people to self-government, — and avowed that he would 
carry them out, no matter how they would operate as regarded 
the incoming of Kansas under a slave or free State Constitution. 
Principles were dearer to him than the results of any election. 
" I stand upon the principle," he said : " the people of my State 
decide it for themselves ; you for yourselves ; the people of Kansas 
for themselves. That is the Constitution : and I stand by the 
Constitution." 



124 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Here a gentleman interrupted Mr. Cobb, witli his consent, to 
inquire whether he meant that the people of the Territory, be- 
fore forming their Constitution, should have the power to exclude 
slavery, or that they should have the power to pass upon it when 
they form their Constitution. He also desired that Mr. Cobb 
would explain not only his view of the subject, but also the view 
which was advocated by those who stood with him in the Southern 
States in support of Mr. Euchanan. Mr. Cobb, resuming, gave 
this clear and direct reply : — 

" Fellow-citizens, there never has been, in all the history of this slavery 
matter, a more purely theoretical issue than the one involved in the ques- 
tion prcpounded to me by my friend ; and I will show it to you. I will 
state to you the positions of the advocates of this doctrine of non-inter- 
vention, on which there are diiferent opinions held; but I will show you 
that it is the purest abstraction, in a practical point of view, that ever 
was proposed for political discussion. There are those who hold that the 
Constitution carries all the institutions of this country into all the Terri- 
tories of the Union ; that slavery, being one of the institutions recognised 
by the Constitution, goes with the Constitution into the Territories of the 
United States; and that, when the Territorial Government is organized, 
the people have no right to prohibit slavery there until they come to form 
a State Constitution. That is what my friend calls ' Southern Doctrine.' 
There is another class who hold that the people of the Territories, in their 
Territorial state, and while acting as a Territorial Legislature, have a 
light to decide upon the question whether slavery shall exist there during 
their Territorial state ; and that has been dubbed ' Squatter Sovereignty.' 
Now, you perceive that there is but one point of difference between the 
advocates of the two doctrines. Each holds that the people have the right 
to decide the question in the Territory: one holds that it can be done 
through the Territorial Legislature, and while it has a Territorial exist- 
ence ; the other holds that it can be done only when they come to form a 
State Constitution. But those who hold that the Territorial Legislature 
cannot pass a law prohibiting slavery admit that, unless the Territorial 
Legislature pass laws for its protection, slavery will not go there. There- 
fore, practically, a majority of the people represented in the Territorial 
Legislature decides the question. Whether they decide it by prohibiting 
it, according to the one doctrine, or by refusing to pass laws to protect it, 
as contended for by the other party, is immaterial. The majority of the 
people, by the action of the Territorial Legislature, will decide the ques- 
tion : and all must abide the decision when made. (Great applause.) 

"My friend, you observe that — no matter what the issue which is pre- 
sented — I stand upon a principle. There I planted myself in the com- 
mencement of this argument, — the right of the people to self-government. 
I intend to maintain it, to stand by it, to carry it out, to enforce it. If 



HOWELL COBB. 125 



om 



it operate to the exclusion of the people of my section of the country fiv 
tkese Territories, be it so ; it is the Constitution of the countrj-, and they 
have no right to complain. If it operate in their behalf and for their 
protection, I call upon you to say, is it not right that they shonld have 
the benefit of it?" 

During the Presidential canvass Governor Cobb visited several 
cf the Northern States, where he forcibly and successfully vindi- 
cated the principles and policy of the Democratic party. Long 
a personal and political admirer of Mr. Buchanan, the advocacy 
of his election was an agreeable labor. Upon the accession of 
Mr. Buchanan, one of his earliest acts was to tender the distin- 
guished Georgian the post of Secretary of the Treasury. The 
Democratic party throughout the country approved of the ap- 
pointment. 

During the financial panic in 1857, a writer in a leading Oppo- 
sition journal — the New York Courier and Enquirer — says, ^'I 
must do the Secretary of the Treasury the justice to say that he 
is doing all which expediency requires and the law permits at 
his hands to remove or mitigate existing evils. He is paying 
out money as fast as practicable and safe under the appropriatiou 
acts; and he is redeeming stocks with a promptitude never before 
exceeded.'' 

On the 20th of April, 1858, E. Lafitte & Co., of Charleston, 
S. C, applied to the collector of that port "to clear the American 
ship Richard Cobden, ^Y. F. Black, master, burthen 750;|4 
tons, for the coast of Africa, for the purpose of taking on board 
African emigrants, in accordance with the United States pas- 
senger laws, and returning with the same to a port in the United 
States." The collector requested the opinion of Secretary Cobb; 
and he, considering the matter important, gave the matter care- 
ful attention, and complied. The question was involved in some 
embarrassment by the form of application. The applicants de- 
sired either to import Africans to be sold as slaves or bound to 
service; or else bring them here as other emigrants, to be en- 
titled, on arrival, to the privileges of freemen. 

Secretary Cobb shov.^ed that the statute-books gave conclusive 
evidence of general opposition to the continuance of the slave- 
trade. He referred to and quoted from the Acts of 1794 and 
1800, both of which contemplate in general terms the prevention 
of the trade in slaves. "When," he writes, in continuation, — 

11-; 



126 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

"When, however, in 1807, and subsequent tliereto, Congress undertook 
to prevent the importation of slaves into the United States, the language 
of the law was made more stringent and comprehensive. The first section 
of the Act of 1807 provides, ' That from and after the first day of Janu- 
ary, one thousand eight hundred and eight, it shall not be lawful to 
import or bring into the United States, or the Territories thereof, from 
any foreign kingdom, place, or country, any negro, mulatto, or person 
of color, with intent to hold, sell, or dispose of such negro, mulatto, or 
person of color, as a slave, or to be held to service or labor.' " 

Was it a cargo of free negroes the Messrs. Lafitte were going 
to import ? If so, they could not bring them to Charleston or 
any other port in South Carolina; for the laws "were stringent 
and the penalties heavy against the introduction of free negroes 
into that State. Where were they to be landed, and what were 
the motives of the enterprise ? 

"It cannot be the profits of the voyage. There are no Afncan emi- 
grants peeking a passage to this country ; and if there were, they havo 
no means of remunerating Messrs. Lafitte & Co, for bringing them. 
The motive cannot be mere philanthropy ; for it would confer no benefit 
upon these negroes to bring them to our shores, where, if permitted to 
land at all, it would only be to occupy our pest-houses, hospitals, and 
prisons. To believe, under the circumstances, that there is a bona fide 
purpose on the part of IMcssrs. Lafitte & Co. to bring African emigrants 
to this country to enjoy the rights and privileges of freemen, would re- 
quire an amount of credulity that would justly subject the person so 
believing to the charge of mental imbecility. The conviction is irresist- 
ible, that the object of the proposed enterprise is to bring these African 
emigrants into the country with the view either of making slaves of them, 
or of holding them to service or labor." 

Mr. Cobb concluded by refusing a clearance. This course 
received the unanimous approval of the country. 

It has been aptly remarked that the national record exhibits 
a galaxy of names rendered illustrious as heads of the Treasury 
Department, commencing with Alexander Hamilton, appointed 
by President Washington, 1789. Jefferson had his Gallatin ; 
Madison his Dallas ; Jackson his Taney and Woodbury ; and 
Polk his Robert J. Walker. These have left behind them great 
examples; and the public career of Secretary Cobb indicates that 
''at the end of his term of service he will leave upon the record 
a name worthy of being classed as an equal with the most dis- 
tinguished of his predecessors.'^ 



HOWELL COBB. 127 

In September, 1859, the Secretary made an official visit to 
New York, where he was warmly welcomed by the leading Demo- 
crats, and received the honor of a public serenade, which he 
accepted only on the condition that he would not be requested 
to speak. This visit was in connection with Mr. Cobb's "re- 
trenchment" measure, — the reduction of the number of officials 
appointed to collect the public revenues there, — and apropos of 
which the Government organ says, "The Secretary of the Trea- 
sury has already done enough to show his determination to pro- 
mote real economy in every branch of the service over which he 
can exercise any control. His reforms are acknowledged by 
those who at first doubted their efficacy and propriety to ' work 
well ;' and he is among the last men in the nation to be diverted 
from what he regards as truly the public interest by ^ interference' 
from any quarter." 



128 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 

OF KENTUCKY. 

In one of the iuteresting episodes of the famous Kansas- 
Lecompton debate of March, 1858, an allusion in the speech of 
Senator Green, of Missouri, brought to his feet the venerable 
Senator who occupied a seat immediately next the bar of the 
Chamber, and nearly on the extreme left of the Vice-President's 
chair. A man of medium height, and rather spare figure, his 
face is strongly marked, years and thoughtful experience com- 
pleting the original outlines of nature. There is a warm, 
healthy flush over his features, as though a strong heart contri- 
buted to their sedate enthusiasm, and making a pleasant and 
jjicturesque contrast with the white hair that decorates his head. 
His manner is as marked as his features, disclosing earnestness 
and pathos; while his matter is presented with a freshness, vigor, 
and copiousness of language which command respectful attention. 
Even those who differ from the Senator's views yield to his elo- 
quence. But it is when, rising above the sectionalities of debate, 
he invokes a national inspiration, and gives voice to it, that ho 
is peculiarly affecting and effective, evoking from his hearers the 
tearful solicitude he portraj^s himself. On the present occasion, 
he speaks of himself, and his words consequently are especially 
interesting. The eyes of the Senators of all sides are inquiringly 
turned to him. The full galleries are expectant, and many a 
political enthusiast who slejjt in the lobbies — for it is the day 
after the midnight scene of splendor when Douglas addressed the 
Senate — is thoroughly awakened by the voice of the "old man 
eloquent." He said the Senator from Missouri was surprised at 
his feelings, and intimated that he had had bad schooling. Briefly 
reviewing the political points made by Senator Green, he said he 
knew his own defects, but did not like them to be attributed to 
the school in which he had been brought up. 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 129 

^'If my education is defective/' he said, "it is on account of 
some defect in me, and not in the school. The gentleman is a 
young man, and a young Senator. I hope and wish for him a 
long life of public usefulness. He may have learned much more 
than I have done ; and, if so, it only shows the superiority of his 
capacity to learn, for I am sure he has not been in a better school. 
Sir, this is the school in which I was taught. I took lessons 
here when this was a very great body indeed. I will make no 
comparisons of what it is now, or was then or at any other time ; 
but I learned from your Clays and your Websters, your Calhouns 
and your Prestons, your Bentous and your Wrights, and such 
men. I am a scholar, I know, not likely to do much credit to 
the school in which I was taught; and it is of very little con- 
sequence to the world, or to the public, whether I have learned 
well or ill. It will soon be of no importance to this country or 
to anybody." 

This proud yet modest speech creates an interest in the speaker 
on the part of those strangers in town who do not know his 
person or career. They naturally ask who he is ; and a dozen 
voices, with some surprise and much gratification, reply, " Crit- 
tenden, of Kentucky." 

He is the oldest Senator in the Chamber. It is more than 
forty years since he first entered it in a representative character. 
He was a Senator before Webster, Calhoun, and Benton, long — 
many years — before Wright and Preston. He was not the pupil, 
but the contemporary, of those men. He learned with, and not, 
as he modestly says, from, them. In the space allotted here, it 
would be impossible to give more than an historical outline of a 
career so extended, and embracing so many topics interesting to 
Kentucky and the Union. Of those latter-day measures, how- 
ever, in which Senator Crittenden participated, and in view of 
which the positions of public men are now being canvassed, some 
detail is demanded. 

John Jordan Crittenden was born in Woodford County, Ken- 
tucky, in September, 1786. His father had been an officer in 
the Revolutionary Army, and was accidentally killed by the fall 
of a tree, about the year 1806, while the subject of this sketch 
was still a student of law, and under age. The elder Crittenden 
was an early settler in Kentucky, and continued a farmer to the 
I 



130 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

time of his death. He luul acquired a large estate in Kentucky 
hmds, but it availed his family but little, and his children were 
left to the care of their mother, with but slender means of sup- 
port. 

Soon after his professional education was completed, J. J. 
Crittenden removed from AVoodford to Russellville, in the county 
of Logan, and commenced the practice of the law. 

AVhen, at the call of General Harrison, Governor Shelby raised 
four thousand mounted men in September, 1812, John J. Crit- 
tenden was among the volunteers. He soon was in active service. 
The British and Indians had laid siege to Fort Wayne, intending 
to push on to Fort Harrison and "V^incennes. Crittenden accom- 
])anied General Hopkins in his expedition on the Wabash, and 
returned in a few mouths, at the conclusion of the campaign, to 
his profession. In the following year he was among the Ken- 
tucky volunteers who nuirched to reinforce General Harrison on 
the Northwestern frontier. At the battle of the Thames, (Octo- 
ber 5,) Crittenden served as aid-de-camp to Governor Shelby, 
who commanded an important point, and who, as Harrison wrote 
in his despatch to the Secretary of War, "at the age of sixty-six 
preserved all the vigor of youth, the ardent zeal which distin- 
guished him in the Kevolutionary War, and the undaunted bra- 
very which he manifested at King's Mountain." In the same 
despatch, the services of Majors Barry and Crittenden are com- 
mended to the President's notice: — "The activity of the two 
latter gentlemen could not be surpassed."* 

The war being closed. Major Crittenden returned again to the 
practice of his profession in Russellville and the surrounding 
counties. He was several times elected to the State Legislature 
from the county of Logan, and was the Speaker of its House of 
Representatives when he was elected to the United States Senate, 
in which he took his seat December 1, 1817, his term com- 
mencing at the same date with the Presidency of James Monroe, 
whom he supported. He served through that Congress, and, re- 
signing his seat, removed from Russellville to Frankfort, the State 



* General Harrison to lion. J. Armstrong, Secretary of War. ''Official 
Letters of the Military and Naval Officers of the United States during the War 
with Great Britain," &q. &c,, collected and arranged by John Brannan, Wash- 
ington City, 182:]. 



JOHN J. ClUTTENDEN. 131 

Capital, determined to devote himself to liis profession. During 
his two years of service at this time, he moved the reimburse- 
ment of fines under the Sedition Law of 1798, known in the 
days of opposition to it as the "gag-law." The chief provisions 
of that law were, it made punishable ''the defaming or bringing 
into contempt Congress or the President ; exciting public hatred 
against them; stirring up 'sedition;' raising unlawful combina- 
tions for resisting the laws and lawful authorities; aiding and 
abetting foreign nations against the people or Government of the 
United States." Senator Crittenden denounced the Sedition Law 
as unconstitutional. He also spoke warmly in favor of a bill 
introduced by Senator Morrow, of Ohio, the design of which 
was to throw open the public lands to actual settlers. A House 
bill, putting fugitives from labor on the same level with fugitives 
from justice, having been referred to a committee of which 3Ir. 
Crittenden was chairman, he reported it back with several amend- 
ments, one of which provided that the identity of the alleged fugi- 
tive should be proved by other evidence than that of the claimant. 

Returning to Frankfort, Mr. Crittenden filled up the period 
from 1819 to 1835 in the practice of his profession, occasionally 
representing the county in the State Legislature, and continually 
adding to his repute. In 1828, he was nominated by Presi- 
dent John Quincy Adams as an Associate Judge of the United 
States Supreme Court, but, failing of confirmation in the Senate, 
Mr. McLean was subsequently appointed to that position. In 
1835, he was re-elected to the United States Senate. With 
Webster, Clay, and Benton, he opposed Calhoun's bill author- 
izing anti-slavery documents to be taken from the Southern mail, 
was in favor of a United States Bank, was against the Sub-Treasury 
system, and opposed the remission of the fine against General 
Jackson for contempt of court in declaring martial law in New 
Orleans. 

The extent of pre-emption right was a question which agitated 
Congress toward the close of Van Buren's Administration. A 
bill came up in favor of actual settlers on the public lands, to 
which the Senator from Kentucky moved an amendment, denying 
the privileges of the Act to aliens who had not made a declara- 
tion of their intention to become citizens, and urged his views in 
several speeches. 



132 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Senator Crittenden was re-elected, but resigned in March, 
1841, having accepted the invitation of his former chief in the 
military field. General — novi^ President — Harrison, to take the 
office of Attorney-General in his Cabinet. Having convened 
the Twenty-Seventh Congress for the 31st of May, 1841, to con- 
sider matters of great national importance, the President did not 
live to see it meet. lie died April 4, and was succeeded in 
his duties by Vice-President Tyler. In September of the same 
year, Mr. Crittenden, with the rest of Harrison's Cabinet, except 
Daniel Webster, resigned, and retired into private life; from which, 
however, he was soon recalled to fill the unexpired period of Mr. 
Clay's term, that statesman having resigned, with the intention of 
finally retiring, on March 31, 1842, after the passage of the 
Tariff Act. During this session, (the third of the Twenty-Seventh 
Congress,) Senator Crittenden argued for the smallest ratio of 
Congressional representation, his belief being that with more 
representatives the House would be more democratic. 

Crittenden was re-elected to the Senate for the succeeding 
term, from March, 1843, and remained until 1848, when he 
resigned, having received the Whig nomination for Governor of 
Kentucky, to which office he was elected by a large majority. 

During this term, topics of great importance came under his 
consideration, — the Oregon question, the Texas annexation, the 
Mexican War. These still more markedly than heretofore de- 
fined party lines, and excited the whole Union. Senator Crit- 
tenden spoke frequently. On the Oregon question he deprecated 
precipitation , and advocated peace, but not at the sacrifice of honor, 
and favored such measures as he thought would promote it. 
In his speeches on the annexation of Texas, he took the same 
ground, so far as national honor was concerned, but opposed the 
annexation as unconstitutional, unnecessary, and unwise. The 
Mexican War he strove to bring to an end as soon as compatible 
with dignity. In 1847 he introduced, and supported with cha- 
racteristic eloquence and feeling, the bill into the Senate, author- 
izing the purchase of food, and the use of the Government ships 
to carry it to Ireland and Scotland, to relieve those suffering 
from famine and fever. The next year, when the three days of 
February had lit the torch of revolution in Europe, he offered a 
resolution congratulating the French Republic, anticipating, as 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 133 

almost all did, the establishment of a lasting republican govern- 
ment in that country. In the same year, he opposed Mr. Hanne- 
gan's bill for the military occupation of Yucatan. 

On the accession of Millard Fillmore to the duties of the first 
magistracy, on the death of President Taylor, Governor Critten- 
den became a member of the new Cabinet, (July 20, 1850,) as 
Attorney-General, and remained in that office until the close of 
the Fillmore Administration, March, 1853. The next year, he 
was again elected to the United States Senate, for the term 
ending in 18G1. 

With the Kansas question Senator Crittenden's name is inextri- 
cably interwoven. He opposed the admission of Kansas under the 
Topeka Constitution in 1856, recorded his vote against the re- 
peal of the Territorial laws, and was in favor of Senator Toombs's 
Kansas Bill. It was far from being unobjectionable to him, but 
he regarded it as a peace measure. In March, 1858, in the 
famous debate in which he occupied so prominent a position, 
he opposed the admission of Kansas under the Lecompton 
Constitution. The scene on this occasion, as well as the views 
of the distinguished Senator, were among the leading topics of 
the day, and properly belong to the history of the Congress and 
the country. It took place on the 17th of March ; and in a 
leading journal of the next day the appearance of the Senate- 
Chamber and the pith of the speech were prominently given in 
the editorial columns. As that day's doings are among the chief 
of the causes which brought Senator Crittenden's name promi- 
nently before the people for the Presidency, the article is given 
almost entire : — 

"The Senate presented the most brilliant spectacle on the occasion of 
Senator Crittenden's speech on the topic of the day. We have not seeQ 
the galleries so crowded this session. We have not seen so many ladies 
in them, or such a crowd of public men on the floor of the Senate, in ad- 
dition to a full attendance of Senators. The editorial gallery was jammed, 
and, we honestly believe, with editors and reporters, which is not alwnys 
the case, though it is usually full. In the ladies' gallery Mrs. Crittenden 
commanded particular attention, even as her gifted husband was the 
chief object of attraction in the chamber. Among the number of ladies 
connected with the political notabilities of the day, Mrs. Governor Brown, 
Mrs. Hale, Mrs. Chandler, Miss Wise, and Miss Sally Toombs were recog- 
nisable. On the floor we noticed, among the crowd of visitors. Baron 
Stoeckl, Lord Napier, Rev. Dr. Pyne, Judge Gilchrist, Reverdy Johnson, 

12 



134 LIVliNCJ llKiniESEM'ATl\ K .MEN. 

J, Watson Webb, Duff Green, E. Wluttlese}^ and a large number of past 
or present members of the House of llepresentatives, including Harris, of 
Illinois, Keitt and Boyce, of South Carolina, Ilaskin and ('ochrane, of New 
York, Barksdale, of Mississippi, Davis and English, of Indiana, Adrain, of 
New Jersey, Underwood, of Kentucky, Trippe, of Georgia, Giddings, of 
Ohio, Burlingame, of Massachusetts, Phillips, of Alabama, Waterson, of 
Tennessee, Otero, of New Mexico, and Kingsbury, of Minnesota. Indeed, 
as truthful chroniclers for some future historian of Congress, we may say 
that the crowd was of the most intellectual, elegant, and attentive charac- 
ter yet witnessed this session. 

"Senator Crittenden spoke for two hours and a half, with great clear- 
ness and force. He thought the consideration of the rights of the people 
to govern themselves was certainly not inapplicable in the present issue. 
The President had, with unusual earnestness, urged the acceptation of 
the Lecompton Constitution. The Senator from Kentucky differed with 
this view, because he did not believe the Constitution had the sanction of 
the people of Kansas. Whatever the prima facie evidence to show that it 
was, he held that, on examination, it was clear that it was not the voice 
of the Kansas people. It was rather against the overwhelming majority 
of the people. To the extent of some six thousand votes it appears to 
have been sanctioned, but out of these six thousand votes about three 
thousand were proved to be fictitious and fraudulent. This is verified by 
the minority reports of the Committee on Territories, and is certified by 
the authorities appointed by Mr. Calhoun in Kansas to inspect the votes. 
This vote was taken on the 21st of December. Before that vote was 
taken the Legislature, elected in October and convened by Acting-Gover- 
nor Stanton, passed an act postponing the voting on the Constitution until 
January 4. On that day ten thousand majoi'ity was given against the 
Constitution, and the Legislature passed a resolution, the substance of 
which was that the Constitution was a fraud. How, then, can you say 
that this Constitution is the voice of the people ? Unless we shut our 
eyes to the election on the 4th of January, we see an immense popular 
vote against it. We also have the solemn act of the Legislature. 

"You will accept that which testifies to the minority, and reject that 
which testifies for the majority. You will accept the first expression of 
opinion, and reject the last, while it is a rule in law that the last enact- 
ment supersedes all others. Why is not the evidence of the 4th of Janu- 
ary entitled to our respect and confidence ? He believed the President 
was in great error. He had expressed himself in favor of submitting the 
entire Constitution to the people, and, in his message, regrets that it was 
not. The Governor, carrying out the then policy of the President, pro- 
mised that it would be submitted ; and the act of the Legislatui'e, which 
the President desires to regard as a nullity, was actually carrying out the 
expressed will and desires of the President and the Governor."'^ 

* " States," Washington, March 18, 1858. 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 1 o5 

Tlic distingiiislied gentleman proceeded to inquire into the 
benefit that was expected from the admission of Kansas, and 
held that nothing was to be gained. He was a Southern man, 
as ready to defend any invasion of Southern rights as any man. 
But the same feeling which inspired him to defend his own 
rights inspired him to defend the rights of others. He believed 
that slave-labor could not be profitably employed north of 36° 30'. 
Experience has shown the wisdom of the men who made the line 
of demarcation. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was an 
evil measure. If it was not completely constitutional, it was 
hallowed, in his estimation, by the good it produced and the 
peace it entailed on the country. 

During the debate the Senator from Kentucky had been de- 
lighted with the display made by Senators, North and South, of 
the resources of their sections. He heard them with great pride. 
One showed the mighty resources in product of the South ; 
another exhibited the skill, labor, navigation, and commerce of 
the North. If a man might be proud of either as separate 
nations, how should he feel at their union? His allegiance was 
not to any particular section. He desired to be ruled by a spirit 
of justice. He did not vote on this matter in any sectional 
sense. He was anxious to aid in a settlement of all differences, 
and he would go for the admission of Kansas on the condition 
that the Constitution be submitted to a vote of the qualified 
voters; if it was ratified, the President should proclaim Kansas 
a State; and, if not, that a new constitutional convention be 
authorized, — an enabling act, in fact, be passed for its benefit. 

Senator Crittenden's speech "created a marked sensation, and 
the eloquent Kentuckian was warmly congratulated by Senators." 

On the next day, and in reply to some remarks on this speech 
by Senator Toombs, of Georgia, Senator Crittenden took occasion 
to impress still further on the South that she had nothing to gain 
by the passage of Lecomptou. He held that slavery was not in 
the question. If the South could look at the question as he 
looked at it, he believed it would be for her benefit. You will 
[to the South] have two Senators immediately here, opposed to 
you. Are you in a hurry to precipitate such a result ? Will 
you gain by it? No. If the Southern men thought with him, 
they would place no estoppel on Kansas, but act a just part; and 



136 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

only thus could they benefit the section of the country of which 
he, with others here, was a citizen and a Senator. He regretted 
that every man in the South did not agree with him. He had 
not enlisted under any banner. He thought he had grown old 
enough to disrobe himself of the prejudices of the partisan, and 
act the patriot. He was a true Senator, a true citizen, of the 
South. 

A loud burst of applause in the galleries anticipated the death 
of Lecompton.* 

Senator Crittenden offered a substitute for the bill admitting 
Kansas. It was defeated in the Senate by a vote of yeas 24, 
nays 34, but was introduced into the House by Mr. Montgomery, 
of Pennsylvania, and passed, yeas 120, na}s 112. The ''Crit- 
tenden-Montgomery Bill," as it was called, provided for the sub- 
mission of the Lecompton Constitution to the vote of the people 
of Kansas. If it had a majority, the President w\is to be 
informed, who would, by proclamation, declare Kansas admitted 
on that Constitution, without further Congressional interference. 
If rejected, it provided for a convention, to be called at an early 
day, under suitable guards, for the formation of another Consti- 
tution, and allowed the new State one Representative in Con- 
gress until the next census. The bill gave great satisfaction 
to the Anti-Lecomptonites. It was considered a national, and 
not a party, measure. On the 2d of April, on motion of Senator 
Green, the Senate passed a resolution disagreeing with the House 
bill, yeas 33, nays 23 ; and on the 8th, the House, on motion of 
Mr. Montgomery, "adhered to its amendment," by yeas 119, 
nays 111. Thus there was direct conflict between the branches 
of the National Legislature. The Washington journal already 
quoted confronted the bills thus: — "The Senate bill dictates 
terms to a portion of the United States. The House bill but 
recognises the rights which every State enjoys. The Senate bill 
accepts, after altering, the Southern clause in the Lecompton 
Constitution. The House bill admits Kansas, and refers the 
instrument, untouched, to the people. The Senate bill illegally 
perpetrates a cheat on the South, and humbugs the North. 
The House bill honestly gives the whole thing, Southern clause 

«- " States," March 19, 1858. 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. 187 

aud all, to the will of the people." April 13, the Senate in- 
sisted on its disagreement, and asked for a committee of confer- 
ence, by a vote of yeas 30, nays 24; and the presiding officer 
pro temjwre (Senator Foot, of Vermont) appointed Messrs. 
Green, Hunter, and Seward as the conimittec on the part of the 
Senate. On the next day, 3Ir. Montgomery moved " that the 
House insist on their adherence," which, after an excited dis- 
cussion, was negatived by 108 to 107, the Speaker voting in the 
negative. Mr. English, of Indiana, who, that morning, in caucus 
of Anti-Lecomptonites, had expressed his determination to accede 
to the Senate's request, moved that '-the House agree to the con- 
ference," which was passed by 108 to 108, the Speaker voting 
in the affirmative. This result was received by the galleries 
with applause. The managers on the part of the House were 
Messrs. W. H. English, of Indiana, A. H. Stephens, of Georgia,* 
and W. A. Howard, of Michigan. On the 2od, Senator Green 
reported in the Senate, and Mr. English, in the House, a substi- 
tute agreed to by the majority of the Committee of Conference. 
This amendment was oflfered by Mr. English, and is now known 
as the '-English Bill." On Friday, April 30, the bill parsed 
both branches. In the House the vote stood, yeas 112, nays 103. 
In the Senate, yeas 31, nays 22. 

Senator Crittenden voted against the report. He agreed with 
it so far as the Senate had retreated from its position of not sub- 
mitting the Constitution to the people; but still the "English 
Bill" did not submit it in the bold aud honest manner of the 
House bill. The Committee referred a certain ordinance, and if 
the people accept the laiid therein spoken of, they accept a Con- 
stitution to which it is well known they are opposed. On the 
other hand, suppose they agree with the Constitution, but do 
not accept the land : they are considered, by the terms of the new 
bill, as not wishing to come into the Union under the said Con- 
stitution. "Is this," he said, "a fair submission of the Consti- 
tution ? If it is to be submitted, the people are entitled to it by 
their own right, without any proviso whatever." He spoke for an 
hour, and was listened to with marked attention, — the galleries 
being crowded, and a large number of members of the House 
being attracted to hear "the venerable Senator from Ken- 
tucky." 

12« 



138 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

During this session, Senator Crittenden made an unavailing 
attempt to increase the duties levied under the Tariff Act of the 
3d of March, 1857. He made a persistent effort to have General 
Shields sworn in as Senator from Minnesota, in February, 1858, 
that gentleman having written him a letter arguing that there 
could be no such political anomaly as a State out of the Union, 
or not yet in the Union. He referred to the law of 1857, 
authorizing, in an absolute manner, the people of Minnesota to 
form a State Government and to come into the Union on an 
equal footing with the original States. The people performed 
their engagements in good faith, and expected a like action 
on the part of Congress. Minnesota had complied with every 
requirement; and her representatives were in a dilemma, not 
knowing whether they represented a State in the Union or out 
'of it.* On motion of Senator Toombs, the matter was referred 
to the Judiciary Committee, which reported that Minnesota was 
not a State under the Constitution and laws,f (March 4, 1858.) 

On the resolutions concerning the British aggressions of 1858, 
Senator Crittenden was in favor of demanding reparation, but 
doing nothing rashly. England had done us wrong; but he 
would not have the world believe we were acting passionately. 
In like manner, in the debate on the New Regiments Bill, he 
was for giving the Government any men it demanded, but was 
opposed to Senator Pugh's amendment for the raising of com- 
panies in various States. They should, he thought, be raised in 
regiments. 

In the discussion of Senator Doolittle's proposal to present 
Commodore Paulding with a gold medal, for arresting General 
William Walker within the jurisdiction of Nicaragua, Senator 
Crittenden took a brief but decided share, vindicating the legality 
of Paulding's conduct. He held that in point of fact the sove- 
reignty of Nicaragua had not been assailed by the Commodore, it 
having been already nullified and suspended at the place in ques- 
tion by the occupation of armed invaders. In his mind, Paulding 

*■ See Letter of General James Shields to Senator Crittenden. Cong. Globe, 
Part 1, 1st session of 35th Congress. 

f Minnesota was admitted May 11, 1858, and Henry M. Rice and James 
Shields sworn in as Senators from that State on the 12tb, and William W. 
Phelps and James M. Cavanaugh as Representatives on May 22. 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN 139 

was a deliverer, and not a trespasser ; and in the eye of reason 
as well as of national law, no violence was done to the territorial 
sovereignty of Nicaragua by his friendly interposition. 

On his return home, after his labors in the first session of the 
Thirty-Fifth Congress, his course was generously impeded by a 
series of ovations from the people. 

Senator Crittenden has always been an ardent advocate of the 
settlement of claims of American citizens on foreign Govern- 
ments, and is chairman of the committee to which the French 
Spoliations were referred. He reported a bill in favor of claim- 
ants in the first session of the Thirty-Fifth Congress, and in the 
second session reviewed the history of the past legislation of 
Congress in favor of satisfying the claims of American citizens 
for the spoliations committed by the Government of France 
prior to the year 1801. A bill for this purpose had been several 
times passed by the Senate, and had once been enacted by 
both Houses of Congress, but had been vetoed by President 
Polk for reasons mainly based on considerations of contempo- 
raneous expediency. President Washington had ofiicially recog- 
nised the validity of these claims, whose equity was also supported 
by the concurrent testimony of men like Lowndes, Webster, and 
Clay, to whose names might be added that of Judge Marshall, 
who was fully apprized of the foundation on which they rested. 
To his own mind, the evidence in favor of their allowance by the 
Government was unimpeachable. 

Senator Crittenden opposed Mr. Slidell's bill to facilitate the 
acquisition of Cuba. In his speech on the subject, (Feb. 15, 
1859,) he showed how unpropitious the time was for the pro- 
posed measure. The reference to the subject in the President's 
Message had resulted in dissent from Spain, and disfavor from 
France and England. He argued that in view of the vexatious 
reclamations held by us on nearly all the South American States 
— with a Paraguayan expedition on hand — and with a proposal 
to occupy Sonora and Chihuahua, for the security of Arizona — • 
it would be prudent to forego the immediate acquisition of Cuba. 
He thought it likely that Cuba would belong to us in time ; and, 
while he would not deny its desirability, he most decidedly would 
not admit its necessity to us. He was too proud of his country 
to admit any thing so humiliating. The domestic aspect of the 



140 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

matter also led liim to doubt the propriety of the time and the mode 
for accomplishing the object. It was estimated that $200,000,000 
would be the least sum Spain would accept for this dependency, 
to which she so tenaciously clings. Last year our annual ex- 
penditures were $81,000,000. This year they would be nearly 
$100,000,000. He doubted, then, if this was a time to go two 
hundred millions in debt. Yet the Senator was willing that 
President Buchanan should undertake negotiations for the pur- 
chase of Cuba; and, if he succeeded, the difficulties of the task 
would only enhance the glory of the achievement. Upon the 
treaty, when formed, he could sit in candid judgment; but, under 
the circumstances of the case, he did not feel authorized to place 
$30,000,000 of the public money in the hands of the President 
merely to enable him to commence the negotiation. 

Senator Crittenden has expressed himself as long favorable to 
liberal grants of land in the new States for purposes of im- 
provement, especially improvements by railroad, in which the 
whole community have an interest. He has all his life advocated 
the distribution, on some terms or other, of the proceeds of the 
sales of the public lands among all the States for the purposes of 
improvement. 

The removal of the Senate from the old to the new chamber 
in the Capitol was a very impressive sight, — and was rendered 
particularly interesting by the admission of ladies on the floor, 
the galleries being over-crowded. On this occasion, Senator 
Crittenden made a short but touching farewell to the scene of 
their labors, mingling with it memories of the great men who had 
left their impress on the very walls, and many hopes that the 
Senate would always maintain a powerful and conservative influ- 
ence for its own dignity and the glory of the country. 

Mr. Crittenden attended the National Agricultural Fair held 
at Chicago, on the loth of September, and was received with 
every demonstration of welcome. He made a speech advocating 
—y\n the liveliest and most impressive manner a reliance on the 
''^-Constitution and a love for the Union. He went to Chicago to 
forget that such a thing as a cloud of politics hung over the 
country, and he would not allow himself to be dragged into any 
political or party discussion. Party politics were very transitory 
aff'airs. We are made to regard them as of great importance^ 



JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. Ml 

wlicu to-morrow will bury them in oblivion. The tone of the 
eminent Senator's excellent remarks may be gleaned from a few 
sentences. ''I am at home here," he said, ''though I came with 
very few acquaintances and friends in this part of the country ; yet 
the whole land is my country. The Union makes us one people : 
may God preserve that Union !" The impassioned earnestness 
of this invocation struck a chord in the vast assemblage, and the 
speaker was interrupted by loud applause, and cries of " Good ! 
good !" " Preserve the Union, and the Union will preserve you, 
and make you the mightiest people in the world !" The patriotic 
voice of the Kentuckian was frequently drowned by the enthu- 
siasm his sentiments created. 

In early life Mr. Crittenden was a Republican, and afterward 
a Whig. He is now called an ''American." He was a devoted 
friend of Henry Clay, on the occasion of whose death he made 
one of his greatest efforts ; and on account of his experience and 
eloquence he always catches the ear of the Senale, of which he 
is sometimes denominated the Patriarch. 

The recent distractions of political parties have indicated to 
many leading men in the North as well as to the most prominent 
members of the " South American" party the policy of com- 
bining, with the view of holding the balance of power in the 
coming Presidential election. On the assembling of the Thirty- 
Sixth Congress, measures were taken to form an organization, and 
to confer with the Executive Committees of the "American" and 
National Whig parties, and such others as were favorable to the 
formation of a " national party on the basis of the Union, the 
Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws." The American 
and National Whig Committees having fully concurred in these 
movements, it was resolved to hold a National Union Convention 
for the nomination of candidates for the Presidency and Vice- 
Presidency. A National Union Executive Central Committee 
was also formed, and the greatest activity manifested toward the 
furtherance of the objects stated. 

The first meeting, consisting of members of the various politi- 
cal parties. Senators and Representatives, journalists from the 
various States of the Union, was presided over by Senator Crit- 
tenden. In the subsequent movements, he has, by the unani- 
mous desire of the representatives of all parties, been accorded 



142 l.IVlNd Rl:l'UKSENTATlVi: -MKX. 

the leading position. Among those members of Congress who 
actively i)articipated in the formation of the new party were 
Senator Kennedy, and Messrs. H. AVinter Davis, J. Morrison 
Harris, and E. II. Webster, of Maryland; T. Hardeman, Jr., 
and Joshua Hill, of Georgia; William C. Anderson, F. M. 
Bristow, Laban T. Moore, Eobert Mallory, and Green Adams, 
of Kentucky; George Briggs, of New York; John A. Gilmer, 
J. M. Leach, W. N. II. Smith, and Z. B. Vance, of North Caro- 
lina; H. Maynard, Thomas A. II. Nelson, II. B. Brabson, William 
B. Stokes, Emerson Etheridge, James M. Quarles, and R. Hat- 
ton, of Tennessee; A. R. Boteler, of Virginia; Edward Bou- 
ligny, of Louisiana, and others. 

In commencing this movement, the gentlemen who have taken 
the lead disclaim any spirit of presumption. Their circular takes 
the ground that " the exigencies of the country seemed to require 
the formation of a new party, founded on national and conserva- 
tive principles. They have reason to believe that such is the 
conviction of a great and patriotic portion of the people, includ- 
ing very many members of the present dominant and contending 
parties, who have been made sensible of the dangerous and dis- 
turbing consequences likely to result from the further pursuit of 
their party controversies, and whom it is in the highest degree 
desirable to draw together into fraternal union and efficient 
political co-operation. In answer, therefore, to this apparent 
demand, the movement for a '■ Union party' has been inau- 
gurated." 

Of this party Senator Crittenden seems to be the central figure, 
if not the head. 



CALEB CLyillN(J. 143 



CALEB GUSHING, 

OF MASSACHUSETTP. 

The career of Caleb Gushing, as a scholar, author, lawyer, 
statesman, diplomatist, general, and judge, has been remarkably 
eminent for one who is still not past the meridian of life. As a 
man of industry and indomitable perseverance in whatever he 
undertakes to accomplish, it is conceded that he has no superior, 
if indeed an equal, among the leading men of New England. 
Nearly all of his peers — the eminent statesmen and orators with 
whom he acted or contended on the hustings or in the halls of 
legislation within the last quarter of a century — have passed into 
the realms of death or immortality. John Quincy Adams, Isaac 
C. Bates, Levi Lincoln, John Davis, Levi AYoodbury, Leverett 
Saltonstall, Daniel Webster, and Rufus Choate have disappeared : 
of the brilliant group, Lincoln, Everett, and Cushing alone 
survive. 

Among the leading men of New England who have flourished 
since Mr. Cushing's appearance on the public stage, it is doubt- 
ful if any one has exhibited more varied and profound know- 
ledge of the science of our own Government and of foreign 
Governments, of jurisprudence, of equity and maritime laws, of 
international law, of commerce, of common law, of art, science, 
and literature, and of the living an4 dead languages, than he. 

In foreign countries men generally become distinguished in 
some specialty, — in parliament, on the bench, at the bar, as poet, 
editor, scholar, or general. In our own country we find men 
eminent in many walks ; but rarely does a man so versatile and 
so unquestionably able on all points as is Mr. Cushing, come 
before the public in any country. 

Caleb Cushing was born at Salisbury, Massachusetts, on the 
17th day of January, 1800. He early evinced fine powers of 
intellect, and great fondness for study. After due preparation, 



144 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

he entered Harvard College when but thirteen years of age, 
and was graduated in 1817. His collegiate career was one of 
uncommon brilliancy. The opinion which the government of 
the college had of his capacity and learning was best exhibited 
in 1819, when he was appointed a tutor in Mathematics and 
Natural Philosophy in that institution. He held this office 
two years. 

The two years that elapsed between his graduation and his 
appointment to the tutorship were passed by Mr. Gushing as a 
law student at Harvard, under Asahel Stearns, first Law Professor. 
In 1821 he entered the law office of Ebenezer Moseley, Esq., at 
Newburyport, where he studied for a year, and was admitted to 
the bar in the following year. In 1828 he was married to Caro- 
line AVilde, daughter of Judge AVilde, of the Supreme Judicial 
Court, a lady of rare intellectual endowments. At the bar he at 
once gave evidence of great abilities, and rose rapidly into a 
lucrative practice. For many years he and Rufus Choate were 
generally considered by the public as at the head of the famous 
Essex bar; and many comparisons were made by their respective 
friends and admirers as to which was the more eloquent, able, 
and successful lawyer. 

Mr. Cushing's political life began early in the- year 1825, when 
he was chosen a representative from Newburyport to the State 
Legislature. In the next year he was elected a Senator from 
Essex County, and displayed powers which marked him at once 
as a promising man for the future of Massachusetts and of the 
Union. 

He continued in the successful practice of law till 1829, when 
he went to Europe with his wife, and travelled for two years. 
During this interval, Mrs. Cushing wrote a series of '< Letters 
on France and Spain," which were printed for private circula- 
tion ; while her husband employed himself with unceasing in- 
dustry in obtaining a knowledge of the laws, institutions, sta- 
tistics, and literature of the countries which they visited. On 
his return, Mr. Cushing published his " Review of the Late 
Revolution in France," and also his best book, " Reminiscences 
of Spain." Like others of our best writers, — Irving, Prescott, 
Tickuor, and A. H. Everett, — Cushing early exhibited a taste 
for Spanish subjects, and has done his part in paying back the 



CALEB CUSHIXG. 145 

debt wliich tlie New World owes to Castile and Leon. He also 
contributed occasionally to the '• North American Review." In 
1832, about a year after their return from Europe, Mrs. Gushing 
died; and by her death Mr. Cushing lost a companion who tho- 
roughly appreciated his superior talents and active genius, sym- 
pathized with his objects, and encouraged him in all his labors. 
She left no child, and her husband, not marrying again, devoted 
himself entirely to literary pursuits and public affairs. 

In 1833 and 1834, Mr. Gushing again served in the Legisla- 
ture for Newburyport, and in the latter year was elected to Con- 
gress, and took his seat in that body in December, 1835. He 
was thrice re-elected, and sat in the House of Representatives until 
March, 1843. He made his first effort on the 26th of January, 
1836, in a prepared argument in support of the right of petition. 
He avowed that, although he was, and had ever been, utterly 
opposed to the Abolitionists and their mischievous crusade against 
the constitutional rights of the South in regard to the question 
of slavery, yet he held to the sacred right of petition. He 
would have all respectfully-worded petitions received, referred, 
and reported upon. 

The 9th of February following, a debate occurred on the 
Naval Appropriation Bill, in Committee of the Whole, which 
led to an exciting scene, of a personal nature, between Mr. 
Cushing and Mr. Ben Hardin, of Kentucky. Mr. Hardin, an 
old and experienced member, a radical of great ability, who had 
the reputation of being " the terror of the House," and whose 
wit was once declared by John Randolph, of Roanoke, to be 
like a butcher-knife whetted on a brick-bat, had addressed the 
House against sundry repairs at navy-yards at the North, in a 
strain of emphatic severity. He had denounced the extrava- 
gance of members, who were, he said, forever proposing appro- 
priations for fortifications along the Atlantic coast, which would 
require, if their wishes could be gratified, two hundred millions 
of dollars and a standing army of eighty thousand men. 

Mr. Cushing, being a new member, and ambitious, no doubt, 
to distinguish himself in an impromptu debate, replied to the 
famous and much-feared Kentuckian in very decided and un- 
mistakable terms. He was courteous and parliamentary, but 
severe. Witnesses of the scene say that the House was eleo- 
K 13 



146 LIVING IIEPIIESENTATIVE MEN. 

trified. Members oo all sides looked up in surprise to see 
who was the young speaker with the clear, ringing voice and 
confident manner. Mr. Hardin, himself looking amazed and 
surprised, obtained the floor after Mr. Gushing had concluded, 
and commenced a reply. At first he seemed in doubt where 
to begin, or what to say; but, recovering his self-possession, he 
proceeded in a characteristic strain of denunciation and ridi- 
cule of the jMassachusetts member who had dared to cross his 
path, which made the House wonder what was coming next. 
He sneered at Mr. Gushing for having prepared and read to the 
House his maiden speech. He accused him of hailing from the 
land of the Yankees, where the soil was barren, and rocky, and 
unproductive; where the inhabitants got their living by fishing, 
by peddling tin ware, wooden clocks, and wooden nutmegs, and 
where many of them indulged in eating pork, molasses, and 
codfish ; where bluedights were held out to the enemy, and where 
the Hartford Gonvention was held, during the war with Great 
Britain. By the desire of a host of members, the floor was 
conceded to Mr. Gushing, for the purpose of making a rejoinder. 
Mr. Gushing, cool, collected, self-poised, and resolute, began 
by alluding to the parade of objections raised against him. He 
admitted that he had deliberately prepared his first speech. He 
had done so because he was not only a new member, but one of 
the youngest members of the House, and could not assume to 
address the assembled representatives and law-makers of the 
nation, for the first time in his life, upon a question of great 
importance, without preparing himself. If he had been anx- 
ious to imitate the habit of the gentleman from Kentucky, — 
to take the fioor, at any time, or upon any or every question 
under discussion, and commence speaking, no matter where, 
not knowing what to say or where to leave ofi", but running on 
in a helter-skelter style until he might exhaust him.self, he 
doubted not that he could, like the gentleman from Kentucky, 
at least amuse if he could not instruct the House. It was most 
true, he said, that he had come from New England. He was 
proud of it. The soil of Massachusetts was, indeed, rocky and 
less productive than that of more favored localities ; but then it 
was peopled by a hardy, industrious, and intelligent race of men, 
whose industry and perseverance had made it blossom like the 



CALEB CUSIIING. 147 

rose, — liad dotted it all over with beautiful cities^ towns, and 
Tillages, with schoolhouses, colleges, and churches, — all denoting 
how much intelligence and Christianity were fostered and che- 
rished in the region where dwell the Yankees, whom the gentle- 
man from Kentucky was pleased to sneer at. He maintained 
that the New England patriots who fought at Lexington, Con- 
cord, and Bunker Hill, and others of the same character, 
were the equals of the patriots in other sections of the country. 
And as for the last war against Great Britain, he said, it was a 
historical fact that the bones of New England men whitened the 
plains of every battle fought on the soil of the whole country; 
while every naval battle, on the ocean or on the lakes, was fought 
as well and as gloriously by the hardy sons of New England as 
by those of any other portion of the Union. ^ 

In conclusion, Mr. Cushing, referring to Mr. Hardin's liabit\ 
of quoting to the House from Homer, begged leave to refer to 
that celebrated author for an illustration apropos to the occasion . 
He regretted to observe upon that floor a disputant who, with 
neither the courage of Achilles for the combat, nor the wisdom 
of Ulysses for the council, yet, with the gray hairs of Nestor on 
his head, condescended to perpetually play the part of the snarl- 
ing Thersites ! The whole House broke out in a burst of admi- 
ration at this closing sally of the young orator, while the galleries 
sent up a loud shout of applause, accompanied with clapping of 
hands and waving of handkerchiefs by the ladies. / 

A motion was made to have the galleries cleared. The Speaker, 
Mr. James K. Polk, was called from his room to resume the 
chair and preserve order. The committee rose; but, the men 
having all left the ladies' gallery, mean time, the motion to clear 
the galleries was lost. 

o 

In the course of the debate in the House (in 1836) on the bill 
to admit Michigan and Arkansas into the Union, some objection 
was made by leading members from the North to a clause in the 
Constitution of Arkansas, requiring the people of the State to 
refrain forever from abolishing slavery. Mr. Henry A. Wise 
warmly advocated the clause, while Mr. Cushing as warmly 
opposed it. As a Southern man, Mr. Wise felt it his duty to 
take a stand for the institution of the South. In like manner, 
Mr. Cushing felt it his duty, as a Northern man, to take a 



148 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

counter-stand, ^'Not/' in his own words, ''to assail slavery, but 
to defend liberty." On the first introduction of the subject, 
Wise had made a declaration that if Northern members did not 
hold themselves engaged to the terms of the Missouri Compro- 
mise, Southern members would likewise disregard it, and that 
if the North sought to impose restrictions affecting slave pro- 
perty, the South might be impelled to introduce slavery into the 
heart of the North. Mr. Gushing denied that Massachusetts 
was a party to the Compromise; and, in reply to the alternative 
threatened by Wise, he protested against the idea of restricting 
liberty in one part of the Union in retaliation of the attempt to 
limit the spread of slavery in another. It was not within the 
rules of debate to pursue the subject at the time; but in alluding 

JUb it in the matter of the Arkansas Bill, Mr. Cushing concluded 

* with this fervid burst of feeling : — 

"I trust it was but a basty thought, struck out in the ardor of debate. 
To introduce slavery into the heart of the North ? Vain idea ! Inva- 
sion, pesiilence, civil ■war, may conspire to terminate the eight millions 
of free spirits who now dwell there. This, in the long lapse of ages in- 
calculable, is possible to happen. You may raze to the earth the thronged 
cities, the industrious villages, the peaceful hamlets, of the North. You 
may lay waste its fertile valleys and verdant hill-sides. You may plant 
its very soil with salt, and consign it to everlasting desolation. You 
may transform its beautiful fields into a desert as bare as the blank face 
of the sands of Sahara. You may reach the realization of the infernal 
boast with which Attila the Hun marched his barbaric hosts into Italy, 
demolishing whatever there is of civilization or prosperity in the happy 
dwellings of the North, and reducing their very substance to powder, so 
that a squadron of cavalry shall gallop over the sites of populous cities 
unimpeded as the wild steeds on the savannas of the West. All this you 
may do: it is w'thin the bounds of physical possibility. But I solemnly 
assure every gentleman within the sound of my voice, I proclaim to the 
country and to the woi'ld, that, until all this be fully accomplished to 
the uttermost extremity of the letter, you cannot, you shall not, intro- 
duce slavei-y into the heart of the North." 

Mr. Cushing ably and elaborately supported the right of the 
United States to Oregon, and, in moving to refer President Van 
Buren's Message to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, (May 17, 
1838.) addressed the House at length on the' subject. He went 
into the whole history of right, by discovery, purchase, and 
treaty, and fully exposed the illegality and inconsistency of the 



CALEB CUSIIING. M<) 

claims jDut forth by Great Britain to the country watered by the 
Columbia. At the present day, a portion of this argument will 
be found instructive : — * 

"It is a principle adopted by European nations in their settlements 
on this Continent, that priority of discovery, followed in a reasonable 
time by actual occupation, confers exclusive territorial jurisdiction and 
' sovereignty. It is also held that an establishment, once made, extends 
to contiguity into the neighboring regions. If the discovery be of an 
island, it has, in most cases, been regarded as giving a title to the whole 
island; if on the coast of the continent, then as reaching indefinitely 
along the coast and into the interior, with limits to bo decided by actual 
occupation, by compact, by conflicting claimants, or by force. Whether 
this be just or not as regards the Indians inhabiting America, is another 
question. I speak of it onlj' as the conventional rule recognised in the 
negotiations, and practised upon in the colonial enterprises, of the chief 
nations of Europe; and thus constituting a part of that somewhat uncer- 
tain mixture of conventions and of national equity which is called the 
Law of Nations. This general principle, which enters into the present 
question in all its parts, includes a particulai- principle which is more 
specifically applicable to it. The discovery of the mouth of a great river, 
or the exploration of it, followed in a reasonable time by the actual 
assertion of territorial sovereignty, gives an exclusive right to all the 
country watered by that river. Without referring to various foreign 
cases of the application of this doctrine, it will be sufficient for the satis- 
faction of the House to show how it has been treated by tlie United States. 

*' In the letter of Messrs. iMonroe and Pinckney to Don Pedro Cavellos, 
April 21, 1805, it is said, 'When any European nation takes possession 
of any extent of sea-coast, that possession is understood as extending into 
the interior country to the sources of the rivers emptying within that 
coast, to all their branches and the country they cover, and to give it a 
right, in exclusion of all other nations, to the same.' 

"This position is adopted by Mr. Adams in his letter to Don Luis de 
Onis, March 12, 1818, and by Mr. Gallatin, in his discussion of the pre- 
sent question. (Executive Docs., Twentieth Congress, 1st Session.) 

" Now, whatever rights, more or less, are derivable from discovery, be- 
long to the United States alone. The river Columbia was first discovered 
in 1792, (excepting whether it may have been previously discovered by 
the old Spanish navigators,) by Captain Robert Gray, of the American 
ship Columbia, fitted out in Boston, and received from him the name of 
the ship he commanded. In the same year, but confessedly subsequent 
to this, and upon information derived from Captain Gray, it was visited 
by Vancouver in behalf of Great Britain. Priority of discovery, there- 

■•■' It may be found complete in the Appendix to Cong. Globe, Twenty-Fifth 
Congress, Second Session. 

13 ■ 



150 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

fore, is clearly with the United States, as against Great Britain. Indeed, 
Gray had previously, in 1788, explored the strait of Juan de Fuca, north 
of the Columbia. So that, leaving out of view the rights of Spain by dis- 
covery, and of Spain and France by contiguity and extension, the United 
States claim the Oregon Territory by right of discovery." 

By cession from France^ in 1803, the United States acquired 
Louisiana and all the rights of France in that direction. What 
are the northwest limits of Louisiana? Extension by contiguity 
would carry the pretensions of France to the Pacific. By Great 
Britain herself, the possession of the body of the continent was 
always treated as stretching across the entire breadth of the con- 
tinent. Her grants to Massachusetts, and to other colonies, 
reach to the Pacific. Conflicts of pretension thus grew up be- 
tween France and Great Britain, which were adjusted, in 1763, 
by the Treaty of Versailles, by which Great Britain ceded to 
France all claims to land west of the Mississippi ; prior to which, 
by the Treaty of Utrecht, concluded in 1713, France and Great 
Britain agreed to appoint commissioners to describe and settle 
the boundaries between the French and English colonies in North 
America, which resulted in the establishment of the parallel of 
forty-nine degrees north as the northern limit of Louisiana. As 
between Great Britain and France, then, Louisiana was bounded 
east by the Mississippi, north by latitude forty-nine degrees north, 
and westward by the Pacific ; and by the Louisiana Treaty the 
United States added to her own rights of discovery the pre- 
existing rights of France. Such were Mr. Cushing's views on 
this important subject. 

On the death of President Harrison, and the accession of the 
Vice-President, Mr. Tyler, Mr. Gushing, notwithstanding Mr. 
Tyler's veto of the bill for another United States Bank, could 
not at the crisis give him up and accept the dictatorship of any 
other leader of the Whig party. Wise also stood by Tyler, and 
Webster was the only member of Harrison's Cabinet who did 
not resign. These gentlemen saw evidences of a revolution iu 
the Whig party. President Tyler was read out of that party by 
a caucus committee of Congress in a Manifesto. Through the 
columns of the " National Intelligencer" Mr. Cushing replied to 
the Manifesto, and defended Tyler with his usual force and 
fervor. He also, with courteous boldness, confronted Henry 



CALEB CUSIIINO. 151 

Clay, and charged him with pursuing or dictating a course which 
would inevitably tend to destroy the Whig party. 

In return for these great services, the President thrice 
nominated Gushing for Secretary of the Treasury, but on the 
;)d of March, 1843, the Whigs in the Senate refused to con- 
lirm him. The President then appointed him Commissioner to 
China, and in the same year he was appointed Envoy Extraordi- 
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Celestial Empire. lie 
sailed in July, 1843, in the steam-frigate Missouri. At Gibraltar, 
in August, that vessel was destroyed by fire, and Mr. Cushing, 
with his characteristic energy, and without waiting for instruc- 
tions from his Government, forthwith proceeded by way of 
Egypt and India to China, and in six months succeeded in nego- 
tiating a treaty and establishing regular diplomatic relations with 
that vast empire. Having accomplished, with unexpected expe- 
dition, the great object of his mission, he returned in 1844 to 
the United States through Mexico, having made almost a com- 
plete circuit of the globe by laud and sea, within a belt of forty 
degrees, in less than one year. In 1845 he started on a tour to 
the Northwest Territories, and explored them in ever}^ direc- 
tion, particularly in the regions of the great lakes. He endured 
all the exposure and hardships incident to such a tour, — sleeping 
in the woods week after week, and hunting or fishing for his 
daily food, far from all vestiges of civilization. Returning to his 
home in Newburyport in 1846, he in a few days found himself 
again elected, by both parties, to represent that town in the Le- 
gislature. The war with Mexico had broken out a few months 
previous, and Mr. Cushing proposed that a regiment of volun- 
teers should be raised, and that the State should appropriate the 
sum of twenty thousand dollars to aid in equipping it. The men 
were readily found, but, notwithstanding the impassioned ap- 
peals of Cushing, — who invoked aid in uniform as colonel of the 
regiment, — the Legislature, under a strong prejudice against the 
war, refused the appropriation ; upon which Mr. Cushing ad- 
vanced a large sum of money from his own funds, and with the 
aid of friends raised the rest. He led the regiment to the thea- 
tre of war. President Polk soon promoted him to the position 
of brigadier-general, and, thougb having no opportunity to lead 
his command into battle, he served with firmness and ability, and 



]52 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

held a higli position on the Court of In(|uiry ordered for the ex- 
amination of charges against Major-Gencral Scott. 

In the year 1847, and while in Mexico, General Gushing, very 
unexpectedly to himself, received the nomination of the Demo- 
cratic party for the office of Governor of Massachusetts. He 
received the largest vote that had been cast by that party for 
several years. He was also a candidate for the same office in 1848. 
In 1850, he was, for the fifth time, chosen a member of the State 
Legislature, and served with distinction during the exciting ses- 
sion of 1851. He was elected Mayor of the city of Newburyport 
in 1851 and 1852, and in the last-named year was chosen com- 
mander of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of 
Massachusetts, — the oldest military organization in the United 
States. The Legislature of Massachusetts, af the session of 
1852, having created the office of additional Justice of the Su- 
preme Court, General Gushing was appointed to fill it. From 
this he entered the Cabinet of President Pierce as Attorney- 
General, and filled the station with eminent ability. His deci- 
sions, numerous as they are, show a most extensive erudition. 
Among the important cases before him was the Enlistment diffi- 
culty between the United States and Great Britain, which arose 
in the fall of 1855. The opponents of the Adminij^tration took 
exception not only to the tone of the Attorney-General's official 
opinion, but to what they called his interference in the matter. 
In reviewing the subject at the time, Mr. E. Kingman, the well- 
informed and experienced Washington adviser of several leading 
journals, said, — 

"The instructions of the Attorney-General to the United States Dis- 
trict Attorney of Pennsylvania have been commented upon by the British 
press, and perhaps by the British Government, as rather irritating. Our 
own press seems to consider the instructions of the Attorney-General as 
a private act, for which he alone is responsible; and it has, therefore, in 
most cases, made an apology to the British Government for what it con- 
siders his presumption. It so happens, however, that the instructions 
were the act of the Government. They were not ' diplomatic,' that is 
true, for thej'^ are intended to be unambiguous. They were a matter of 
deliberate consideration, and were issued upon consultation and decision 
of the Executive Government, and were deemed necessary to call the 
attention not only of this country, but of Great Britain, to the dangerous 
aggressions of the latter upon our rights, and the apparent determination 
of Lord Palmerston to drag us into the present war." 



CALEB CUSHING. 15o 

The energetic action of Mr. Gushing in the discharge of duties 
not previously performed by the Attorney-General occasioned 
much comment ; and to understand the reasons why these duties 
had devolved upon him, it is perhaps best to look at con- 
temporaneous views. Mr. Kingman tells us that the labors of 
Secretary of State had become very burdensome, in consequence 
of the complications of foreign affairs, while the office of Attor- 
ney-General had become almost a sinecure. To create a division 
of labor, the judicial appointments, prosecution of offenders 
against the Neutrality Laws, extradition cases, and all cases 
coming under the Fugitive-Slave Law, were referred to Mr. 
Gushing; and the consequence was, '-'the business was efficiently 
done." 

After he assumed the duties indicated, foreign ministers came 
to the conclusion that the extradition treaties were a dead letter 
so far as the United States were concerned. 

"The late (Fillmore) Administration did not break up any filibustering 
projects, nor obtain the conviction of any person on account of such en- 
terprises. The Neutrality Laws cannot now be violated with impunity, 
and every project of the sort has been broken up, except the last expe- 
dition of Walker, in which the prosecution failed on account of the re- 
fusal of the French Consul, Dillon, to appear as a witness in court. So in 
regard to the bark Maury. The Attorney-General took up the matter 
upon the representation which was made to Mr. Marcy by Mr. Crampton 
on the 11th of October, and his report was made on the 22d. The pro- 
secution of Hertz, Wagner, and others was, as we have seen, conducted 
under the direction of the Attorney-General with such efliciency that 
some persons are disposed to doubt his constitutional power on the sub- 
ject. But it will be understood, from the above statement, that he has 
the power under the order of the President, and of course this power is 
exercised under his direction ; and in regard to the Enlistment cases his 
proceedings, as is well known, are approved by the whole Adminis- 
tration."* 

At the close of the Pierce Administration, General Gushing 
retired into comparative privacy ; but the voice of his ever-faith- 
ful constituency again and again pressed him into their service 
in the State Legislature. In that body he wields unmistakable 
influence, and even the journals politically opposed to him bear 
enthusiastic testimony to his being the legislator and orator. In 

* Letters in the New York ''Journal of Comnicrce," Xov. 1855. 



154 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE xMEN. 

tlie discussion on the amendments to the Constitution of Massa- 
chusetts imposing disabilities on naturalized citizens, he greatl}^ 
distinguished himself in opposition. It is impossible to condense 
his several efforts on this subject, but the point and force of his 
views may be gleaned from two brief paragraphs. 

On February 11, 1859, he said, '' Mr. Speaker, I, you, wc, 
gentlemen of the House of Representatives, belong to that ex- 
cellent white race, the consummate impersonation of intellect in 
man and of loveliness in woman ; whose power and whose privi- 
lege it is, wherever they may go and wherever they may be, to 
Christianize and to civilize, to command and to be obeyed, to 
conquer and to reign. I admit to an equality with me, sir, the 
white man, my blood and my race, whether he be the Saxon of 
England or the Celt of Ireland. But I do not admit as my 
equals either the red men of America, or the yellow men of 
Asia, or the black men of Africa/' This was greeted with 
tumultuous applause in the galleries. 

As to the right of the State to enact such a law, he said, " The 
question whether the State has the power to enlarge the electoral 
basis of citizenship of the United States, is one that has been 
most earnestly debated, and is still debated; and we have now 
and here the reverse of that proposition ; and that reverse comes 
in the odious form of disfranchisement. Can a State deprive a 
citizen of the United States of his right of votership ? — that is, 
can a State narrow and abridge the electoral basis in its relation 
to citizenship of the United States ? I am free to say that I 
doubt upon both these propositions. I will not undertake to 
speak dogmatically upon the question ; but I doubt the right of 
Massachusetts thus to impose disabilities, at least in respect to 
the election of Federal officers, upon citizens of the United 
States." 

In view of the disturbed condition of public sentiment and 
'' the dangers which threaten our Union," growing out of the 
Harper's Ferry raid and the sectional discussion to which it 
gave rise, great " Union meetings" were called in the chief cities 
to maintain the Constitution. One of these, held in Fanueil 
Hall, Boston, December 8, was a powerful and gratifying demon- 
stration. Letters were read from ex-President Pierce, Judge 
Curtis, and other eminent persons, and the assembly was ad- 



CALEB GUSHING. 105 

dressed by ex-Governor Lincoln, Edward Everett, and Caleb 
Gushing. Mr. Cusbing vigorously denounced tbe recent " inva- 
sion of the State of Virginia" by men from Northern States. 
He brought the case home to Massachusetts, and asked his 
hearers what would they say if there were organized bands of 
invaders in Virginia, armed by subscription societies in Rich- 
mond, and inspired by sentiments of deadly hatred against them? 
Would they not say open war was better than war in disguise ? 
It was unspeakably mean to insist on enjoying the benefits of the 
Union without participating in its burdens, and treacherous to 
demand the execution of the bond of Union by Virginia and 
not execute it in Massachusetts. '* I say,'' continued Mr. Gush- 
ing, "it would be mean, treacherous, hypocritical, to pretend 
that that state of things is to continue; and therefore we are 
here assembled to discountenance all such sentiments, all such 
passions, and all such criminal enterprises on the part of the 
people of the Northern States against those of the Southern." 
The speech enchained the audience, and is characterized as 
" clear, forcible, and fairly overwhelming in its effect," 

The above outline denotes a life of varied action and power, 
crowned with unvarying success. Without taking into account 
his orations and occasional addresses before literary and scientific 
societies, his writings have been very numerous. Besides the 
works already alluded to, and a translation of " Pothier on Mari- 
time Contracts," he has been a prolific contributor to the "North 
American Review," the "United States Literary Grazette," the 
" Southern Review," the " American Review," the " Democratic 
Review," the "Annual Register," the "Knickerbocker," and 
other periodicals. He also furnished many of the articles in the 
^' Encyclopedia Americana" on the geography, history, and insti- 
tutions of Spanish America, in relation to which no writer in 
either hemisphere has displayed more accurate or comprehensive 
knowledge. He stands in the foremost rank as a debater and 
public speaker, prompt, fluent, vigorous, and self-possessed. He 
possesses an intrepid and executive genius ; and there is work, 
resolution, and endurance in him, as well as learning, eloquence, 
and facility in literary composition. 



156 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



GEORGE M. DALLAS, 

OF PENNSYLVANIA 

This eminent citizen is a son of Alexander James Dallas, a 
native of Jamaica, and one of the most distinguished and useful 
of America's adopted sons. '' Indeed, in but few families have so 
many members risen to distinction and eminent public usefulness 
as in that of the subject of this sketch. His grandfather, who 
emigrated from Scotland* to Jamaica about the middle of the 
eighteenth century, was one of the most prominent professors of 
the particular branch of science to which his energies were de- 
voted. Of his four sons, Robert Charles Dallas became one of 
the most voluminous and useful writers of his age; and Alexan- 
der James Dallas, Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of 
War of the Federal Republic, deservedly acquired by his public 
services a commanding position in the eyes of the American 
people. Their sister. Miss Dallas, married Captain Byron, of the 
English Navy, and was mother of the present and seventh Lord 
Byron. To the same family belonged the distinguished brothers, 
Sir George Dallas, whose political writings were so warmly ad- 
mired by William Pitt, and Sir Robert Dallas, Chief Justice 
of the Court of Common Pleas. Nor have the wisdom of the 
bench and the deliberations of the councils only been indebted to 
this house ; in the Church it is ably represented by those excel- 
lent religious instructors through the pulpit and the press, the 
Rev. Alexander Robert Charles Dallas, and the Rev. Charl 
Dallas, who, after gaining military laurels in the Peninsula an 
at Waterloo, under Wellington, are now zealously engaged in the 
promotion of the best interests of the human race.^f 

*■ A memoir in the London " Illustrated News of the "World," June 19, 1858, 
accompanying a portrait for which Mr. Dallas sat in that city, opens with this 
sentence : — " The Honorable George Mifflin Dallas, the Minister of the United 
States at the Court of St. James, like his predecessor, Mr. Buchanan, is a gen- 
tleman of Irish extraction and parentage." 

f AUibone's " Critical Dictionary of English Literature and British and Ame- 
rican Authors," <tc., vol. i., Phila., 1858. 



GEORGE M. DALLAS. 157 

Alexander James Dallas, Secretary of the Commonwealth of 
Pennsylvania in 1791, District Attorney of Pennsylvania under 
Jefferson, Secretary of the Treasury under Madison, and a leader 
and champion of the old Republican party, of which Jefferson was 
the head, had three sons. The eldest rose to the rank of Com- 
modore in the United States Navy; the youngest was the late 
Judge Dallas, of Pittsburgh and the second, the eminent gentle- 
man the leading features of whose prominent career I shall now 
group together. 

George Mifflin Dallas was born July 10, 1792, in the city 
of Philadelphia, around which cluster so many glorious memo- 
ries of our nationality. Pursuing his educational studies under 
Mr. Dorfeuille, at Germantown, and under Provost Andrews, at 
Philadelphia, he was in due course entered at Nassau Hall, 
Princeton, N.J., as a student of arts and sciences, and, after a 
residence of three years, was graduated with the highest honors 
of his class. 

His academical studies completed, young Dallas entered upon 
the study of the law under the superintendence of his father. 
The ardor with which he pursued the elementary branches of 
his future profession was suddenly diverted into another course 
by the declaration of war against Great Britain, made by Con- 
gress, June 18, 1812, — a date which, if it initiated a great 
military disgrace to England from America, was also made 
memorable three years after by the victory of Waterloo. Fired 
by the patriotism which the action of Congress excited, Mr. 
Dallas suspended his legal studies, and entered a volunteer com- 
pany. It was his intention to temporarily give up law, and fight 
for justice. But fortune decreed that his fighting should be of 
a mental instead of a military character. In 1813, the Emperor 
of Ptussia offered his mediation between the United States and 
Great Britain; and Senator J. A. Bayard, of Delaware, and 
Albert Gallatin, recently Secretary of the Treasury under Jeffer- 
son and Madison, were appointed to proceed to St. Petersburg, 
to negotiate. Mr. Gallatin having selected young Dallas to ac- 
company him as Secretary, the latter of course accepted, was 
released from his military engagements, and having been admitted 
to the bar, April, 1813, as a special favor in view of the circum- 

14 



158 LIVINU KEPRESE^TATIVE MEN. 

stances, three months before he was of age, departed on his 
mission. 

Gallatin and Bayard remained in St. Petersburg for six months 
without hearing from England. Mr. Dallas was despatched by- 
John Quincy Adams, then Minister to Russia, to London, with 
despatches to Count Lieven, Russian Ambassador at the Court 
of St. James, — the Emperor of course concurring. Bayard and 
Grallatin proceeded to Amsterdam, and arrived there in March, 
1814, where they were informed that England would not accept 
the mediation of Russia, but had no objection to treat for peace 
with the United States direct. The overture conveyed by Mr. 
Dallas led to the designation of Ghent as the place of negotiation; 
and, commissioners having been appointed on both sides, a treaty 
was effected after considerable delay.* During his residence in 
Europe, his observations in Russia, France, England, Holland, 
and the Netherlands, as well as his constant intercourse with 
some of the most prominent diplomats and statesmen, tended 
greatly to enlarge his mind. He was unexpectedly sent to the 
United States with confidential despatches to President Madison, 
and arriving in New York in October, 1814, proceeded imme- 
diately to Washington, and delivered his trust into the hands of 
the chief magistrate. 

The disgraceful affair at Bladen sburg, a couple of months 
previous, had opened the way to the capital, which, then a mere 
village of nine hundred houses, easily fell a prey to the British. 
Pillage, plunder, and devastation was the result. The Capitol, 
the President's house, and the public offices were destroyed. 
The invaders, desiring to silence the official press, had even 
sacked the '^National Intelligencer" office, broken the types, 
and burned its library in the streets. "j* Affairs were in a dilapi- 
dated state when the bearer of the celebrated sine qua non de- 
spatches arrived. The President was in a private house, weak, 
care-worn, and apparently dejected. Seizing the despatches, he 

■•■ It may not be out of place to state here that the Commissioners were: for 
England, Lord Gambier, Henry Goulburn, and William Adams; for the United 
States, Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Gallatin, Bayard, Henry Clay, and Jonathan 
Russell. 

t See Williams's '' Invasion and Capture of Washington," New York, 1857. 



GEORGE M. DALLAS. 159 

broke the seal, and the very overbearing character of the contents 
immediately changed his appearance. 

"These will do," said he, emphatically, rising with animation. 

"I hope so/' replied Mr. Dallas j "for I know their contents." 

"Yes, these will do," continued Madison: "they will unite the 
American people, which is what we most need. No patriotic citi- 
zen of any party will hesitate a moment to reject conditions so 
extravagant and unjust." 

So confident was the President of the result, that " he departed 
from the established etiquette of diplomacy pending a negotia- 
tion," and at once published the British proposition ; and the 
result proved the accuracy of his conclusions. 

Mr. Dallas did not return to Ghent, but was appointed Remitter 
of the Treasury, an office which he held about a year and a half, 
when he resigned it, and returned to Philadelphia to follow his 
profession.* 

The exciting events through which he had passed, and the 
nature of his recent occupation abroad, at a time when j^outh is 
moulding its course to manhood, naturally gave Mr. Dallas's 
mind a strong bias for politics. Cultivating them in the best 
society abroad, and upon the basis which Jefi"erson had given to 
his disciples, he was well calculated to arrest the attention of his 
fellow-citizens. Besides, his relation to a leading member of 
Madison's Cabinet, the divided state of public opinion, and the 
necessity for subduing the acrimonious spirit evoked thereby, 
would have made it a matter of great difficulty for him to ab- 
stain from politics, even had Mr. Dallas been inclined so to do. 
Gifted with decided talents and an easy, dignified, and copious 
eloquence, his associates and the partisans of the Administration 
found in him an able and efficient mouth-piece. 

On the 4th of July, 1815, he made his first appearance as a 
party politician in an oration, delivered by invitation. He re- 
viewed the differences between Great Britain and the United 
States, and vindicated the measures and policy of the Federal 
Government. This efi'ort attracted more directly the favor of 
the Democratic party, and in 1816 he was appointed First Solici- 
tor of the Bank of the United States, — an office at once of useful 

* For many details in this sketch I am indebted to *' The National Portrait- 
Gallery," &c., Phila., 1854. 



160 LIVING RErEESENTATIVE MEN. 

recommendation to him in a professional sense, and of great im- 
portance, when the national character of the institution is con- 
sidered. It is needless to say that the favor extended to it by 
the Democratic party then, as a ''pos^war measure/' was after- 
ward withdrawn. 

In 1817, Mr. Dallas was appointed deputy of the Attorney- 
General in the city and county of Philadelphia, and the same 
year was intrusted by Governor Findlay with his defence before 
the celebrated Committee of Inquiry, which he conducted with 
great ability. For several years heu ceforward he was engaged in his 
profession, emerging therefrom, toward the close of Monroe's Ad- 
ministration, into active prominence on behalf of General Jackson 
for the succession. Mr. Dallas was a great admirer of Calhoun, 
who was pressed in various influential quarters for the Presidency; 
but, for the purpose of uniting the Democracy, and having con- 
sulted the great Carolinian, he withdrew his name, and, at a 
public meeting in Philadelphia, proposed him as the candidate of 
Pennsylvania for the Vice-Presidency. This was enthusiastically 
seconded by the party, and Mr. Calhoun was elected to that posi- 
tion, although Jackson did not at that time attain the Presidency, 
— the election falling into the House of Representatives and ter- 
minating in the choice of John Quincy Adams.* 

This result naturally created great excitement, and consolidated 
the popular party, which at the next election left no misinter- 
pretation of its views possible. General Jackson was elected in 
1828; and to the great and able exertions of Mr. Dallas, who 
had taken a most prominent and decided part in the discussions 
following the elevation of Adams, the result in Pennsylvania 
was largely attributable. Heviewing the character of Jackson, 
Judge Baldwin, in his clever book,f says, '' Defeated in the 
House by the politicians, he turned defeat into victory, and 
established upon it a sure and lasting ascendency." This is true; 
but to men like Dallas and their gallant persistency was the 
power ascribed. To the enthusiasm and union of his fellow-citi- 

* Jackson received 99 Electoral votes; Adams, 84; Crawford, 47: Clay, 31. 
One hundred and thirty-one votes were necessary to a choice. The House of 
Bepresentatives elected Adams, though having 15 Electoral votes less than 
Jackson. 

t "Party Leaders," Ac., by Jo. G. Baldwin, New York, 1855. 



GEORGE M. DALLAS. 161 

zens on this point was Mr. Dallas's elevation to tlie Mayoralty 
the same year (1828) chiefly owing. This office he soon after 
resigned, upon his appointment by President Jackson to the 
District- Attorneyship of the United States. 

Evidences of still higher appreciation on the part of his State 
soon followed. A vacancy occurring in 1831, Mr. Dallas was 
elected to the United States Senate by the Legislature of Penn- 
sylvania. It was a stormy season in Congress, and he was 
needed. He boldly participated in the war then waged by 
Webster, Clay, and others against the President. Impelled by 
duty to the State he represented, and in obedience to repeated 
instructions from the Legislature to introduce the memorial 
of the Bank of the United States for a renewal of its charter, 
he displeased the Directors by declaring his unwillingness to 
be its advocate, and desired that its affairs should be sub- 
mitted to a careful investigation. Soon after, he was in the 
foremost ranks against it. In one of his subsequent letters, — 
written in 1836, — he expressed the belief that "the people 
of America can never again incur the risk of a National 
Bank." 

Mr. Dallas opposed Webster's movement on the apportionment 
of members of Congress under the census of 1830 ; and his 
speech — which produced the desired effect — was much spoken 
of at the time. Another of his memorable efforts of this period 
was his defence of his friend, Edward Livingston, who had in 
days gone by defended General Jackson when arraigned before 
a civil tribunal for alleged military tyranny. Jackson, as Presi- 
dent, sent the nomination of Livingston for the office of Secre- 
tary of State to the Senate. It was strongly opposed by Clay 
and Webster. Dallas came to the rescue of his friend, and with 
such force and eloquence that, when he sat down, both Clay and 
Yv^ebster, with the prompt magnanimity which belongs to men 
of superior mould, withdrew their opposition. On the question 
of the Tariff Mr. Dallas held to the opinions expressed by 
Jackson. In the discussions on Nullification, he advocated the 
exercise of that power in the Union which he believed to be 
essential to its preservation within the spirit of the Constitution, 
but disclaimed all proceedings not intrinsically necessary for this 
object, and was in favor of such measures as were best calculated 
L 14 :> 



162 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

to protect the rights and exalt the dignity of each State and 
secure the harmony of the whole. As a Senator, his eloquence, 
the diversity of his knowledge upon all political subjects, and the 
manly and elevated tone in which he took part in the debates, 
brought his name conspicuously before the nation. 

His residence in Washington at that time rendered his per- 
sonal relations and intercourse with General Jackson of a most 
intimate nature. It was his happiness to enjoy the fullest confi- 
dence and warmest friendship of that great patriot down to the 
day of his death; and when the citizens of Philadelphia, by 
appropriate funeral solemnities, expressed their sorrow at the 
demise of the hero, Mr. Dallas was at once selected as the 
orator of the day. In his discourse on that occasion, he 
touchingly alluded to his intimacy with the departed, and said, 
'' From those who knew him as it has been my lot to know him, 
the frequent tear of cherished and proud remembrance must 
fall." 

On the 3d of March, 1833, the brief but brilliant Senatorial 
term of Mr. Dallas expired. He emphatically declined a re- 
election, and, in proof of his sincerity, returned immediately 
to the practice of his profession. He accepted the office of 
Attorney-General of the State of Pennsylvania, tendered to him 
by Governor Wolf, and continued to occujiy that congenial posi- 
tion during Wolf's Administration. 

Upon the accession of Mr. Van Buren to the Presidential 
office, in 1837, he recalled Mr. Dallas from his comparative 
retirement into the service of the National Government. He 
was appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
to the Court of St. Petersburg, at which, it will be remembered, 
he commenced his public life, under Gallatin, in 1813. The 
selection was deemed a most excellent one, as the republican 
simplicity of Mr. Dallas, heightened by the personal dignity of 
his manners, was well calculated to sustain the democratic cha- 
racter of our institutions in one of the most gorgeous courts of 
Europe. It is stated that his dignity as a representative Ameri- 
can citizen, at once elevated but unobtrusive, on more than 
one occasion elicited the courteous attention of the Emperor 
of Russia. 

Recalled from this mission at his own request, in 1839, he 



GEORGE M. DALLAS. 1(53 

was, soon after his return to Philadelphia, offered by President 
Van Buren the office of Attorney-General of the United States, 
— then vacant by the resignation of Mr. Felix Grundy. The 
flattering offer was declined, and Mr. Dallas once more sought 
refuge from public life amidst his law-books. He was not long 
allowed, however, to remain in the privacy of his profession. In 
1844 the Democratic party placed him on the ticket headed by 
James K. Polk ; and in that year he was elected to the high 
position of Vice-President of the United States, and took the 
oath of office, March 4, 1845. 

His career as '' the second choice" of the Democracy was 
characterized by the ability which had led to his elevation to 
that proud position. His influence did much to guide his par- 
tisans in the management of the exciting topics before the coun- 
try. In the Texas question, the hostile movements of Mexico, 
the Oregon Boundary question, and the Tariff, his course was 
firm and patriotic. He was in favor of checking the aggres- 
sions of Mexico, of vindicating the integrity of our title to Ore- 
gon, and of the establishment of the Sub-Treasury. 

The most imposing scene — says a graphic biographer of Mr. 
Dallas — which occurred during his Presidency of the Senate 
was witnessed in July, 1846, upon the final passage of the Tariff 
Act of that year. On that occasion, to employ the language of 
the historian of the Polk Administration, '^he had an opportunity 
of illustrating his moral firmness of character by an act of bold 
and majestic grandeur which stamped him as one of the distin- 
guished men of the age." This bill, drawn up in accordance with 
the ideas of the President, and upon the views employed in the 
Presidential canvass of 1844, had passed the House on the 3d of 
July by a vote of 114 to 95. In the Senate, it appeared that the 
Senators of eleven States directly favored, and those from eleven 
other States as emphatically opposed, the bill, while the Senators 
of the remaining eight States were divided. Thus the bill was put 
in the power of the Vice-President. The interest of the occasion 
was the greater from the fact that his opinions upon the particu- 
lars of the bill were, up to the moment of its passage, not definitively 
or widely known. The suspense, however, was soon terminated. 

Before deciding the fate of the all-important measure, " founded 
upon a comprehensive view of the diversified interests of the 



164 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Union/' Mr. Dallas addressed the Senate in a brief but well- 
considered speech in explanation and justification of the act he 
was about to'perform. He voted in the affirmative. The writer 
above quoted, who, no doubt, was present, says, '' The scene was 
one of the most imposing that ever occurred in that chamber. 
The Representative Hall was almost deserted; the members 
crowded into the Senate to witness the termination of the strug- 
gle. The galleries were crowded with beauty and fashion. The 
manufacturers were assembled in strong force. The reporters bent 
eagerly forward to catch the words which fell from his lips. A 
solemn silence reigned. All eyes were turned on his command- 
ing and expressive countenance, and each ear drank in the lan- 
puao-e of his celebrated address, which he pronounced with an 
earnestness and impressiveness of tone which proved his sin- 
cerity."* Another writer, exulting in the manner in which the 
Vice-President met the grave responsibility of the occasion, says, 
" When compelled by a paltry intrigue to give the casting vote 
for the Tariff of 1846, he exhibited a moral firmness worthy the 
friend of Jackson." He closed his brief address by this decla- 
ration : — " If, by thus acting, it be my misfortune to offend any 
portion of those who honored me with their suffrages, I have 
only to say to them, and to my whole country, that I prefer the 
deepest obscurity of private life with an unwounded conscience, 
to the glare of official eminence spotted by a sense of moral 
delinquency." 

Very considerable public and local dissatisfaction was the re- 
sult. The Vice-President was burned in effigy and denounced 
in the most violent manner. But the temporary indignation has 
vanished; and the vote which created it is now as highly extolled 
for statesmanlike wisdom and foresight as he who gave it is praised 
for his personal firmness and self-sacrifice. 

"It would not, perhaps, be extravagant to say that never, at any otlier 
period since the foundation of the American Union, have so important and 
diversified interests been poised upon a single vote. It changed, at a 
breath, a policy which had prevailed more than thirty years, — a policy 
unequal in its operation both vipon States and individuals, and for that 
reason fraught with danger. It established a revenue-system more repro- 
ductive to the National Treasury, less burdensome to the consumer, ad- 

* Chase's '' History of the Polk Administration." 



GEORGE M. DALLAS. 165 

mitting of all necessary and just discriminations, yet bearing as lightly 
and equally as possible on every branch of industry in all parts of the 
country."'^' 

Mr. Dallas, during his Vice-Presidency, directed attention to 
the project of a canal from the southernmost part of the Gulf of 
Mexico to the Tehuantepec Gulf on the Pacific side, in a published 
letter. He discussed the practicability and advantages of con- 
necting the oceans. President Polk was impressed with the im- 
portance df the subject, and gave instructions which, had they 
been carried out, would have led, years ago, to the acquisition 
by the United States of a transit-route to the Pacific. Mr. Dal- 
las's letter drew public attention to the matter; and the letter of 
instructions written by Mr. Polk's Secretary of State — the pre- 
sent President of the United States — to Mr. N. P. Trist, the 
American Commissioner to negotiate with Mexico, afi'ords strong 
evidence of the importance which attached to the project in the 
estimation of the Government. The instructions empowered the 
' Commissioner to increase the amount ($15,000,000) stipulated 
to be paid by the fifth article " for the extension of our boundary 
over New Mexico and Upper and Lower California, to any sum 
not exceeding 830,000,000, payable by instalments of $3,000,000 
per Rnnum., provided the right of pasi^age and transit across the 
Lfhmtis of Tehuanfejjcc, secured to the United States by the 
eighth article of the project, shall form a part of the treaty T 

During the year 1848, when the revolutionary movements in 
Ireland inspired a memorable enthusiasm in the adopted citizens 
of this country, the Vice-President addressed a note (June 3) 
to the great Irish demonstration in New York, conveying his 
sympathy, and fervent hopes that the managers might '^ succeed 
in kindling for the sacred cause of Ireland — so closely akin to 
that of Poland — the most effective enthusiasm of our country." 
After the expiration of his official term, Mr. Dallas returned to 
Philadelphia, and to the practice of the law. 

Mr. Dallas's next national position was that of Envoy Extra- 
ordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to 
the Court of St. James. He succeeded Mr. Buchanan ; and to 
his ability the English journals generally credit the good for- 

* ''National Portrait- Gallery," vol. ii. 



166 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

tune of both England and America in escaping the scourge of 
war. Mr. Dallas was sent to settle the differences growing out 
of the assumption by Great Britain of a protectorate over the 
Mosquito Territory, and the enlistment of soldiers on American 
soil by Mr. (now Sir) John Crampton, then British Minister at 
Washington. On arriving at Liverpool, and in reply to an 
address from the American Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Dallas 
predicted that " the causes of difference which had arisen between 
the two countries could soon be amicably arranged, and that, in 
his own opinion, they were not of such a serious character as 
either would lead, or ought to lead, to any disturbance of the 
relationship existing between them." 

Mr. Dallas was continued in his mission by Mr. Buchanan ; 
and though he made an agreement with Lord Clarendon, then 
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, known as the Dallas-Clareudun 
Treaty, the Senate refused to ratify it ; and the matter, from a 
combination of complications, remains unadjusted. 

Mr. Dallas is greatly endeared to his State and his party by 
the skill and integrity with which he has conducted the State 
or national affairs intrusted to him. As early as November, 1855, 
a large meeting of Democrats of Philadelphia nominated him for 
the Presidency in a series of resolutions, of which I give the fol- 
lowing, as a suitable summary of his distinguished career : — 

^^ Resolved, That in our fellow-citizen, George Mifflin Dallas, we behold 
just the man for such a time. Dwelling in our midst from his youth up, 
he presents a character which, whether regarded in a political, profes- 
sional, social, or personal point of view, we know to be unstained by spot 
or blemish. The son of one of the most distinguished citizens of this 
Commonwealth and of the nation, he illustrates in his life the precepts 
imbibed from our earlier statesmen. Enrolled as a volunteer in the War 
of 1812, he shrinks not in his youth from battle for his country. Wit- 
nessing the administration of Jefferson, honored with the confidence of 
Madison, and enjoying the friendship of Jackson, his republicanism has 
been derived immediately from those by whom republicanism has been 
best exemplified. Whether we contemplate him in public stations, — as a 
Senator, as the representative of Democracy at the covirt of an autocrat, 
as a champion warring against a vast moneyed corporation, or as a Vice- 
President of the United States, with the prosperity of the country poised 
upon his single vote, — or whether, on the other hand, we recUr to those 
lessons of patriotism, union, and peace which his daily life and conversa- 
tion in our midst so unostentatiously but persuasively inculcate, — we find 



GEORCE M. DALLAS. ' 167 

everywhere the most signal attestations that his principle of action, hi its 
comprehensive range, is determined by nothing narrower than the general 
welfare of the whole people. 

'■^Resolved, That in the purity of the public career and private life of 
Mr. Dallas, — in his tried Democracy, which, through evil report and 
through good report, from first to last, has been without shadow of 
change, — in his intellectual strength and moral worth, — in his steadfast- 
ness of purpose and independence of action, — and, above all, in the na- 
tional character of his statesmanship and his devoted regard to the Federal 
Constitution and the union of the States, — we have ample assurance that 
he is, to an eminent degree, practically qualified, in the present critical 
condition of our beloved country, to fulfil with sincerity, wisdom, and 
boldness the responsibilities of the chief magistracy ; and we do there- 
fore, for these reasons, proclaim him as our chosen candidate, and recom- 
mend him as such to the National Democracy." 

Mr. Dallas has sometimes indulged his fine literary taste, which 
has lent whatever he has performed in the way of orations and 
pamphlets* a beauty and felicity of diction which indicate at 
once the man of refinement and cultivated endowments. 

* Allibone's " Critical Dictionary of Authors" contains a list of thirty publi- 
cations, extending over an interval of forty years, commencing with "An Essay 
uu the Expediency of Erecting any Monument to Washington except that In- 
volved in the Preservation of the American Union," printed in ISll, and ending 
with "Speech in Maintenance of the Legal Right of the Corporation of Phila- 
delphia to Subscribe to the North Pennsylvania Railroad Company," 1853. 



168 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



JEFFERSON DAVIS, 

OF MISSISSIPPI. 

Jefferson Davis, son of Samuel Davis, a planter who 
served during the Revolutionary War in the mounted force of 
Georgia, was born June 3, 1808, in that part of Christian 
County which now forms Todd County, Kentucky. In early 
childhood he was removed with the whole family to the Territory 
of Mississippi, — his father settling near Woodville, Wilkinson 
County. After an academic course at home, young Davis entered 
Transylvania University, Kentucky, and remained there until he 
was appointed a cadet, and removed to the Military Academy at 
West Point, in 1824. He was graduated in June, 1828, and was 
appointed brevet second lieutenant. 

He followed the fife and drum with distinction for seven 
years, and served with such ability as an infantry and 
stafl' officer on the Northwest frontier in 1831-32, that on the 
formation of the new regiment of dragoons he was promoted to 
a first lieutenancy, March 4, 1833. In the Black Hawk War 
he was often detailed upon duties of an important and dangerous 
character. While the famous Indian warrior Black Hawk was 
a prisoner, he formed an attachment for the gallant young officer 
which only terminated with the life of the red chief. As a 
dragoon-officer, Davis was employed from 1833 to 1835 on the 
Western frontier, and actively participated in the expeditions 
against the Comanches, Pawnees, and other Indian tribes there. 
He was in the first expedition that penetrated their mountain- 
fastnesses and reduced them into the desire for peace on any 
terms. 

Resigning his commission, June 31, 1835, Lieutenant Davis 
returned to Mississippi and occupied himself on another field of 
operations, — the cultivation of cotton, — the peaceful occupation 
of a planter allowing him sufficient leisure for the prosecution of 



JEFFERSON DAVIS. 109 

those studies in political history and economy which have since so 
largely contributed to place and keep his name prominently before 
the people, not only of his own State, but of the South. Thus 
engaged with his plantation and his books, he lived a life of great 
quiet for several years, scarcely known beyond his immediate 
neighborhood. Emerging from his privacy in 1843, when active 
preparations were being initiated for the ensuing Presidential 
campaign, he enlisted himself publicly under the Democratic 
banner, served it effectively, and made so general and favorable 
an impression upon the people that he was chosen a Presidential 
Elector in 1844, on the Polk and Dallas ticket. 

In November of the following year, jlr. Davis was elected to 
the House of Representatives, and took his seat in December, at 
the commencement of the Twenty-Ninth Congress. Although 
circumstances prevented any lengthy participation in the busi- 
ness of legislation, Mr. Davis was prominent in the debates on 
the Tariff, the Oregon question, military affairs, and especially 
on the preparations for the Mexican War and the organiza- 
tion of militia when called into the service of the General 
Government. While engaged in these discussions, he was called 
to give the benefit of his experience to the carrying out of the 
plans he suggested. In July, 1846, on the enrolment of the 
First Piegiment of Mississippi Volunteers for the war, he was 
unanimously elected colonel. He promptly answered the appeal, 
resigned his seat, and procuring for his regiment, in the face of 
much opposition, the arms which were used with such deadly 
effect and made the name of the " Mississippi Ptifles" so famous, 
he overtook his men at New Orleans en route for the theatre of 
war, and soon reinforced General Taylor on the Rio Grande. 

In the storming of Monterey Colonel Davis and his riflemen 
played a most gallant part. The storming of one of its strongest 
forts (Teneria) on the 21st of September was a desperate and 
hard-fought fight. The Mexicans had dealt such death by their 
cross-fires that they ran up a new flag in exultation, and in defi- 
ance of the assault which, at this time, was being made in front 
and rear. The Fourth Infantry, in the advance, had been terri- 
bly cut up, but the Mississippians and Tennesseeans steadily pressed 
forward under a galling fire of copper grape. They approached 
to within a hundred yards of the fort, when they were lost in a 

15 



170 LlVlNtJ llEPlli-'SENTATlVE MEN. 

volume of smoke. McClung, inciting a company wliicli formerly 
liad been under his command, daslied on, followed by Captain 
Willis. Anticipating General Quitman, Colonel Davis about the 
same time gave the order to charge. AVith wild desperation his 
men followed him. The escalade was made with the fury of a 
tempest, the men flinging themselves upon the guns of the enemy. 
Sword in hand, McClung has sprung over the ditch. After him 
dashes Davis, cheering on the Mississippians, and then Campbell 
with his Tennesseeans and others, brothers in the fight and rivals 
for its honors. Then was wild work. The assault was irresistible. 
The Mexicans, terror-stricken, fled like an Alpine village from 
the avalanche, and, taking position in a strongly-fortified build- 
ing some seventy-five yards in the rear, opened a heavy fire 
of musketry. But, like their mighty river, nothing could stay 
the Mississippiaiis. They are after the Mexicans. Davis and 
McClung are simultaneously masters of the fortification, having 
got in by difi'erent entrances. In the fervor of victory, the bri- 
gade does not halt, but, led on by Colonel Davis, are preparing 
to charge on the second fort, Kl Diablo, about three hundred 
yards in the rear, when they are restrained by Quitman. This 
desperate conflict lasted over two hours. The charge of the Mis- 
sissippi Kifle Regiment, without bayonets, upon Fort Teneria, 
gained for the State a triumph which stands unparalleled. 

Placed in possession of El Diablo, on the dawn of the 23d 
Colonel Davis was exposed to a sharp fire from a half-moon re- 
doubt about one hundred and fifty yards distant, which was con- 
nected with heavy stone buildings and walls adjoining a block 
of the city, lleturning the fire, he proceeded with eight men to 
reconnoitre the ground in advance. Having reported, he was 
ordered, with three companies of his regiment and one of Ten- 
nesseeans, to advance on the works. 

When they reached the half-moon work, a tremendous fire was 
opened from the stone buildings in the rear. Taking a less 
exposed position, Davis was reinforced, and, the balance of the 
Mississippians coming up, the engagement became general in the 
street, while from the house-tops a heavy fire was kept up by the 
Mexicans. ^' The gallant Davis, leading the advance with de- 
tached parties, was rapidly entering the city, penetrating into 
buildings, and gradually driving the enemy from the positions," 



JEFFERSON DAVIS. 171 

when General Henderson and the Texan Rangers, dismounted, 
entered the city, and, through musketry and grape, made their 
way to the advance. The conflict increased, and still Davis con- 
tinued to lead his command through the streets to within a square 
of the Grand i*laza, when, the afternoon being far advanced, 
General Taylor withdrew the AmeridUns to the captured forts.* 

The next day — the 24th of September — General Ampudia 
entered into negotiations with General Taylor, and a commission 
was appointed to arrange the terms of capitulation. Colonel 
Davis, who had done so much to force the enemy to this step, 
was rewarded by an appointment on this commission."!" His 
memoranda of the transactions which transpired in the confe- 
rences are part of the history of the war. 

Buena Yista added another laurel to the brow of Davis. 
Against greatly superior force he held his ground on the famous 
2od of February, 1847. In his report the commander-in-chief 
recommended him to the special notice of the Government for 
his distinguished coolness and gallantry at the head of his regi- 
ment on that day. Though severely wounded, he remained in 
the saddle until the close of the- action. Colonel Davis's gal- 
lantry and capacity at Buena Vista derive an additional inte- 
rest from the historical parallel drawn by the Hon. Caleb 
Gushing. He writes, "■ In another of the dramatic incidents of 
that field a man of Celtic race, Jefferson Davis, at the head of 
the Bifles of Mississippi, had ventured to do that of which there 
is perhaps but one other example in the military history of mo- 
dern times. In the desperate conflicts of the Crimea, at the bat- 
tle of Inkermann, in one of those desperate charges, there was a 
British ofiicer who ventured to receive the charge of the enemy 
without the precaution of having his men formed in a hollow 
square. They were drawn up in two lines, meeting at a point 
like an open fan, and received the charge of the Russians at the 



*For an extended and detailed narration of the movements in and about Mon- 
terey, see the admirable account given in ''Scouting Expeditions of the Texas 
Rangers," &c. &c., by Samuel C. Keid, Jr., Philadelphia, 1818. It is said by 
dit^linguished authorities to be as accurate as it is spirited. 

t It consisted of General Worth, General J. PincRney Henderson, and Colo- 
nel Jeiferson Davis, on the part of General Taylor, and J. M. Ortega, T. Re- 
quena, and Manuel M. Llano, on the part of General Ampudia. 



172 LIVING REPRESENTATIVK .>li.N. 

muzzles of their guns, and repelled it. Sir Colin Campbell, for 
this feat of arms, among others, was selected as the man to re- 
trieve the fallen fortunes of England in India. He did, how- 
ever, but imitate what Jefferson Davis had previously done in 
Mexico, who in that trying hour, when, v/ith one last desperate 
effort to break the lines of the American army, the cavalry of 
Mexico was concentrated in one charge against the American 
line^ — then, I say, Jefferson Davis commanded his men to form 
in two lines, extended as I have shown, and receive that charge 
of the Mexican horse, with a plunging fire from the right and 
left from the 31ississippi Ptifles, which repelled, and repelled for 
the last time, the charge of the hosts of Mexico."* 

The term of enlistment of the handful that remained of the 
Mississippi Hegiment expired in July, 1847, and Colonel Davis 
was ordered home. While in New Orleans he received from the 
President the commission of Brigadier-General of Volunteers, 
but declined the honor, on the ground that neither Congress nor 
the President had a right to make such an appointment. The 
Constitution reserved to the States respectively the appointment 
of officers of the militia, and consequently the assumption of this 
duty by the Federal Government was a violation of the rights of 
the States. Being an ardent State-Eights man, Colonel Davis con- 
sistently declined, and proceeded home, through a series of con- 
gratulatory receptions, to enjoy domestic quiet and recover from 
the wound which, though it threatened to maim him for life, did 
not drive him from the field where he received it, and in honor 
of his deeds on which his comrades had conferred on him the 
sobriquet of '• Buena Vista.'' 

He was almost immediately called into the service of the 
country by his appointment to the United States Senate to fill a 
vacancy, to which position, at the ensuing session of the Missis- 
sippi Legislature, he was unanimously elected for the residue of 
the term ending March, 1851. During his service at this period 
in the Senate, Colonel Davis was made Chairman of the Commit- 
tee on Military Affairs, and in the debates on the Slavery ques- 
tion took a leading position in defence of the institutions and 



*i' Lecture on "The Expatriated Irish in Europe and America," delivered 
Feb. 11, 1S58, Boston, by Hon. Caleb Gushing. 



JEFFERSON DAVIS. 173 

policy of the slave States, and as the mouth-piece of the South- 
ern State-Rights Democrats. 

In the discussions on the Compromise measures Mr. Davis was 
conspicuous. In the bill reported for the organization of the 
Territory of New Mexico there was a general grant of legislative 
power, with a reservation that no law should be passed ^^ in re- 
spect to African slavery." Beheving that this was an inhibition 
against the enactment by the Territorial Legislature of any law 
for the protection of that species of property, he proposed to 
amend the bill by striking out the restraint against legislation 
'' in respect to African slavery," and inserting a prohibition 
of the enactment of any law which would interfere "with 
those rights of property growing out of the institution of 
African slavery as it exists in any of the States of this Union." 
In conformity with the views and wishes of some Southern Sena- 
tors, the amendment was several times modified, so as finally — 
in the words of Senator Davis — " to present the general proposi- 
tion that the Territorial Legislature should not be prevented from 
passing the laws necessary for the protection of the rights of pro- 
perty of every kind which might be legally and constitutionally 
held in that Territory." In this general form the proposition 
was brought to a vote and defeated. 

In 1850, Davis was re-elected for the succeeding Senatorial 
term, but resigned his seat, having accepted the nomination as 
candidate for Grovernor, in opposition to Henr^ S. Foote. He 
was defeated in this contest ; but the result was claimed as a 
victory by his friends, since the popularity of his name had re- 
duced the majority of 7500, which the Foote party had exhi- 
bited only two months previous at the " Convention election," 
to 999. Colonel Davis now remained in retirement until the 
Presidential contest of 1852, when he left the quiet of Brierfield 
and rendered great service to the Democratic cause in Louisiana 
and Tennessee, as well as in his own State, by the advocacy of 
the claims of General Pierce. 

On the accession of the latter to the chief magistracy, the 
services of Davis were acknowledged by an invitation into the 
Cabinet as Secretary of War, which was accepted. The adminis- 
tration of this Department gave general satisfaction, and conferred 
great credit on Secretary Davis. Many measures of importance were 

15* 



174 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

either recommended or carried out by liim. Among these were, 
the revision of the army regulations for the better observance of 
discipline and the improvement of officers, whereby the right of 
command should follow rank by one certain rule, and that officers 
should not at an early period of service be permanently placed 
on the staff; the increase of the medical corps; the introduction 
of camels into America; the introduction of the light infantry or 
rifle system of tactics, rifled muskets, and the minie ball ; the addi- 
tion of four regiments to the army; and the exploration of the 
Western frontier. He constantly urged the necessity of generous 
appropriations for new forts, improvements in small-arms, and the 
accumulation of munitions of war, showing that under the usual 
Congressional action it would take forty years to supply each 
mounted piece at the forts with one hundred rounds of ammuni- 
tion. He condemned the system of small forts as incomplete for 
the purposes of war with the Indians. Being fixed points in the 
route of the emigrant, these forts aff"ord the Indians an opportu- 
nity to reconnoitre the trains and determine upon their plans. 
The system also involved the frequent construction and abandon- 
ment of posts when they were just made sufficiently comfortable 
for the soldier to live in them. To overcome, to some extent, 
the expense, embarrassment, and comparative uselessness of 
locating military posts in advarfce of settlement, Secretary 
Davis suggested that within the fertile regions a few points 
accessible by steamboat or railway should be selected, where 
large garrisons could be maintained, and from which strong 
detachments could be annually supplied for the Indian coun- 
try, to be sent out where grass would suffice for the support 
of beasts of draught and burden. Secretary Davis has strenu- 
ously advocated an increase of pay for army officers, and the 
granting of pensions to the widows and orphans of officers and 
men, as in the Navy. 

Colonel Davis was re-elected to the Senate for the term ending 
March 4, 18 Go, and took his seat in the Thirty-Fifth Congress. 
Previous to going to Washington, the Democracy of Vicksburg, 
Jackson, and other places received him, and he delivered some 
speeches wbich attracted considerable attention. At Pass 
Christian he spoke clearly and with his usual boldness on the 
state of public affairs. The puritanical intolerance and vie- 



JEFFERSON DAVIS. 175 

iently unconstitutional character of the North would tear the 
Union asunder, if a better feeling North did not restrain it, or a 
united South did not put it down. His great reliance was on a 
united South; and he could not beHeve that the clap-trap of 
Know-Nothingism would be taken up in the South ^Ho divide 
them." He earnestly deprecated interference by the citizens of 
one State with the rights of another State, and, though fully 
identified with the South in any emergency, could not contem- 
plate the possibility of disunion without deep emotion. Some 
of his most endearing reminiscences had grown out of his con- 
nection with the Federal Governmeiit; and, dwelling on them, 
he told his hearers that while yet a boy he had been called to 
duty in its military service, where he remained up to mature 
manhood. He had seen its flag wave its graceful folds in the 
peaceful civic pageant, and had witnessed it borne aloft in the 
clash and cannon-clouds of the deadly conflict; he had seen it 
in the East, brightened by the sun at its rising, and in the West, 
gilded by his declining but golden rays; and to see that flag sun- 
dered, to see one star torn from its azure field, would, he felt, 
imbue him with a sorrow such as only a parent feels for a lost 
and beloved child. 

At the close of this passage, he was greeted with prolonged 
applause. 

At Mississippi City the ex-Secretary still more clearly defined 
his position. As Senator from Mississippi, he opposed the Com. 
promise measures of 1850, beholding in them the violation of 
Southern rights, but had acquiesced in the opinion of the State, 
though against his convictions; and he regarded the disorders in 
Kansas as the bitter fruit of the substitution of expediency for 
principle. 

In obedience to the will of Mississippi, he desired the measures 
of 1850 to be fairly tried, and avowed that had he followed his 
own desires, and been governed by his own interests, he would 
not have entered the Cabinet of President Pierce. The argu- 
ment — used at Washington as well as in Mississippi, with him— ^ 
that to decline might be injurious to the State-Rights party of 
the South, prevailed over his personal pride and personal interest. 
He defended President Pierce, his vetoes on the bills " for inter- 
nal improvements and eleemosynary purposes," his adherence to 



176 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

the Constitution, and his disregard of selfish considerations, in 
fervent passages. 

Reviewing the Cuban question, Colonel Davis pictured the 
Fillmore Administration as responsible for the execution of the 
fifty gallant Americans at Havana. If Congress had backed 
up the special message of President Pierce on the Black War- 
rior, it was his opinion that we would now have Cuba. The 
non-action of Congress was construed into disapproval of the 
Executive desire ; the owners of the Black Warrior compromised 
with the Spanish Grovernment, and Soule's peremptory diplomacy 
was nonplussed. 

He excused the suppression of ^' unlawful expeditions" on legal 
grounds. "We should not," he said, "object to the Executive, 
but to the law which he was obliged to carry out;'' but he held 
that we should assume the controlling power on the continent, 
believing it was time there should be an American policy, and 
that European interference with American republics should 
cease. He would rejoice if General Walker could Americanize 
Nicaragua, and was as much opposed to " the brainless intemper- 
ance of those who desired a dissolution of the Union," as to 
"the slavish submission of those who, like the victims of the 
Juggernaut, unresistingly prostrated themselves to be crushed." 

In the Thirty-Fifth Congress, although suffering from ill health 
during a portion of the first session, Senator Davis took a promi- 
nent position. In the debate on the bill to authorize the issue 
of $20,000,000 of Treasury notes, which he voted against, Mr. 
Davis expressed himself in favor of the abolition of custom- 
houses, and the disbanding of the army of retainers of the Fede- 
ral Grovernment employed to collect the import-duties. He was 
in favor of Free Trade, with its fraternizing effect on the nations, 
and its beneficial results to the laboring classes, and held that 
under its influence we should be rid of all frauds upon the Govern- 
ment. He referred to the commercial dependence on New York, 
whose moneyed embarrassments in 1857 had, in his opinion, 
brought financial distress on the Southwest. He favored the bill 
authorizing the President, with the concurrence of the Senate, to 
restore officers dropped by the Naval Courts of Inquiry, should he 
disapprove of the finding of the court. He advocated the increase 
of the army on the system propounded by Calhoun when Secre- 



JEFFERSON DAVIS. 177 

tary of War, — to have a skeleton organization in time of peace, 
capable of efficient expansion in time of war. He sustained the 
bill for the repeal of the fishing-bounties, believing that legisla- 
tion for classes ought to be done away with. On the demise of 
his old companion in arms, Senator Pinckney Henderson, of 
Texas, Davis made a short but appropriate speech on the up- 
right character of the deceased as a soldier and a man. During 
a part of the exciting debate on '• Lecompton'^ and the Kansas 
" Conference Bill," Senator Davis was suffering from an affection 
of the eyes, and his presence on more than one occasion, when 
he expected a vote to take place, was a matter of surprise. His 
high sense of duty — the same v/hich at Buena Yista kept him, 
though severely wounded, in the saddle all day — brought him, 
with weak frame and bandaged eyes, to give his vote at the close 
of the- debate. 

During the recess. Senator Davis visited the North, where he was 
received with great courtesy and hospitality. He went there as 
an invalid, and known chiefly, as he remarked in Maine, " by the 
detraction which the ardent advocacy of the rights of the South 
had brought upon him." He did not deem his going or coming 
would attract attention; but he was mistaken. ''The polite, the 
manly, the elevated men, lifted above the barbarism which makes 
stranger and enemy convertible terms, had chosen, without poli- 
tical distinction, to welcome his coming, and, by constant acts of 
generous hospitalit}", to make his sojourn as pleasant as his phy- 
sical condition would permit." In the speech of which this is 
the opening sentence. Senator Davis denied that his friends and 
himself were Disunionists and Nullifiers, and declined interfering 
in the domestic affairs of the State of Maine, since it was the 
right of the people of Maine to settle the Slavery question for / 
themselves. He visited Massachusetts and New York, and ad-' 
dressed the people of the chief cities in those States. He spoke 
to the Bostonians in Faneuil Hall on the 10th, and to a New I 
York Democratic Batification meeting on the 19th, of OctoberJ 
1858. The gist of all his speeches in the North may be gleaned 
from his address on the latter occasion. 

"To each community," he said, "belongs the right to decide for itself I 

what institutions it will have, — to each people sovereign in their own \ 

t'pherc. It belong? only to them to decide what «hal1 be property. You ( 
M 



178 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

have decided it for yourselves. Mississippi has done so. Wlio has the 
right to gainsay it? (Applause.) It was the assertion of the right of 
independence, — of that very right which led your fathers into the War cf 
the Revolution. (Applause.) It is that which constitutes the doctrine 
of State-Rights, on which it is my pleasure to stand. Congress has no 
power to determine what shall be property anywhere. Congress has only 
such grants as are contained in the Constitution ; and it conferred no 
power to rule with despotic hands over tlie independence of the Terri- 
tories." 

These speeches of Senator Davis id the Xorth were widely 
discussed. 

In the second session of the Thirty-Fifth Congress, he was a 
prominent and very influential advocate for the Pacific Ivailroad 
by the Southern route, and made an elaborate argument against 
the French Spoliation Bill. lie could not admit that the founders 
of the American Government had, by their failure to prosecute 
the just claims of our citizens on the Crovernment of France, 
bequeathed to the present generation the duty of satisfying the 
obligations of justice. 

In illustration of Mr. Davis's Union views, it will not be out 
of place to give here an extract from a letter apologizing for his 
absence from the Webster Birthday Festival, held in Boston, in 
January, 1859: — 

"At a time when partisans avoAv the purpose to obliterate the land- 
marks of our fatliers, and fanaticism assails the barriers they erected for 
the protection of rights coeval with and essential to the existence of the 
Union, — when Federal of&ces have been sought by inciting constituencies 
to hostile aggressions, and exercised, not as a trust for the common wel- 
fare, but as the means of disturbing domestic tranquillity, — when oaths 
to support the Constitution have been taken with a mental reservalidn to 
disregard its spirit and subvert the purposes for which it was established, 
■ — surely it becomes all who are faithful to the compact of our Union, and 
who are resolved to maintain and preserve it, to compose differences on 
questions of mere expediency, and, forming deep around the institutions 
we inherited, stand united to uphold with unfaltering intent a banner on 
which is inscribed the constitutional union of free, equal, and independ- 
ent States. 

"May the vows of 'love and allegiance' which you propose to renew 
as a fitting tribute to the memory of the illustrious statesman whose birth 
you commemorate, find an echo in the heart of every patriot in our land, 
and tend to the revival of that fraternity which bore our fathers through 
the Revolution to the consummation of the independence they transmitted 



JEFFERSON DAVIS. 179 

to us, and the establishment of the more perfect Union which their 
wisdom devised to bless their posterity forever! 

" Though deprived of the pleasure of mingling my affectionate memo- 
ries and aspirations with yours, I send you my cordial greeting to the 
friends of the Constitution, and ask to be enrolled among those whose 
mission i<, by fraternity and good faith to every constitutional obliga- 
tion, to insure that, fi-om the Aroostook to San Diego, from Key West to 
Puget's Sound, the grand arch of our political temple shall stand un- 
shaken." 

The latest exposition of Mr. Davis's views is to be found in a 
speech delivered before the Democratic State Convention held in 
Jackson City, Mississippi, July 5, 1859. After reviewing his pre- 
vious action on the Slavery question, he comes to its latest phase, 
and holds that whoever appeals to the legislation of 1850 to sus- 
tain the modern construction which denies the right of Congress 
to do any thing in relation to slave-property, stultifies himself. 
The Supreme Court has affirmed the position of the South : that 
the Constitution is the supreme law of the land; and as it recog- 
nised property in slaves, so it authorized their introduction into 
the Territories : therefore, when Mexican territory came under 
the jurisdiction of the United States, the public,- not municipal, 
law, which inhibited slavery, was necessarily repealed. 

"But," said he, " if the rules of proceeding remained unchanged, then 
nil the remedies of the civil law wotild be available for the protection of 
property in slaves ; or if the language of the organic act, by specifying 
chancery and common-law jurisdiction, denies to us the more ample 
remedies of the civil law, then those known to the common law are cer- 
tainly in force ; and these, I have been assured by the highest authority, 
will be found sufficient. If this be so, then we are content. If it should 
prove otherwise, then we but ask what justice cannot deny, — the legisla- 
tion needful to enable the General Government to perform its legitimate 
functions : and in the mean time we deny the power of Congress to abridge 
or to destroy our constitutional rights, or of the Territorial Legislature 
to obstruct the remedies known to the common law of the United 
States." 

He had "witnessed the organization of a party seeking the 
possession of the Government, not for the common good, not' 
for their own particular benefit, but as the means of executing a 
hostile purpose against a portion of the States." 

'• The success of such a party would indeed produce an 'irrepressible 
conflict.' To you," said he, " would be presented the question, Will you 



180 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

allow the Constitutional Union to bo changed into the despotism of a m!\- 
jority ? AVill you become the subjects of a hostile Government? or will 
you, outside of the Union, assert the equality, the liberty and sove- 
reignty to which you were born ? For myself I say, as I said on a 
former occasion, in the contingency of the election of a President on the 
platform of Mr. Seward's Rochester speech, let the Union be dissolved. 
Let the ' great, but not the greatest, evil,' come : for, as did the great and 
good Calhoun, from whom is drawn that expression of value, I love and 
venerate the Union of these States, but T love liberty and Mississippi 
more." 

Regarding the Slave-Tmde question, Senator Davis believes 
the xict of 1820 unwarranted by the Constitution and a departure 
from the earlier and wiser policy of the Government, which ab- 
stained from interfering in the affairs or policy of other nations, 
and an abuse of the power to define and punish piracy. But he 
has doubted, and still doubts, the propriety of proposing or advo- 
cating the reopening of the slave-trade. 

When Senator Davis arises in the Chamber, he invariably 
commands attention. He is not hazardous in debate: conse- 
quently when he speaks the conclusion is that he knows what he 
speaks about. His manner is easy, and there is a precision in his 
phraseology which gives a vigor and force to his speeches that ac- 
cord well with the military character of the speaker. His lan- 
guage, as well as his manner, is orderly rather than ornate. John 
Quincy Adams had a habit of always observing new members. 
He would sit near them on the occasion of their Congressional 
debut, closely eyeing and attentively listening if the speech 
pleased him, but quickly departing if it did not. When Davis 
first arose in the House, the ex-President took a seat close by. 
Davis proceeded, and Adams did not move. The one continued 
speaking, and the other listening; and those who knew Mr. 
Adams's habit were fully aware that the new member had deeply 
impressed him. At the close of the speech, ''the old man elo- 
quent" crossed over to some friends, and said, " That young 
man, gentlemen, is no ordinary man. He will make his mark 
yet, mind me." And " that young man " has fulfilled the 
promise. 



WILLIAM L. DAYTON. 181 



WILLIAM L. DAYTON, 

OF NEW JERSEY. 

William Lewis Dayton was bora in Somerset County, New 
Jersey, on the 17th of February, 1807. His ancestors had been 
Jerseymen for many generations. His great-grandfather, Jona- 
than Dayton, settled at Elizabethtown at least as early as 1725 ; 
and about the same time his mother's grandfather settled at 
Baskingridge, in Somerset, and built the first frame dwelling- 
house in that part of the country. His family are conspicuous 
for talents and patriotic services, both civil and military. On 
both his father's and mother's side they bore an honorable part 
in the Eevolutionary struggle. Elias Dayton, grand-uncle of the 
subject of this sketch, was a brigadier-general, and his son, 
Jonathan Dayton, became eminent as a member of the Conven- 
tion which formed the Federal Constitution, as Speaker of the 
House of Representatives in the Fourth Congress, and as a mem- 
ber of the United States Senate. His maternal grandfather, 
Edward Lewis, was a commissary of the Revolutionary Army, 
and served as such during the entire war. 

Robert Dayton, the grandfather of William, removed his family 
during the war, or soon after, from Elizabethtown to a farm near 
Baskingridge, where he resided for the remainder of his life and 
reared a large family. His son Joel, a man of intelligence and 
probity, lived also at Baskingridge. He left several sons, who 
were liberally educated. William, the eldest of the family, was 
placed, in his twelfth year, in the classical academy of the cele- 
brated Dr. Brownlee, then of Baskingridge, but now of the city 
of New York. After preparing himself here for college, he 
entered Nassau Hall, and was graduated in 1825. 

At this time his person was unusually slender, and his health 
feeble. Soon after this, he was placed in the office of Peter D. 
Vroom, at Somerville, for the purpose of studying law. Mr. 

16 



182 LiViAU llJil'lltttilNTATlVE .MEN. 

Vroom was at tliat time a leader of the Jackson party in New 
Jersey. Upon their obtaining the ascendency in the Legislature, 
in 1829, they appointed him Governor, — the best office in their 
gift. He was afterward their most conspicuous man in the great 
"Broad Seal War," and a few years ago was appointed by Presi- 
dent Pierce Minister to Prussia. His pupil, who was in his 
office when first appointed Governor, meanwhile, has occupied a 
no less conspicuous position as a leader of the Whig party in the 
State. Yet, we believe, the friendship of Mr. Dayton and his 
preceptor was never interrupted, — such was the dignity and amia- 
bility of their characters and their cherished respect for each 
other. 

Mr. Dayton was licensed in 1830, and entered upon the prac- 
tice of the law at Freehold. Having a cleiir, logical mind and 
a lucid method of argument, he at once made himself known 
as a young lawyer of much ability. The dignity of his bearing, 
his courteous manners, and, above all, his moderation, caution, 
good sense, and spotless morals, gave him weight of character, 
influence, and the respect of the county; while the avowal of his 
sentiments made him known to the people of Monmouth as a 
firm and earnest Whig. 

At length the strength of the Jackson party seemed to be 
waning in New Jersey. It could not all be transferred to the 
support of Mr. Van Buren. He failed, in 1836, to obtain the 
Electoral vote of the State, which was cast for Harrison and 
Granger. Stimulated by this success, the Whig party made a 
vigorous cfi"ort, the next year, to carry the State. It was no 
slight indication of their sanguine enthusiasm that they deter- 
mined to contest in earnest the county of Monmouth, — a strong- 
hold of Jacksonism; and, in order to be enabled to do this, they 
demanded of Mr. Dayton that he should give to the efi"ort the aid 
of his character and popularity by leading the ticket as candi- 
date for the Legislative Council. Their whole Legislative ticket 
was elected, with Mr. Dayton at its head. The Whigs then rea- 
lized that, after years of defeat, they had regained the control of 
the State. The victory was sure, and not only sure, but brilliant. 
The Legislature met in the same month of October in which 
the election was held. Mr. Dayton took rank immediately among 
the leading members of a body in which there was a large num- 



WILLIAM L, DAYTON. 183 

ber of able and distiiigiiislied men. From that time his life has 
been a pai;t of the history of New Jersey; and his name soon 
became a household word in the State. He was placed at the 
head of the Judiciary Committee, the most responsible and honor- 
able post in the body of which he was a member; and so well 
did he discharge his duties, both on that committee and in the 
Council, that the enviable reputation he had gained in Mon- 
mouth was diffused throughout the State. 

In accordance with the recommendation of Governor Penning- 
ton, a measure was passed by this Legislature, by which the 
character and usefulness of the county courts, which had at that 
time great]}' degenerated, were raised, almost at once, to a con- 
dition in which they have ever since enjoyed the perfect confi- 
dence of the people. As Chairman of the Judiciary Committee 
of the Senate, the preparation of the necessary law became the 
duty of Mr. Dayton. He discharged it so well that the new 
measure effected, quietly, noiselessly, and thoroughly, the reform 
proposed. The old courts wliixih were reformed away had for 
their judges an almost innumerable multitude of the most active 
and influential politicians in every county of the State. The new 
courts were to be presided over, each, by a single Judge of the 
Supreme Court; and yet, without excitement or ojDposition, and 
against this great preponderance of personal influence and in- 
terest, the new courts speedily took the place of the old in all 
suits for more than a hundred dollars. 

At the time this act was passed, the number of Judges of the 
Supreme Court was but three. The additional duties imposed 
upon them rendered it necessary to increase their number to five. 
Under the Constitution then in force, these judges were elected 
by the Legislature. The qualifications of Mr. Dayton for a seat 
upon the bench were by this time obvious to all; and the mem- 
bers of the Legislature gladly availed themselves of the opportu- 
nity to elect him. His dignified and courteous manners made 
him very popular; while his opinions commanded more than 
usual respect. His charges to grand jurors were also remark- 
able for the useful instruction and sensible advice they con- 
tained. It was at this time that he removed from Freehold to 
Trenton, where he has ever since resided. 

The reader will hove observed that within a few days of the 



184 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

time when Mr. Dayton unexpectedly found liimsclf elected to 
the Legislative Council, he was obliged to take his seat in that 
body; and before the duties thus thrown upon him were dis- 
charged, he was a Judge of the Supreme Court. Certainly it 
was not in the heart of one of so refined and elevated a temper to 
be insensible to the highest honors of the State, conferred with 
the undivided approval of its intelligent citizens. Yet even 
then perhaps the question occurred to him, whether, thus early 
in life, the enjoyment by him of these honors were consistent 
with the interests of others, whose claims upon him were stronger 
and more sacred than even those of a high and honorable ambi- 
tion. The State of New Jersey pays her judges no munificent 
salaries. Twenty years ago she paid them less than she docs 
now. Judge Dayton had to consider whether, with a young and 
increasing family, he ought to remain upon the bench, while as 
yet he had never enjoyed that lucrative practice to which his 
rare talents as an advocate entitled him. For these or for other 
considerations, he determined, after having been upon the bench 
about three years, to return to the bar. He resigned his seat, 
and resumed the practice of the law. His reputation and abili- 
ties placed him at once in the front rank of the profession ; and 
he has held that position till the present time. No man is 
listened to with more respect by either judge or juror. 

In the summer of 1842, Judge Dayton entered upon a new 
career. The death of that eloquent and eminent Senator, the 
lamented Southard, whose memory New Jersey still cherishes 
with pride and affection, had left a vacancy in the representation 
of the State in the United States Senate. Two years before, 
when Mr. Miller was elected Senator, Judge Dayton had been 
much spoken of, and Grovernor Pennington now appointed him 
to fill the vacancy caused by Mr. Southard's death. He took his 
seat on the 6th of July; and the Legislature, which met in the 
following October, elected him, by the unanimous vote of the 
Whig members. Senator for the remainder of Mr. Southard's 
term. In 1845, he was again, by the unanimous vote of the 
Whig members, elected for the full term of six years. Judge 
Dayton thus held his seat in the Senate from July, 1842, until 
March 4, 1851. 

At the time he entered the Senate he had just passed the age 



WILLIAM L. DAYTON. 185 

of thirty-five, and was probably the youngest member of that 
body. He did not often speak; but when he did, it was because 
the question was important and he liad something worthy to be 
said upon it. Yet, though he was averse to frequent speaking, 
he permitted no measure which he thought wrong to pass with- 
out an earnest effort to defeat it. Mr. Tyler was then acting- 
President, and had not yet separated himself openly and entirely 
from the party which had elected him. He had recently vetoed 
one Tariff bill, and the Whig members of Congress were doing 
their best to pass another, which should at once be efficient 
and yet unobjectionable to him. They succeeded at last; and 
the Tariff of 1842 was the fruit of their efforts. Mr. Dayton had 
the honor of voting for this bill; and much did it need his sup- 
port, for it passed the Senate by a majority of one. He also, in 
secret session, approved of the treaty negotiated by Mr. Webster 
and Lord Ashburton for the settlement of the Northeastern 
Boundary question. Thus did he indicate, in the beginning of 
his political life in the Senate, two of his cardinal principles of 
public policy, — " peace abroad, and the promotion of industry at 
home." 

The next session of Congress began on the 5th of December. 
The estimation in which he was already held by the Senate is 
indicated by the fact that he was placed on the Judiciary Com- 
mittee. He continued to serve on this committee while he was 
in the Senate, with the exception of a single session. He was 
an active member, at different times, of various other important 
committees. 

His first speech — on the 15th of February, 184.3 — was made 
in defence of the character and credit of the Federal Govern- 
ment, then suffering much in Europe from the failure of several 
of the States to pay the interest on their public debts. To such 
an extent did European capitalists distrust the Federal Grovern- 
ment, that President Tyler stated, in one of his messages to Con- 
gress, that an attempt to negotiate a loan in Europe, made by the 
Executive, had entirely failed. The evil was made vforse by the 
conduct of some of the States, which openly avowed their inten- 
tion to repudiate their public debts. Mr. Evans, the able Sena- 
tor from Maine, anxious to make manifest to the world the fact 
that the Federal Government entertained no such dishonest 



186 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

sentiments, offered to the Senate an amendment to some resolu- 
tions of Mr. McDuffie's, which amendment declared that the 
debts of the States are obligatory and binding on said States, 
aiid cannot be by them annulled or repudiated. Judge Dayton, 
believing that the amendment countenanced the mistaken idea 
that the Federal Government was in some degree responsible fur 
the good faith of the States, proposed, as a substitute, a resolu- 
tion declaring that ''the distrust and obloquy cast upon the 
Federal Government, by reason of the failure of certain States to 
make prompt payment of their debts, was an unjust and un- 
founded imputation upon its credit and good faith; that, while 
this Government deplored the misguided policy of those States, 
it disclaimed all liability for such delinquency; and, in vindica- 
tion of its own unblemished faith and honor, it appealed with 
confidence to its history." AVe can hardly realize, at this day, 
the necessity of such a resolution ; but there was great confusion 
of ideas at that time, not only abroad, but at home, as to the 
responsibility of the Federal Government for the debts of the 
States. Payment of these debts by Congress was demanded by 
not a few impatient creditors ; and the Whig party was charged 
very freely with a secret design to assume them. 

Senator Dayton's object was — 1st: To get rid of that part of 
the resolution in which Congress assumed to declare what con- 
tracts are or are not binding upon the States. He asked by 
what authority the legislative branch could decide such a ques- 
tion. Is it one of the powers expressly granted, or an incident 
to any such power? It was alleged that Congress had the right 
to make such declaration, because the delinquencies of the States 
affected the national character and credit. But surely the Federal 
Government had no powers originating in any such doubtful source. 
And, aside from the absence of power in Congress to make such 
a declaration^ he considered it very impolitic thus to mix up the 
national character with that of the States, or to give any coun- 
tenance to the idea that the Federal Government had any thing 
to do with the State debts. 

His second object was to vindicate the faith and credit of the 
Federal Government. A great deal too much was said in Con- 
gress — in the resolutions before the Senate, and in the Executive 
messages— of the loss of our national credit: all of which counte- 



WILLIAM L. DAYTON. 187 

nanced the idea of the Greneral Government's being involved in 
the individual delinquency of the States. As a citizen of the 
United States, and of the State of New Jersey, neither of which 
Governments had ever made default to the amount of a dollar. 
Senator Dayton repelled any such imputation. On the contrary, 
he showed that the faith and credit of the Federal Government 
had been preserved without a spot, and far more carefully than 
those of the European Governments. He then gave to the people 
of Great Britain, whose capitalists had recently refused a loan to 
our Government, and whose public speakers and writers were then 
abundant in aspersions upon our national character, a catalogue 
of instances, coming down as late as 1811, in which their own 
Government had compelled her creditors to take partial payment 
in full satisfaction of their just claims upon her. "Sir," said he, 
"there is no Government in the world whose credit ought to 
stand higher than that of these United States. There has none — 
no, not one — acted with a faith more pure. Not a man of the 
Old World, or the New, has lost a dollar by its promises." After 
recapitulating the immense debts of the different European 
Governments, he said, "With these budgets of iniquity on their 
backs, (the fruits of rapine and war,) they stagger along like the 
old sinner of Bunyan's allegory, — reading homilies to us, doubt- 
ing whether we can follow ! We, in lusty youth, carrying the 
weight of a thistle-down, and with an inheritance stretching from 
sea to sea !" 

The President had proposed, in order "to vindicate the Govern- 
ment from all suspicion of bad faith," that "the land-fund be 
mortgaged for the principal and interest" of the proposed loan. 
Judge Dayton condemned the proposition as humiliating, and as 
indicating a disposition to submit to aspersions which ought, on 
the contrary, to be proudly repelled. His speech on the whole 
subject was highly commended at the time by the commercial 
press and by the country. It was felt that such a vindication 
of our national character was very opportune. 

In the session of 1843-44, Mr. Dayton voted for the bill to 
reduce the rates of postage. He oflered an amendment directing 
the officers of the two Houses to send copies of the annual mes- 
sages and documents, printed by order of Congress, to all the 
editors and publishers of newspapers in the United States. He 



188 LIVING KEPRESEXTATIVE MEN. 

urged this as an important amendment. At present, he said, the 
more prominent editors receive many copies of these documents, 
while many others are wholly neglected. The amendment was 
rejected; but it is likely that it will yet be adopted. 

During this session, he took occasion to repudiate, in very 
frank and decided terms, the doctrine of instructions, and re- 
ferred to the fact that, while he was in the New Jersey Legisla- 
ture, and the Whigs had the ascendency in both Houses, he had 
refused to vote for resolutions instructing General Wall, then a 
Democratic member of the United States Senate from New Jersey. 
While he placed a high estimate upon the opinions of his Legis- 
laturC; he utterly denied the binding force of their instructions. 

"If," said he, " the Legislature of New Jersej^ go farther than to advise 
nie of their wishes, — to communicate what they believe to be the senti- 
ments of our common constituents, — they usurp a power which does not 
belong to them. Firmly, and yet respectfully, I shall repel every at- 
tempt to encroach, in this or any other form, upon my constitutional 
rights." 

He subsequently treated resolutions from a Legislature of his 
own party (where they conflicted with his own judgment) in 
the same way. 

He opposed the resolution giving notice to Great Britain of 
the termination of the joint possession of Oregon. He examined 
carefull}' the whole question, and recommended that we should 
insist upon retaining the mouth of the Columbia River; but as 
for the extreme northern part of the Territory, he considered it 
a sterile and comparatively worthless region, and avowed, so far 
as that was concerned, his willingness to compromise with Great 
Britain. We all know the result. The Democratic party elected 
Mr. Polk under the cry of '' 54° 40' or fight/' defeated the great 
patriot and statesman of Kentucky, and then Mr. Polk's Admi- 
nistration negotiated a treaty settling the Oregon question in the 
very terms recommended by Judge Dayton and those with whom 
he acted ! 

During this session an effort was made to repeal the Tariff Act 
of the preceding Congress. The Senator from New Jersey wa.s 
one of the most earnest and efficient defenders of that measure, 
for which he had voted. On the 29th of April, he delivered an 
elaborate argument in favor of the Protective system, showing 



WILLIAM L. DAYTON. 189 

particultirl}^ how it operated to the advantage of agriculture and 
of labor. The Tarifi' of 1842 imposed duties on agricultural 
products, which were not merely protective, but so high that, in 
all ordinary states of the market, they were prohibitory. Demo- 
cratic Senators had ridiculed the idea that such protection 
could be of any benefit to the farmers, inasmuch as agricultural 
products could never be imported into this country; in short, 
that such duties were as useless as would be a duty on granite in 
New Hampshire or on ice in Maine. Senator Dayton combated 
this by showing that the prices of wheat in some European ports 
were much lower than in this country, and, in fact, that in the 
years 1835, 1836, 1837, and 1838 more than five and a half 
millions of bushels had been imported, although paying a duty 
of twenty-five cents a bushel. He inquired what the amount of 
importations would have been if there had been no such duty. 
He contended that the farmers would have been subject to con- 
stant foreign competition. Of ten leading agricultural articles 
there had been imported in 1840 to the amount of $71,547, 
which the Democratic Senators ridiculed as a very trifling 
amount; but, said Senator Dayton, if so much is imported under 
a heavy duty, who can tell how great the importations would be 
if they were admitted duty free ? 

But of course the indirect protection afforded to the farmer by 
protecting domestic manufactures, and thus making a home-mar- 
ket for his products, was the most important benefit conferred 
upon him by the Tariff of '42. On this part of the general ar- 
gument Mr. Woodbury had made an elaborate speech, supported 
by several tables of statistics prepared by himself for the pur- 
pose. Mr. Dayton followed, step by step, the argument of this 
thoroughly-trained and very able advocate of Free Trade, point- 
ing out the mutual dependence of agriculture and manufactures. 
He showed, particularl}^, that New Jersey yielded agricultural 
products to the value of $285.88, and Pennsylvania to the value 
of $328.53, for each person engaged in farming, — an amount 
far exceeding that of any other of the farming States. This 
result he attributed not to the greater productiveness of their 
soil, but to their proximity to a home market, which had been 
created by the protection of domestic manufactures. By reference 
to the statutes of Parliament he combated the argument of Silas 



190 LIVIXCl REPRESr.XTATIVE MFA\ 

Wrio-lit, the distinguished Senator from New York, who had 
maintained that the increase of manufactures in England had 
deo-raded labor and produced pauperism. He showed, by nume- 
rous references to the history of England, that the condition of 
her laborers had been elevated in the constant ratio of the pro- 
tection and growth of her manufactures. He concluded his elo- 
quent speech with an appeal to Mr. Buchanan to stand by the 
Tariff for the sake of the interests of Pennsylvania. 

During the session of 1845, he delivered a very able speech 
against the annexation of Texas, which, he believed, was pressed 
chiefly with sectional motives, and to enable one portion of the 
Union to dominate, against the equities of the Constitution, 
over another. He foresaw and foretold how the demands of the 
propagandists of slavery would grow if they were yielded to. In 
answer to the question whether the South would be satisfied with 
that concession, he answered, as if with prophetic spirit, " No, 
sir, no. So soon as one single free State asks admission, where there 
is no slave territory to balance it, all prior compromise will be dis- 
regarded, as it is disregarded now." " Sir, if this country hold 
together, I put this prophecy on record, — I stake my reputation 
with posterity, — that our Southern friends will walk by us, step 
by step and side by side, to the Pacific Ocean." 

'' The Mexican War for the sake of Southern conquests to tlie 
Pacific, the threats to dissolve the Union if California were ad- 
mitted as a free State, the violation of the Missouri Compromise, 
and the civil war in Kansas in order that slavery might there 
walk side by side with freedom toward the Pacific," are claimed 
by his admirers as distinct fulfilments of this prophecy. 

In the session of 1845-46, true to his conservative character, 
he opposed again, in an able speech, the counsels of those who 
insisted upon the whole of Oregon or war with England. The 
Presidential election was now over, and the Administration 
abandoned the ultra ground the party had occupied, and the 
question was settled on the line of 49°. 

Mr. Secretary Walker's memorable bill — the non-protective 
Tariff of 1846 — was now before Congress, and the Administra- 
tion was urging its passage, as a sort of Free-Trade or revenue 
measure, to supersede the Tariff of 1842. Senator Dayton 
took an early opportunity to oppose this bill. He proved that 



WILLIAM L. DAYTON. 191 

before the Tariff of '42 the prices of glass were higher than they 
wei'Q then, and yet before 1842 the glass-manufacture at home 
was prostrate. Now the glass-blowers were fully employed, at 
good wages, and yet the prices of glass were lower than in 1840. 
By the casting vote of. Mr. Dallas, however, the Tariff of 1842 
was superseded by the act of 1846. 

Though disapproving of the conduct of the Administration in 
provoking the Mexican War, Senator Dayton voted for such 
supplies of men and money as th-e President asked for, without 
speaking on the subject. During the next session, the bill for 
ten additional regiments being under consideration, he addressed 
the Senate, still declaring his intention to support the Executive 
with such appropriations as he had asked for, but at the same 
time exposing what he believed to be the " gross unconstitution- 
ality of his conduct in making war upon Mexico without the 
consent of Congress, which is, by the Constitution, the war- 
making power." The President had also recommended the 
issuing of letters of marque and reprisal. He reprobated this in 
unmeasured terms as an attempt to resort to a system of legalized 
piracy, the relic of a barbarous age, unworthy of a civilized and 
Christian nation. He said, " The rules of civilized warfare now 
protect private property on land : the property of the merchant 
on the sea should be as sacred. Commerce is a humanizing 
agent among mankind. It has hazards enough of its own : it 
should not be made the victim of legalized piracy." 

The Administration soon after introduced a bill to appropriate 
three millions to enable the Government to secure a pe<.ce with 
Mexico. In all the free States the war had been regarded with 
great disfavor, because it was believed to have been brought about 
mainly to increase the number of the slave States. The House 
of Representatives had passed the Wilmot Proviso, to prevent 
the extension of slavery into free territory; and many of the 
Legislatures of the free States had, with great unanimity, and by 
the votes of both Whigs and Democrats, requested their Senators 
and Representatives in Congress to sustain this restriction. The 
Legislature of New Jersey, by a nearly unanimous vote, had 
passed such resolutions. Mr. Dayton advocated this restriction. 
He contended that Congress had the right, and that it was its 
duty, to pass it. But, while he thus resisted the extension of 



192 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

slavery, lie declared tliat the Government had no right to inter- 
fere with it in the States. For himself and his constituents, he 
disclaimed any intention or desire to question or impair the rights 
of the South. But 

"is it not time," he asked, "when a slaveholdiiig President has in- 
volved the country in war, — when the acknowledged object is the ac- 
quisition of further territory — of territory now free, — is it not time for the 
free States to speak out ? And yet tlie Senator from South Carolina (Mr. 
Calhoun) calls this an 'aggressive policy' toward the South. Aggressive 
npon what ? We have not the territory : the South has it not : we ouly 
ask, if it is to be acquired, that it remain as it is, free. Sir, aggression 
consists in attack, — an effort to change, to violate, an existing state of 
things. It is the South which is the aggressor, — which seeks to change 
the institutions of Mexican territory, which are now free, to such as arc 
slave. If we had a right to annex Texas, a slave country, as it was, have 
we not the right to annex a free country as it is?" 

Senator Dayton, while expressing his sympathy with the 
French Provisional Government in 1848, suggested that it did 
not become the Senate of the United States to pass the resolu- 
tions of congratulation which had been introduced. He thought, 
as Mr. Calhoun did, that it was wisest to wait and see the result 
of the Ilevolution of February. 

It was during this session (the first of the Thirtieth Congress) 
that Senator Dayton rendered what his friends think a conspi- 
cuous and valuable public service, by voting, in secret session, 
for the ratification of the treaty with Mexico, and on the side of 
the Administration. Mr. Webster took an early opportunity to de- 
nounce the treaty in open Senate, and Judge Dayton felt himself 
called upon to reply, which he did in a bold and gallant manner. 
He, for one, was prepared to meet the responsibility involved in 
the ratification of that treaty : — 

"I now and here declare," said he, "to my constituents, and to the 
world, as I understand I have a right to declare, that in this Chamber 
and out of it, in official debate and by private appeal, in every mode and 
by every legitimate means that I could bring to bear, I endeavored to 
sustain and enforce the ratification of the treaty. And I say, further- 
more, if it be of the slightest interest to my constituents to know it, 
that, while its fate was yet in doubt, I first broke ground in its favor on 
this side of the Chamber." 

His great object was to attain peace. He avowed that he did 



WILLIAM L. DAYTOX. 193 

not like the treaty, but he liked still less continued war, to be 
concluded, perhaps, at last, by a treaty worse still. The Senator 
from Massachusetts objected to the treaty because it made acqui- 
sitions of ?»Iexican territory. Would not a longer war result in 
still greater territorial acquisitions? He believed it would. As 
for rejecting the treaty on that account, and going before the 
country declaring that we would not have peace unless we could 
have it without territory, that, he contended, would be a course 
utterly suicidal to the Whig party. " I hold," said he, " tha* 
upon this issue the Whig party could not survive the year. It 
will go down to the grave, and all its conservative principles 
with it. Its enemies will give it a kingly epitaph : — 

"'It never said a foolish thing. 
And never did a wise one.' 

'' I take no such issue. T seize upon the first legitimate means 
to make peace." 

Time soon manifested the wisdom of Judge Dayton's counsels. 
The Whig party, in the ensuing fall, carried the Presidential elec- 
tion by large majorities, electing General Taylor over General 
Cass. It was his lot afterward to diifer with the great leaders of 
the Whig party on other questions. He believed that he was 
right ; and the right was the only policy in which he ever placed 
his confidence. The bill known as the Clayton Compromise was 
before the Senate during this session. It proposed to organize Ter- 
ritorial Governments in California, Oregon, and Texas, without 
touching on the subject of slavery, it being the design to refer to 
the Supreme Court the question whether slavery did or did not 
exist there, by virtue either of the old Mexican laws or the Con- 
stitution of the United States. In discussing this bill, Senator 
Dayton put himself distinctly on these grounds : slavery is an 
evil calculated to retard the growth and prosperity of any coun- 
try where it may exist ; Congress has the right to inhibit its 
introduction into the Territories. There was not an adjudicated 
case, a judicial opinion, a dictum-, or a precedent, to the contrary, 
or in favor of the novel position of Mr. Calhoun, — that slaveholders 
had a right to carry slaves into the Territories and have them 
protected there. He declared his aversion to throwing the deci- 
sion of the question upon the Supreme Court and dragging it 
N ' 17 



194 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

into the political arena, the certain consequence of which would 
he that appointments to that bench would be made with reference 
to this question, and that thus the people would lose their respect 
for that high tribunal. A Senator had declared, in this debate, 
that if the knife were at the throats of the people of the South, 
in the hands of insurgent slaves, no help would be rendered them 
by the North. " This sentiment," said Mr. Dayton, " shocked 
me beyond measure. With my whole soul, I repudiate it. The 
people of the South are our brethren, and, however we may 
complain of some of their conduct, yet in the day of their adver- 
sity, if it should ever come, we will never forsake them." 

In the next session, he made a speech against an appropriation 
in aid of what he considered the ill-advised project for a railroad 
across the Isthmus of Tehuantepec; in the course of which he 
declared that we were ultimately to have a grand route from our 
own rivers to the Pacific coast. 

During the first session of the Thirty-First Congress, a petition 
having been presented to the Senate, praying Congress to take 
steps to bring about the dissolution of the Union, Mr. Dayton, in 
a few perspicuous remarks, discriminated between the right of 
petition and the abuse of it. There was a constitutional right to 
petition " for redress of grievances ;" but the present was not 
such a petition. It did not ask for a redress of grievances under 
the Government, but for the abolition of the Government itself. 
It petitioned the Senate to do a thing both treasonable and 
suicidal, — to destroy the Government, and thereby destroy itself 
It asked Senators, in efi'ect, to commit perjury, — to violate their 
oaths to support the Government. Such a request was disre- 
spectful, no matter how respectful the language in which it was 
expressed. He therefore voted for its rejection. 

He spoke in favor of the resolution authorizing the President 
to receive from Henry Grinnell two vessels ofi'ered by him to 
prosecute the search for Sir John Franklin. Some Senators 
thought it beneath the dignity of the Government to co-operate 
with a private individual; but Senator Dayton contended that in 
so humane an enterprise it would be much more beneath the 
dignity of the Government to refuse its co-operation when it was 
invited by an offer so truly magnanimous. 

The first session of the Thirty-First Congress was made memo- 



WILLIAM L. DAYTOX. 195 

rable by tlic intense excitement produced by the questions of tlic 
admission of Califovuia and the prohibition or permission of 
slavery in the territories conquered from Mexico. It was the 
first session under the Administration of President TayU)r. In 
advance of the opening of the session, a number of the leading 
Southern members of Congress issued a sort of manifesto against 
the admission of California. While opposing the admission of 
the new State, the South demanded that slavery should be per- 
mitted in the territories acquired from Mexico. The State of 
Texas claimed that a portion of New Mexico belonged to her, 
and was about to take possession of it ; and the pro-slavery party 
sustained her in her claim. A new and more rigid fugitive-slave 
law was also introduced by one of the Southern members. 1^-e- 
sident Taylor, although a Southern man and a slaveholder, was 
not an extremist. lie recommended to Congress in his message 
the admission of (^ilifornia as a State, and expi'cssed the opinion 
that the people of New Mexico and Utah, many of whom had 
been until lately citizens of Mexico, did not require and were 
not prepared for Territorial Governments. The question of the 
Texan boundary he referred entirely to the determination of 
Congress. 

On the 2nth of January, Mr. Clay brought forward what are 
known as the Compromise resolutions, proposing to admit Cali- 
fornia; to concede to Texas the territory to the Ilio Grrande, and 

pay her millions of dollars ; to pass a new fugitive-slave 

act ; to organize Territorial Governments in New Mexico and 
Texas, without any restriction upon slavery, but with a declara- 
tion that slavery did not legally exist there ; to abolish the slave- 
trade in the District of Columbia ; and to declare that Congress 
had no right to abolish the slave-trade between the States. 
These resolutions, together with another series offered by Mr. 
Bell, Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, moved to refer to a committee 
of thirteen Senators, to report by bill. On the 19th of April 
this was agreed to. The committee appointed under this motion 
reported, on the 8th of May, three bills ; one, called the ''Omni- 
bus Bill," to admit California, organize the Territories of New 
Mexico and Utah, without any restriction upon slavery, and to 
concede to Texas the territory to the Rio Grande, and pay her 
millions of dollars j another, the Fugitive-Slave Bill ; and 



190 'living representative: :.jkn. 

a third, to abolisli the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. 
The session of Congress was protracted till the last day of Sep- 
tember; and, after a very animated discussion running through 
all these months, these measures were ultimately passed, — the 
''Omnibus Bill" having first been defeated and afterward paspcd 
in three separate bills. 

On the 22d of March, while Mr. Foote's motion was pending, 
Senator Dayton addressed the Senate in opposition chiefly to the 
proposed submission on the part of the Government of its author- 
ity and dignity to the claims and threats of Texas and to the 
harsh provisions of the Fugitive-Slave Law. On the 11th and 
lith of June, the committee having then reported their bills, 
he made a more elaborate argument on the same portions of these 
measures. 

He denied, in the first place, that in the admission of Califor- 
nia any thing was yielded by the South, or any claim established 
for concessions from the North. It was the North that yielded 
what she had claimed, — ^a Congressional restriction upon slavery. 
To make this admission, therefore, the ground of a claim upon 
the North for concessions was grossly unjust. The very exist- 
ence of California as a State was, he said, the first fruit of the 
recent grand scheme of Southern aggrandizement. It was pre- 
posterous to demand concessions from the North because South- 
ern policy had brought about this application. He argued that 
for forty years the South had pursued a sectional policy, per- 
mitting no free State during that long term to be admitted to 
the Union, no matter what her qualifications, until the South 
had first obtained the admission of a slave State, generally with 
a smaller population, and, of course, with less claim to admission. 
And now that California, through their own policy, is an appli- 
cant for admission, because they have no slave State to bring in 
with her, they declare she shall not be admitted, or that, if she 
is, the South will secede. 

" Sir," said he, "if they mean to make the issue on this point, let tlie 
trial come! Never can it be made on a point weaker for the Soutli, or 
stronger for the North. But this is a useless anticipation. Such a crisis 
can never arise from sach a cause. The just feeling of the South will 
revolt against it." 

Judge Dayton opposed the Fugitive-Slave Law with earnest- 



WILLIAM L. DAYTON. 197 

ness, but with a strict adhereuce to the principles of the Consti- 
tution. He insisted that the master should prove his right to 
the slave before a respectable judge and jury, and contended 
that the citizens of the free States would not fail to award him 
his rights^ and, however repugnant to their feelings, the people 
would submit quietly to the decision. He concluded by chal- 
lenging Southern Senators to produce a single instance in which 
a Northern jury had foiled to give the owner of a slave a fair 
verdict ; and the challenge remained unanswered. 

Some time after Senator Dayton's argument on this question 
of trial by jury, in his speech in March, Daniel Webster ex- 
hibited an amendment to the Fugitive-Slave Law, proposing to 
substitute a trial before a jury for the examination before a Com- 
missioner ; which amendment, he said, had been prepared care- 
fully, with the aid of eminent lawyers and high judicial author- 
ity. In his speech in June, Mr. Da}- ton declared the amendment 
obviated the several difficulties he had pointed out, and fully en- 
dorsed all the principles for which he had contended. He was 
willing to stand on it. The offer, however, was never accepted 
by Mr. Webster, that distinguished Senator having e]itered Mr. 
Fillmore's Cabinet while the discussion of the Compromise mea- 
sures was still occupying the Chamber, and without having moved 
the amendment. Nor was it moved afterward by any of the 
advocates of the Compromise. 

On the question whether the Constitution carries slavery with 
it into the Territories, Mr. Dayton maintained that slavery exists 
only by municipal law, and that the Constitution could not carry it 
where it did not previously exist. He also declared that the sen- 
timent of the North was settled unalterably in opposition to the 
extension of slavery. He held that new States and Territories 
" should not be sacrificed to the selfish interests of a few old 
States." " We are laying," said he, " the foundation of empires : 
let us not subject them to the dead weight of that institution 
which, as any one can see by comparing the slave States with 
the free, has retarded their progress and paralyzed their 
energies." 

As to the proposed establishment of Territorial Governments 
in New Mexico and Utah, he doubted whether the measure 
was not premature. He was especially doubtful as to Utah, and 

17* 



198 LIVING REPRESENTATIYE MEN. 

thouglit the Mormons little qualified for a Territorial Govern- 
ment. He was inflexibly opposed to a concession of territory to 
the demands of Te^^as. In the whole of the discussion, his con- 
stant argument was a reference to the Constitution. That, he 
declared, was his compromise, and he was willing that all ques- 
tions should be settled in strict accordance with its principles. 
His last speech on these questions — that of the 11th of June — 
at once provoked the opposition and extorted the commendation 
of the advocates of the Compromise measures. '^ They made," 
writes a correspondent, '^ many efforts to meet his arguments 
and to dispute the pregnant and pointed facts he adduced from 
the history of the country, but they met with little success." 

In the next session — the short one — nothing occurred worthy 
to be noticed here. His term expired on the 4th of March. 
The Democratic party then having a majority in the New Jersey 
^legislature. Judge Dayton returned home, and devoted himself to 
the practice of the law, in which he is actively engaged. 

In June, 1850, he was nominated for the Vice-Presidency by 
the Republican National Convention at Philadelphia, by 529 out 
of 560 votes. He did not know that this nomination was thought 
of, until he was advised that it had been made. In February, 
1857, he was appointed Attorney-General of New Jersey, which 
office he now holds. 

In November, 1858, the Opposition party in New Jersey 
having elected a niajority of the members of the Legislature, and 
the term of the Hon. William Wright as Upited States Senator 
being about to expire, the public mind was turned 9,t once to 
Judge Dayton as the proper person to succeed him; but, before 
the Legislature met, he publicly declined the appointment. 

In the State elections of 1858 and 1859, the two parties in 
New Jersey which had supported Messrs. Fremont and Fillmore 
in 1856 acted togethev as the Opposition party. The great mass 
of these two parties have always entertained those doctrines as to 
the impolicy of the extension of slavery and the constitutional 
right and duty of Congyegs to restrain it, which were adopted at 
the formation of the Government, and had been adhered to until 
recently. The people of New Jersey knew Mr. Dayton's entire 
devotion to these as well as all other long-established constitu- 
tional doctrines. Separated in 1856 by differences as to men, 



WILLIAM L. DAYTON. 199 

their general agreement as to those principles has since drawn 
them together under the name of the Opposition party; and that 
party, in the campaigns of 1858 and 1859, called on Mr. Day- 
ton, with great unanimity, for bis efficient and influential aid. 
With the generosity and patriotism of his nature, he responded 
promptly to the callj and his most zealous efforts were exerted 
often in special support of candidates who had voted and worked 
against him and for Mr. Fillmore in 1856. He knew their 
patriotism and general correctness of principles, and no personal 
feeling rose in his breast to prevent him, in the slightest degree, 
from laboring for their election with all his energy and eloquence. 

His example in thus ignoring the past had its influence upon 
many of his friends, some of whom remembered with chagrin, if 
not with bitterness, the division of 1856, — a division which gave 
the Electoral vote of the State to Mr. Buchanan. During these 
campaigns he insisted upon the propriety of discussing national 
questions as a means of properly indoctrinating the public mind 
and cementing the parts of the Opposition more firmly together. 
He repeatedly urged upon large assemblies his well-known views 
as to the protection of American labor and the non-extension of 
slavery. On these great issues, he said, all branches of the Op- 
position in New Jersey^ — Republicans, Americans, and Old-Line 
Whigs— concurred in sentiment and stood on the same plat- 
form. As a means of doing justice to all and bringing all parts 
of the country to a common vie^v on these great questions, he 
advocated the Homestead Bill of the last Congress, which offered, 
he said, only a fair equivalent to the Western emigrant for the 
great sacrifices he endured while opening and settling our new 
territories. This bill was, in effect, but another mode of giving 
protection and encouragement to American labor : the laboring 
man, wherever and however employed, wjas entitled to the pro- 
tection of the Government, and all were entitled to it equally and 
alike. 

On various occasions Judge Dayton has delivered literary ad- 
dresses with much credit to himself. One of these was before 
the Literary Societies of Princeton College at the annual com- 
mencement. That college some years ago signified their appre- 
ciation of his acquirements and learning by conferring upon him 
the deo-ree of Doctor of Laws, 



200 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



DANIEL S. DICKINSON, 

OF NEW YORK. 

This distinguished statesman was born in Croshen, Litchfield 
County, in the State of Connecticut, Sei^temher 11, 1800. His 
father was a plain farmer, a man of integrity and intelligence, 
proud of the soil from which he sprung and which he cultivated. 
A JefFersonian by conviction and sympathy, he gloried in the 
personal independence of a farmer's life, and through the early 
political excitements and changes of the country was a firm and 
disinterested supporter of the author of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. When Jefferson's ideas of Democratic Republicanism 
were held by little more than a " corporal's guard" in the town 
where the elder Dickinson lived, he was not afraid nor ashamed 
to be the corporal. 

Such being the character of the father, we are prepared to 
learn that the political examples before young Daniel Stevens 
Dickinson were of a healthy and a strengthening nature. Not 
being born in the midst of wealth, his childhood was not luxu- 
rious nor surrounded by many advantages. In 180G, his father 
removed to the beautiful Valley of the Chenango, New York, and 
settled in what is now called the town of Guilford. Here the boy 
went to the common school betimes, and became inured' to the 
hardy duties of a struggling flirmer's son. For a time he also 
worked at a mechanical trade, but, feeling the promptings of a 
higher destiny, improved the slender advantages presented by the 
common schools of those days by devoting his leisure to reading 
and developing himself in the pursuit of sundry branches of lite- 
rature and science. Having an eager and a quick intellect, he 
rapidly accumulated knowledge, and in time became possessed of 
a very respectable and useful stock of accomplishments. 

Choosing the law for a profession, he applied himself in that 
direction, being employed, at the same time, teaching in the 



DANIEL S. DICKINSON. 201 

common and select schools of the neighborhood. In 1826, Mr. 
Dickinson was admitted to the bar, and soon became distin- 
guished throughout the Chenango Valley for the readiness and 
point of his manner; his literary resources, as well as a rich 
vein of humor, standing his clients in good need before the 
justices of the peace. Of course, his business increased. In 
December, 1831, he removed to the thriving village of Bing- 
hamton, where he has ever since resided. Politics had early 
attracted his disquisitions and illustrative powers, and he made 
himself felt not less effectively and successfully as a Democratic 
politician than as a ready lawyer. On his removal to Bing- 
hamton, his talents gave him almost at once a high position in 
the little world of politics and law of which the village was the 
centre. Thus he worked his way steadily upward to an undis- 
puted professional elevation, and enjoyed a comfortable practice 
at the highest tribunals. 

In 1836, Mr. Dickinson was elected to the State Senate of 
New York for four years. During his service here, he was pro- 
minent in the discussions growing out of the topics of that event- 
ful period. The General-Banking Law, the Small-Bill Law, the 
Bank-Suspension Law, and the exciting financial measures result- 
ing from the overthrow of the United States Bank and the esta- 
blishment of the Independent Treasury, as well as cjuestions 
touching internal improvements — the construction of the Erie 
Eailroad, the extension of the Erie Canal, and other measures 
having to some extent national as well as local importance — 
were before the New York Senate, and brought Mr. Dickinson 
prominently forward. The State Senate was then the highest 
judicial body in the State; and frequent demand was made upon 
him for opinions relative to grave legal questions brought before 
that body as a court for the correction of errors. 

So ably did he fill the term of his Senatorial office that, at 
its close, the Democratic party nominated him for Lieutenant- 
Governor on the same ticket with the veteran William C. 
Bouck. He shared, however, in the general defeat of his 
party. It was the time of the " Hard-Cider" campaign, 
when log-cabins and coon-skins were political Meccas, and 
General Harrison the Mohammed of them all. It was a time 
of unusual excitement, when the Whig party captivated the 



202 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

people as much by songs and eider as by teaching or speaking. 
At the next election, — in 1842, — he was nominated for the 
same position under the same leader, and the ticket was 
elected. This position called forth fresh powers. Mr. Dick- 
inson, as Jiieutcnant-GoYcrnor, was r.r-o//zc/V> President of the 
State Senate and of the Court of Errors and the Canal Board. 
The manner in which he discharged the arduous duties of these 
offices — duties which demand a clear perception of the niceties 
of del)ate as well as a knowledge of the simple rules which 
govern it, and the strictest impartiality — endeared him to his 
party-friends and the public; and he was in 1844 appointed 
a member of the Democratic Convention that nominated James 
K. Polk for the Presidency. Subsequently, Mr. Dickinson has 
been an Elector-at-large for the State of New York. 

Such was the affection and trust entertained for him by the 
New York Democracy, that in Dccen)ber, 1844, he was elevated 
to the Senate of the United States. Governor Bouck selected 
him to fill the vacancy created by Mr. N. P. Tallmadge's appoint- 
ment to the (xovernorship of Wisconsin Territory. When the 
Legislature met, he was confirmed in his high position, and 
elected for the succeeding term. 

During the seven sessions subsequent to Senator Dickinson's 
appearance in the Chamber of the upper House of Congress, his 
name became thoroughly national from his prominence in the 
great questions brought forward. The Senate held a conclave of 
great and able men then, — Clay, Calhoun, Webster, Clayton, 
Benton, Cass, Crittenden, and, during the most exciting period, 
Foote and Douglas; and others were there of almost equal 
power. l"et, among those men of might, Daniel S. Dickinson 
made his mark, — broad, national, and distinct. 

On the Texas Annexation, the Oregon question, the Mexican 
War, the admission of California, the Wilmot Proviso, and the 
Compromise measures of 1850, he distinguished himself in an 
enviable degree, especially in the debates on the latter, the suc- 
cess of which was largely owing to his powerful exertions. Even 
his opponents admit that ^' if he ever labored harder at one time 
than another, it was when his voice and vote could help to place 
the Compromise measures — so called — upon our statute-books.'' 
On the question as to the power and duty of Congress to pro- 



DANIEL S. DICKliNSON. 203 

hibit slavery in the Territories, lie differed as widely from his 
colleague, General John A. Dix, as he subsequently did with 
Senator's Dix's successor, Governor Seward. 

On the 14th of December, 1847, Senator Dickinson submitted 
two resolutions respecting Territorial Government, and embody- 
ing the doctrine of the so-called " popular sovereignty," giving 
him a priority in the propounding of that doctrine over Gene- 
ral Cass in the Nicholson letter, which appeared at a later date, 
and the Kansas-Nebraska Act of Senator Douglas, which was 
several years subsequent. Senator Dickinson believed that the 
question of territorial acquisition could not be avoided, — espe- 
cially at that time, when Mexico could indemnify us only by 
ceding to us some of her territory. In this belief, and chiefly 
in view of the exigencies of the times and the prevailing senti- 
ment of the American people, it was necessary to have some 
understanding as to the policy of Territorial Government to be 
adopted. Had we remained at peace with Mexico, the case would 
not have been altered, only postponed. The same policy of acqui- 
sition would sooner or later have been presented to strengthen 
our political and commercial relations on the continent. The 
following are the resolutions : — 

''Resolved, That true policy requires the Government of the United 
States to strengthen its political and commercial relations upon this con- 
tinent, by the annexation of such contiguous territory as may conduce to 
that end and can be justly obtained ; and that neither in such acquisi- 
tion, nor in the territorial organization thereof, can any conditions be 
constitutionally imposed, or institutions be provided for or established, 
inconsistent with the right of the people thereof to form a free sovereign 
State, with the powers and privileges of the original members of the Con- 
federacy. 

" Resolved, That in organizing a Territorial Government for Territories 
belonging to the United States, the principle of self-government upon 
which our federative system rests will be best promoted, the true spirit 
and meaning of the Constitution be observed, and the Confederacy 
strengthened, by leaving all questions concerning the domestic policy 
therein to the Legislatures chosen by the people thereof." 

They came up on the 12th of January, 1848, and Senator 
Dickinson supported them in a speech. They were introduced, 
not to bring up the vexed question of slavery, — it was there be- 
fore them, — but to transfer it hence, and leave, said the Senator 



204 LIVING lltrUESEXTATIV^E MEN. 

from New York, ^' under the Constitution all questions concerning 
the erection or prohibition of this institution in the Territories 
to the inhabitants thereof, that its intrusion may not hereafter 
arrest the policy, defeat the measures, or disturb the councils of 
the nation." They were offered in the hope that all who believed 
in the capacity of man for self-government would unite and har- 
monize on the common ground of justice and equality. So much 
for the Senator's design in bringing forward his resolutions. 

As to the first resolution, relative to acquisition, he showed 
that although the Articles of Confederation, which gave place to 
the Constitution, provided for the admission of Canada into the 
Union, and although the comprehensive terms employed to ex- 
plain the objects of the Constitution proved that no narrow ter- 
ritorial boundaries were contemplated, it was apparent that few 
statesmen at that early period foresaw the growth we were soon 
destined to attain. The wisest and ablest timidly negotiated for 
years for the navigation of the Mississippi, and proposed to make 
that river the western boundary forever. We sought only a 
portion of Louisiana, and took the greatest share "virtually upon 
compulsion." The policy which gained the acquisition was then 
violently denounced, with threats of disunion, which Dickinson 
thought might be profitably consulted rather than copied by 
those who were alarmed by the cry of territorial aggrandizement. 
Cities have sprung up on the Pacific, and the river we once 
thought of making our western now passes nearest to our eastern 
boundary. \Ye have not yet fulfilled our destiny. We have 
new territory to fertilize, new races to civilize and absorb. He 
argued that our form of government is admirably adapted for ex- 
tension. Founded in the virtue and intelligence of the people, 
and deriving its powers from the consent of the governed, its 
influences are as powerful for good at the remotest limits as at 
the political centre. Acquisition being, then, the true policy of 
the Government, it ought to be pursued with a fixed purpose, 
and guided by the sternest principles of national justice. 

Mexico, in the opinion of Senator Dickinson, was doomed. If 
we are not to absorb Canada, Mexico, at least, cannot help herself. 
" What was her progress ?" he asked. " When our population 
was three millions, hers was five, and when ours is twenty, hers 
is eight; and while we have attained the highest rank among the 



DANIEL S. DICKINSON. 205 

nations of the earth, she has fallen so low that there is little left 
to wound her feelings or degrade her character. She has 
national antipathies and resentments, but neither national spirit 
nor national virtue. Her mines, agricultural regions, and Pacific 
harbors must tempt Europe to revive upon this continent the 
execrable proposal to regulate the balance of power;" — in further- 
ance of which he instanced the fact that England had already 
commenced seizing upon South American possessions. At all 
events, whatever might be the policy touching Mexican con- 
quests, he said we could not, if we would, restore New Mexico 
and California. He was for extending humanity and peace over 
them. 

The principle declared by the last clause of the first resolution — 
that no conditions can be constitutionally imposed upon any ter- 
ritorial acquisition inconsistent with the right of the people 
thereof to form a free, sovereign State, with the powers and 
privileges of the original members of the Confederacy — Senator 
Dickinson deemed too obvious for serious argument. He held 
that if a State is admitted with a Constitution authorizing domestic 
slavery, it may change the Constitution so as to prohibit slavery 
at its pleasure. If the Constitution, at the time of admission, pro- 
hibits slavery, it may be changed so as to authorize it; and this, 
too, regardless of any legislation upon the subject by Congress, or 
otherwise, before its admission into the Union. In other words, 
every State, after its admission, may, in virtue of its own sove- 
reign power, establish or abolish this institution, whatever may 
have been the conditions imposed, or attempted to be imposed, 
upon it during its Territorial existence.* 

As to the second resolution, it declares that the domestic 
policy of the people of a Territory should be left with them; and 
if that power resides in Congress, as is contended, it should be 
delegated to the people of the Territory and be exercised by 
them, — the proposer arguing that the republican theory teaches 
that sovereignty resides with the people of a State, and not in 
its political organization, and the Declaration of Independence 
recognises the right of the people to alter or abolish and recon- 
struct their Government. If sovereignty resides with the people 



* See speech in the Senate of the United States, January 12, 1848. 
18 



206 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

and not witli tlie urgaiiization, it rests as well with tlie people of 
a Territory, in all that concerns their internal condition, as with 
the people of an organized State. And if it is the right of the 
people, by virtue of their innate sovereignty, to "alter or abolish" 
and reconstruct their Government, it is the right of the inhabit- 
ants of Territories, by virtue of the same inborn attribute, in all 
that appertains to their domestic concerns, to fashion one suited 
to their condition. Although the Government of a Territory 
has not the same sovereign power as the Government of a State 
in its political relations, the people of a Territory have, in all that 
appertains to their internal condition, the same sovereign rights 
as the people of a State. While Congress may exercise its legis- 
lation over territory so far as is necessary to protect the interests 
of the United States, the legislation for the people should be 
exercised by them under the Constitution. 

Toward the conclusion of his striking speech on this occa- 
sion, the Senator said it mattered naught to him how various, 
crude, or inconsistent were the speculations upon the principles 
which these resolutions contain and what would be their effect 
if established. They stood upon the immutable basis of self- 
government, and would ultimately be vindicated and sustained by 
the American people in every section of the Union. 

In the course of the debate on the House bill to establish Terri- 
torial Governments in Oregon, California, and New Mexico, 
Senator Dickinson had occasion to refer again to these resolu- 
tions. After a very irritating debate of many days, and which 
gave at the time no promise of termination, Senator Clayton, from 
Delaware, proposed to refer the matter to a select committee. 
The discussion took a peculiarly sectional turn. Senator Niles, 
from Connecticut, would not listen to any thing that might tend 
to a compromise of the feelings which characterized the debate, 
and declared that Senators who facilitated any such compromise 
would be burned in effigy in some sections of the Union. 

Senator Dickinson hailed Senator Clayton's motion with plea- 
sure, and announced his belief that it would tend toward peace. 
The select committee of eight was appointed by a vote of three 
to one, and the members entered upon their labors with every 
disposition to discharge the duties, — made arduous by the causes 
which led to the formation of the committee. Havino: concluded 



DANIEL S. DICKINSON. 207 

their labors and reported, Senator Dickinson made a brief speech 
of explanation. He said the bill was presented as the best and 
most acceptable that could be offered with any hope of unanimity 
in the Senate. " If the South asked too much and the North 
was willing to concede too little, they have neither given to the 
one nor taken from the other. They have encroached upon the 
rights of neither. They have left the question of Slavery where 
they found it, — subject to the Constitution and the Congress of 
the United States ; while, at the same time, they have placed the 
Territories on their way to the Union by the organization of a 
provisional Government which is restrained from any legislation 
that can embarrass tliis difficult subject." The bill did not suit 
him in all respects, but it was the best that could be produced 
by agreement. In reply to the charge of inconsistency. Senator 
Dickinson reproduced the second of his resolutions of December 
14, 1847, and held that the Oregon Bill recognised, to the very 
letter, the principle he contended for, and that, if the entire 
arrangement of all did not fully come up to his resolution, the 
spirit of it was thoroughly carried out. He concluded by a 
graceful testimony to the action of Calhoun on the committee. 

At the close of the debate, at daybreak on the morning of the 
29th of July, 1848, after a continuous session of twenty-one 
hours, Senator Dickinson, exhausted as he was with careful 
watching and anxious nervousness for the honor and safety of 
the principles he so patriotically and energetically labored to 
perpetuate, desired briefly to review the history of the affair. 
Knowing how severely the patience and endurance of the Senate 
had been put to the test during the feverish hours past, he said 
he would cheerfully forego any remarks, and allow the vote to be 
taken at once, if any friend of the measure objected to him. The 
Chamber seemed refreshed under the influence of his earnest 
devotion, and from all parts the rather unusual cry of " Gro on!" 
'' Go on !" greeted and cheered him. 

He thanked Heaven it had been his lot to play an humble part 
in the mission of peace which had fallen to the lot of the com- 
mittee to perform, and gave a fervid and forcible review of the 
duties of the committee, — the opposition that had to be met from 
demagogues and people willing to traffic in the peace of the Union 
for Presidential purposes, — and, replying to the positions taken 



208 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

by Senators, paid a merited tribute to Senator Hale, of New 
Hampsliire, as standing out in lionorable contrast with some of 
those who united with him in opposition to the bill. ''He" — 
said Dickinson — "takes the responsibility of his independent 
position manfully, and docs not attempt to accomplish his ends 
under cover of pretences and disguises. "" 

Again, on the final close of the debate, August 13, he boasted 
that he had devoted his best energies to the work, and, as one 
of the select committee, yielded individual wishes and opinions 
to secure unanimity. The House of Eepresentatives, however, 
had laid the bill on the table for the remainder of the session, 
and sent a bill for the organization of the Territorial Government 
of Oregon alone. Referred to the Senate Committee on Terri- 
tories, as is usual. Senator Douglas, the chairman, reported in 
favor of its passage, with an amendment extending the Missouri 
Compromise line — the parallel of 36° 30' north latitude — to the 
Pacific Ocean. Though opposed, as a principle, to the Missouri 
Compromise, Dickinson voted for the amendment, "believing it 
would do little harm and little good," and hoping that, if accepted 
by the House, there could be no further objection to the organiza- 
tion of Governments for New Mexico and California. The House 
refused to concur, and the Senate passed its bill on the 10th. 
The bills to organize New Mexico and California, though brought 
up the next session, did not succeed, and were turned over into the 
Administration of Fillmore. 

The views and passages given illustrate Senator Dickinson's 
ideas upon Territorial Government and the Slavery question. A 
couple of short extracts from his able and sustained efibrt on 
establishing a Government for California will fully present the 
tenor of the distinguished gentleman's arguments on these still — 
and probably now more than ever — interesting subjects. 

"When a portion of these States were colonies of Great Britain, that 
Government insisted upon abolishing the Colonial Legislatures, and sub- 
jecting our people, in matters that concerned their domestic condition, to 
the legislation of Parliament; and the controversy which arose over this 
question, more than any other, produced that Revolution which resulted 
in declaring the colonies to be free and independent States. Not onl}'' 
were they free and independent of other Governments, but as independ- 
ent of each other as they were of the gigantic Power whose acknowledg- 
ment of independence they had conquered. Although they had success- 



DANIEL S. DICKINSON. 209 

fully struggled for liberty by a united effort in a common cause, and were 
bound together by a feeling of sympathy and of interest, they were united 
by no political bonds whatsoever, and no single State nor any number 
had the right, in either a moral or political sense, to interfere with or 
question the institutions of any other. Slavery then existed in all the 
States, and it was easily seen that, while it would speedily be abolished 
in some from natural causes, it would long continue in others, whether 
or not a union of the States was formed ; and, as slavery must exist, it 
was wisely deemed better to have a Union with slavery than slavery with- 
out a Union." 

And, again, touching the question of the power of Congress 
over the people of a Territory : — 

" I have urged, for the government of the Territories, when a sufficient 
number of American citizens, or others who can appreciate the obligations 
of freemen, shall be there, a free Territorial Government ; not that kind 
of freedom which, with liberty on its lips, distrusts the capacity of man 
for self-government, and seeks to hedge him about with provisos and 
restrictions ; nor that freedom which must be kept in leading-strings, 
held by some master-power three thousand miles distant, lest man shall 
care less for himself than his distant fellows shall care for him, and be 
less wise in governing himself than others would be in acting as his 
governor; but that freedom which springs from the best instincts of the 
heart and believes that man is better qualified to rule himself than to 
govern his neighbor. The Constitution has given no authority to Con- 
gress to legislate for the people of a Temtory, and consequently it has 
no such right ; and Mr. Madison has pronounced any such attempt to be 
without the shadow of constitutional law."* 

As a Northern man, Dickinson declared he would never cross 
the portals of a Government brought into power upon a Southern 
sectional issue. He would animate his countrymen to flee it as 
a contagion ; and were he a Southern man he would never recog- 
nise a Government brought into power upon a Northern sectional 
issue, — never. His colleague, he said, told them he was not a 
free agent, having been instructed, though the instructions agreed 
with his judgment. There he differed from Senator Dix, " for," 
said Senator Dickinson, " I belong to the school of a statesman 
venerated by every friend of liberty, who believed in ^ taking the 
responsibility,' I am a free agent to do as duty may require, and 
am ready to count personal consequences afterward." He be- 

* See speech in the United States Senate, Feb. 2S, 1849. 
IS^:^ 



210 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

lieved that New York would stand b^^tlie principles of non-inter- 
ference and the Constitution. 

On January 17, 1850, a discussion occurred on Senator Cle- 
mens' s resolution calling on the President for information rela- 
tive to his action in regard to the government of California. 
Senators Clemens and King, of Alabama, Smith', of Connecticut, 
Douglas and Shields, of Illinois, Clay, of Kentucky, Davis and 
Foote, of Mississippi, Dodge, of Iowa, Whitcomb, of Indiana, 
Downs, of Louisiana, and Dickinson, of New York, participated 
in the discussion, which grew quite warm. Personal explana- 
tions were made by Douglas and Clemens, again by Shields and 
Clemens, and yet again by Clemens and Davis. King, Foote, 
Butler, Dodge, Downs, and Whitcomb interposed at various 
points, and finally Clemens apologized to Douglas; and the 
resolution was passed, although the original proposer desired to 
withdraw it. 

The impetus given to the discussion grew out of the unplea- 
sant personal and sectional turn it took. Senator Clemens made 
an onslaught on the Northern Democracy generally, preferring 
Northern Whigs, as having commenced their antagonism to the 
South earlier and not carried it so far. This attack on the De- 
mocrats of the North, as being unfounded, did not receive the 
sanction of leading Southern Senators present. Foote and 
Downs disclaimed any sympathy with it. Dickinson presented 
himself in the breach, and made a telling speech. He and other 
Northern Democrats had stood up there, not for the South alone, 
but for the rights of all. Regardless of personal consequence 
and of the chances of popularity and place, he and others had 
rolled back the bitter waters of sectional strife ; and now they 
were denounced as even less worthy of reliance than their politi- 
cal opponents. He proudly and boldly repelled the wholesale and 
unjust denunciation, and reviled the evils of sectional agitation. 
After he had concluded. Senator Davis paid a tribute to North- 
ern Democrats, and especially to Senator Dickinson, who had 
" come out more boldly in the expression of his opinion than 
ever before." "I admire him the more," said Davis, "that his 
courage rises the higher the greater the danger which surrounds 
him." 

In the Senate Mr. Dickinson had great power and influence, 



DANIEL S. DICKINSON. 211 

from his readiness in debate. His speeches were seldom lengthy, 
but always pithy, bold, and to the point. Among other measures 
which commanded his ardent advocacy in the Senate were the 
establishment of a branch mint in the city of New York, the 
coinage of three-cent pieces, and the free circulation of weekly 
newspapers through the mails within the counties where they 
were published. 

Senator Dickinson's course on the Slavery question raised him 
to the leadership of the conservative Democracy of New York, 
and attracted to him numerous friends and adherents all over the 
Union. This was exceedingly gratifying to the party in his own 
State ; and, on his return to New York, a public banquet was 
given in his honor at Tammany Hall, June 17, 1850. Charles 
O'Connor presided, and with a suitable speech introduced the 
toast of the evening, " Our Guest. — By unwavering fidelity to 
the Union he truly represents the Empire State ] by according 
justice to every section he has attained it for his own.'^ Senator 
Dickinson in reply made a speech which commanded great atten- 
tion at the time and may be perused with benefit even now. He 
reviewed his positions, and illustrated them with his peculiar 
force. '^ He was now the representative man of the New York 
National Democracy, and his character was happily summed up 
by the " Democratic Review" thus : — " The high position of 
that Democratic Senator, — his truly national and elevated 
course, — the intrepid and able manner in which he has at all 
times acted, and especially during the agitation of the exciting 
and most important questions of the sessions through which, 
thanks to his patriotic efforts and those of his coadjutors, the 
Congress of the United States has happily passed, — his frank, 
direct, and firm adherence to his friends and to the cause and 
principles the maintenance of which has achieved so much for 
the country, the perpetuity of the Union, and the rights of the 
States, — and his personal worth and high integrity of charac- 
ter, — entitle him and his course not only to distinct approval, 
but to high encomium. ""j" 

A letter addressed by Daniel Webster to Daniel S. Dickinson, 



* This speech is printed in extenso ia the " Democratic Review" for Aug. 1850. 
t Dem. Rev., October, 1850. 



212 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

after the conclusion of tlie great struggle in which they had 
both participated, is such a strong and characteristic testimonial 
to the character of the writer, as well as to that of him who 
inspired it, that I must quote a striking passage : — 

"Washington, September 27, 1850. 

" My dear Sir : — Our companionship in the Senate is dissolved. 
After this long and most important session, you are about to return to 
your home, and I shall try to find leisure to visit mine. I hope we may 
meet each other again, two months hence, for the discharge of our duties 
in our respective stations in the Government. But life is uncertain, and 
I have not felt willing to take leave of you without placing in your hands 
a note containing a few words which I wish to say to you. 

"In the earlier part of our acquaintance, my dear sir, occurrences 
took place which I remember with constantly increasing regret and pain ; 
because the more I have known of you, the greater became my esteem 
for your character and my respect for your talents. But it is your 
noble, able, manly, and patriotic conduct in support of the measures of 
this session which has entirely won my heart and secured my highest 
regard. I hope you may live long to serve your country; but I do not 
think you are ever likely to see a crisis in which you may be able to do 
so much, either for your own distinction or for the public good. You 
have stood where others have fallen ; you have advanced with firm and 
manly step Avhere others have wavered, faltered, and fallen back ; and, 
for one, I desire to thank you and to commend your conduct out of the 
fulness of an honest heart. * * * ^- * 

"Daniel Webster. 

"Hon. Daxl. S. Dickinson, U.S. Senate." 

In this connection, a passage from a letter of Senator Dickin- 
son's will be quite appropriate. It was written to the committee 
of the banquet to commemorate the seventy-seventh anniversary 
of Daniel Webster's birthday. After regretting that an import- 
ant trial in which he was counsel would deprive him of being 
present, he writes, — having in his " mind's eye" the cherished 
letter just given : — 

" It is one of the proudest recollections of a life familiar with interest- 
ng incidents that I was permitted to be long associated with one so 
eminent in the public councils, and more especially that I was honored 
by his confidence and cheered by his distinguished friendship. I cherish 
with idolatrous devotion the evidences of deep regard which his noble 
heart furnished, and, in harmony with his own suggestion, shall ' leave 
it where it will be seen by those who shall come after me.' 

" Great as was Daniel Webster in his life, he was greater in his death. 



DANIEL S. DICKINSON. 213 

Great as lie was in noble deeds, bis memory is greater still ; and when 
time shall have obliterated all traces of petty rivalries and disturbing 
' jealousies which disfigure the surface of society, and have silenced the 
clamor of partisan jargon, he will 'still live,' with increasing admiration, 
as pure among patriots, eminent among statesmen, and eloquent among 
orators." 

Mr. Dickinson was the last Democratic Senator from New 
York. His term expired March 4, 1851. Since that period he 
has lived chiefly in retirement^ devoting himself to rural and 
professional pursuits at Binghamton. 

In 1852, he was brought forward for the Presidency at the 
Democratic Convention in Baltimore. The influential vote of 
Virginia was cast for him, and his nomination might have been 
the result but for his own chivalrous and delicate sense of honor. 
Senator Dickinson withdrew his name, because, being a delegate 
to the Convention and pledged to his friend General Cass, whose 
name was still before it, he thought it inconsistent with a manly 
friendship, not less than with a high sentiment of honor, to per- 
mit himself to be placed in competition with a man whom he 
had pledged himself to support. 

On the election of Mr. Pierce to the Presidency, Mr. Dickin- 
son was pressed for the ofiice of Secretary of State. Mr. Marcy, 
however, received that place, and the former declined the Collect- 
orship of New York, to which the new President appointed 
him. Though his retirement is only occasionally broken by a 
letter or speech of public interest, Mr. Dickinson is still regarded 
as the head of the conservative New York Democracy. As an 
evidence of the vitality of his intellect, it is enough to state 
that his professional services are now in greater demand than at 
any previous time. At the Democratic State Convention, held at 
Syracuse on September 1, 1859, Mr. Dickinson made a speech 
which created immense enthusiasm and produced a healthy efi'ect 
on the distracted party. 

In May, 1857, he visited Washington with his family. His 
hotel was crowded with the leading people ; and, on the evening 
of the 25th, a serenade was given to him, at which he made a 
brief and touching speech, alluding to the memories and friend- 
ships called up by the occasion. The earnestness of his words, 
and the picturesque whiteness of his long hair, surrounded the 
theme " as with a halo." At the commencement of Hamilton 



214 LIVIN(} REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

College, July, 1858, the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws 
was conferred upon him. On that occasion he delivered an 
address to the graduating class of the Law department. 

Such is an outline of the career of one who is equally beloved 
by the Democracy as a statesman as by his neighbors he is es- 
teemed as a friend, " and whose reward (yet, we trust, to be fully 
accorded to him) can never be,'' says a New York journal, "let 
it take what shape it may, too great for the desert of his inestima- 
ble public services." 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 215 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, 



OF ILLINOIS. 



The name of no American statesman has been more familiar 
to tlie public ear for several years past than that which heads this 
sketch. The opinions of none have been more eagerly listened 
to, more violently attacked, or more gallantly defended than those 
of '• the Little Giant" of the West. The anxiety to hear him 
in the Halls of Congress has been equalled only by the impa- 
tient desire of far-distant places to read what he had said. 
Newspapers of all shades of political opinion have found it to 
their advantage not only to state his views, but to chronicle them 
in his own words : consequently, none of those who may be called 
his contemporaries, of whatever party, have had such wide-spread 
publication. In the Democratic party, no one has attracted so 
much attention in his day ; and in the Republican party, Senator 
Seward alone approaches him in commanding the public eye and 
ear. His career has been exceedingly brilliant, — the romantic 
details of his youthful struggles very fitly prefacing the chivalric 
boldness of his manhood. It is a splendid illustration of the 
developing influences of American institutions ; and the memoirs 
of Stephen A. Douglas in some future day will nerve many an 
orphaned youth for the battle of life, and give him strength to 
combat and to conquer when engaged in it. 

Stephen Arnold Douglas was born at Brandon, Rutland 
County, Vermont, on the 23d of April, 1813. His father, a 
native of New York and a physician of prominence, died sud- 
denly of apoplexy when his son Stephen was little more than two 
months old. The widow, Mrs. Douglas, who still survives to 
witness the greatness of her boy, took her infant and a daughter 
some eighteen months older to a farm which she had inherited 
conjointl}^ with her unmarried brother. Stephen received such 
an education as a common school could bestow, and, arriving at 



216 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

the age of fifteen, looked anxiously toward a college course. 
His family were unable to afford the requisite expense ; in which 
event he, thinking it time to earn his own living, left the farm 
and apprenticed himself to a cabinet-maker, — at which trade he 
worked, partly at Middlebury and partly at Brandon, for eighteen 
months. The now solid-bodied and sturdy Senator, who, buoyed 
up by the force of his intellect, can undergo any amount of 
fatigue in travel, and public speaking, was then a stripling, and 
not over-hardy. The severity of eighteen months' application at 
the cabinet-maker's bench so impaired his health that he aban- 
doned the occupation, though not without some regret ; for he 
has often since said that the happiest days of his life were spent 
in the workshop. Entering the aciidemy at Brandon, he studied 
for a year, when, his mother, after a widowhood of sixteen years, 
having married Mr. Granger, of Ontario County, New York, — 
whose son had previously wedded her daughter, — he removed to 
Canandaigua with his mother and entered the academy at that 
place. Here he remained until 1833, studying law with the 
Messrs. Hubbell. 

The activity of his nature, which, no doubt, was the secret of 
his ill health under the trammels of the workshop, would not let 
him rest in Canandaigua. Young, and with the instincts which 
latent power creates, he desired a fresh field; and so, in the 
spring of 1833, he started West in search of an eligible place in 
which to woo and win fortune as a lawyer. The way to fortune, 
like the course of true love, does not always run smooth. Young 
Douglas was prostrated by a severe illness, and had to remain the 
whole summer at Cleveland. After his recovery, he continued 
his search for an "eligible place," visiting Cincinnati, Louisville, 
and St. Louis in vain. At Jacksonville, Illinois, he was no better 
pleased, though the state of his funds — now reduced to thirty- 
seven and a half cents — offered some reason why he might not 
proceed. If his pockets were empty, however, his heart was full 
and gave him strength ; and applying this strength to the best use, 
he walked to Winchester, a little town sixteen miles distant, where 
he hoped to obtain employment as a school-teacher. 

At Winchester, a large crowd had collected around the stock 
of a deceased trader, which was about to be sold by auction. 
Instinctively, young Douglas was soon in the front rank of the 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 217 

crowd, to see what was going on. The auctioneer was at a stand- 
still. He wanted a clerk to keep the sale-accounts. Douglas, 
looking like a man who could read and write, was invited to the 
clerkship, and promptly accepted it. For his three days' service 
in this position he received six dollars, with which capital he im- 
mediately opened a school and obtained forty scholars, whom he 
taught for three months at three dollars each. Spending his days 
in teaching the youth of Winchester, his nights were devoted to 
his own instruction. Borrowing some law-books in Jacksonville, 
he mastered their contents, and on Saturday afternoons displayed 
his book-learning with great effect while practising in petty cases 
before the justice of the peace of the town. After an examina- 
tion, he obtained a license from the Judges of the Supreme Court, 
and in March, 1834, opened an office and commenced practice in 
the higher courts. 

Henceforward the success of Mr. Douglas was marvellous. 
He immediately rose to distinction at the bar. The only stan- 
dard by which to measure his rapid progress in the esteem and 
confidence of the people is to be found in the fact that within a 
year after his admission, while not yet twenty-two years old, and 
not over eighteen months a resident of Illinois, the Legislature 
elected him Attorney-General of the State. In December, 1885, 
he resigned this office, having been elected to the Legislature by 
the Democrats of Morgan County. In the Legislature, where he 
was the youngest member, he continued to increase his reputa- 
tion, and to ingratiate himself in the affections of his colleagues 
and constituents. His reputation and power as a Democrat ex- 
tended, and in 1837 he was appointed Register of the Land Office 
at Springfield, Illinois, by President Van Buren, and held the 
office until 1839, when he resigned. In the mean time, although 
ineligible on the score of age, Mr. Douglas received the Demo- 
cratic nomination for Congress, in November, 1837. He at- 
tained the requisite age before the day of election, — the first 
Monday in August, 1838, — but lost the election by a quibble. 
His Congressional district was then the most populous in the 
United States; and the closeness of the vote shows how tho- 
roughly the canvass must have been conducted. Over 36,000 
votes were cast, and the Whig candidate was declared elected 
by a majority of Jive, — there being more ballots rejected by the 

19 



218 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

canvassers in consequence of the mis-spelling of Mr. Douglas's 
name than would have changed the result. 

Mr. Douglas now devoted himself exclusively to his profession, 
and distinguished himself especially in a case touching the rights 
of foreign-born voters, to which I will have occasion to refer 
hereafter. In 1840 he entered upon the Presidential contest 
in favor of Van Bureu and Democracy with great ardor. He 
traversed the State for seven months, and addressed more than 
two hundred political gatherings, — about one every day ; and to 
his great exertions is ascribed the adherence of Illinois to the 
Democracy in that eventful and exciting campaign. Illinois gave 
her full vote for Van Buren. In December of this year the 
labors of Mr. Douglas were rewarded by his appointment as 
Secretary of State for Illinois; and in February following he was 
elected by the Legislature a Judge of the Supreme Court, — the 
title of which office has ever since remained associated with his 
name in the popular mind. In 184o he resigned his seat on the 
bench to accept, against his known wishes, the Democratic nomi- 
nation for Congress. The acceptance of this nomination was 
urged on him on the ground that he was the only Democrat 
who could be elected. He was chosen by a majority of four hun- 
dred. In 1844 he was re-elected by a majority of nineteen hun- 
dred, and again, in 1846, by nearly three thousand majority. 
He did not take his seat under the last election, having been in 
the mean time elevated to the United States Senate for six years 
from March 4, 1847 ; in which high position he has continued 
ever since. 

In the House of Representatives Mr. Douglas took a promi- 
nent position on the Oregon controversy with England, main- 
taining our title to the whole of Oregon up to 54° 40', and de- 
claring that he never would yield one inch of Oregon, either to 
Great Britain or any other Government. He was in favor of the 
resolution giving notice to terminate the joint occupation, and 
advocated with great fervor the establishment of a Territorial 
Government over Oregon, under the protection of a sufficient 
military force, and the immediate preparation of the country, so 
that, in the event of a war growing out of what he deemed the 
assertion of our rights, we might " drive Great Britain, and the 
last vestiges of royal authority, from the continent of North 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 219 

America, and make the United States an ocean-bound republic." 
The foreign policy of Mr. Douglas as a Representative and Sena- 
tor has uniformly been of a bold, broad, and national character. 
He has not always agreed with the Administration in power ; 
hut he has never swerved from the basis of a fearless and dio-ni- 
tied American policy. 

He was an early advocate of the annexation of Texas, and was 
one of those who introduced a substitute for the treaty to effect 
that object which had failed in the Senate. As Chairman of the 
Committee on Territories, in 1848, he reported the joint resolu- 
tion declaring Texas one of the United States; and he ably sus- 
tained Polk's Administration in its war measures toward Mexico. 
Yet he opposed the treaty of peace which closed the Mexican 
AYar, on the ground that the boundaries were "unnatural and 
inconvenient" and that the provisions in regard to the Indians 
"could never be executed." Our Grovernment has since given 
ten millions of dollars to Mexico to alter the boundaries and re- 
linquish the Indian stipulations. In like manner, he strenuously 
opposed the ratification of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, upon the 
ground that it pledged the faith of the United States in all time 
never to annex, colonize, or occupy any portion of Central America. 
What was the use of making such pledges? He asked the 
Senate to keep up with the spirit of the age, to look the future 
in the face, and prepare to meet that which cannot be avoided. 
It might not occur in our day, but he believed that, as certainly as 
the Republic exists, we shall be compelled to colonize and annex 
Mexico and Central America. He opposed the treaty for another 
reason : — it was not reciprocal. Great Britain had possession of 
the island of Jamaica, which was armed, and commanded the 
entrance of the proposed canal. By the terms of the treaty, we 
could have no fortification there. He ridiculed Senator Clayton's 
idea of the friendliness of England to the United States, and 
showed that it was not in the nature of things that she could be 
our friend. "England does not love us," he said; "she cannot 
love us ; and we do not love her, either. We have some things in 
the past to remember that are not agreeable. She has more in 
the present to humiliate her than she can forgive." He argued 
also that Mr. Clayton's negotiations recognised the right of Great 
Britain and all other European I^owers to interfere with the 



220 hlVJNG RKPRESKNTAT1V.K MKN. 

affairs of the ximerican States, — and made the subject of Cen- 
tral America a European instead of an American question. 

Senator Douglas has declared himself in favor of the acquisi- 
tion of Cuba, when that island can be obtained in a manner 
consistent with the laws of nations and the honor of the United 
States. 

In the spring of 1858 the country was greatly agitated at 
the news that several American vessels had been visited and 
searched by English vessels-of-war in the Mexican Gulf and 
adjacent seas. The sanctity of the American flag had been vio- 
lated thirty -three times within four weeks. Senators wanted 
official information before they would act, and thought that the 
matter could bo settled by negotiation. Senator Douglas was for 
sending a ship-of-war on the track of the Sfi/x, the Bu':zard, or 
the Foncard, or any other English vessel that had been com- 
mitting the outrages, — to capture her, and bring her into an Ame- 
rican port: then, he thought, would be a good time to negotiate. 
On the 24th of May, he introduced a bill authorizing the Presi- 
dent to employ such force as he might deem necessary to prevent 
the recurrence of the outrages, and to obtain redress for those 
already committed. The Committee on Foreign Relations smo- 
thered this with a substitute not touching the point at issue at all; 
and the Senator from Illinois, before the close of the session, June 
3, introduced a bill to revive and put in force the Act of the 3d of 
March, 1889, which placed at the disposal of the President, to be 
used when necessary to resist the unjust claims of Great Britain, 
the naval and military forces and militia, fifty thousand volun- 
teers, if necessary, and ten millions of dollars, — the Act to con- 
tinue in force for sixty days after the next meeting of Congress. 
The proposition was to vest in President Buchanan the same 
power and discretion which he had moved into the hands of Pre- 
sident Van Buren nineteen years previous.* The bill was not 
adopted; but, in the extra session of the Senate, a series of resolu- 
tions reported by Senator Mason from the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs were adopted, which took cognizance of the outrages and 
condemned them, and promised further legislation if necessary. 



^* On motion of Mr. Buchanan, the Act of 1839 passed the Senate unani- 
mously; tho House adopted it by 197 to 6. 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 221 

Mr. Douglas's foreign polic}^ has ever been such as would make our 
flag respected, if not feared. 

As Chairman of the Committee on Territories, first in the 
House and afterward in the Senate, he reported and carried 
through the bills organizing the Territories of Minnesota, Oregon, 
New Mexico, Utah, Washington, Kansas, and Nebraska, and also 
the bills for the admission into the Union of the States of lov/a, 
AYisconsin, California, Minnesota, and Oregon. He early took 
ground touching the Slavery question as involved in the organiza- 
tion of Territories and the admission of new States. He held that 
Congress should not interfere one way or the other. With this 
view, he opposed the "Wilmot Proviso," in 1847, when it passed 
the House as an amendment to the $3,000,000 Bill for the peace 
treaty with Mexico, and afterward in the Senate, when introduced 
as an amendment to the bill for the organization of the Territory 
of Oregon. In August, 1848, he oifered an amendment to the 
Oregon Bill, extending the Missouri Compromise line — 36° 30' 
— westward to the Pacific Ocean, in the sense in which it was 
adopted in 1820 and extended through Texas in 1845. The 
amendment passed the Senate, having the support of all the 
Southern and several Northern Senators. In the House it was 
defeated by an almost sectional vote. 

In the month of January of the session of 1849-50, Mr. Clay 
offered his celebrated resolutions, which became the basis of the 
subsequent legislation of that session, known as the Compromise 
measures. 

On the 25th of March, Mr. Douglas, from the Committee on 
Territories, reported to the Senate two bills, — one for the admis- 
sion of California as a State, the other for the establishment 
of Territorial Governments in Utah and New Mexico, and for 
the adjustment of the Texas boundary. On the 19th of April, 
on motion of G eneral Foote, of Mississippi, a committee of thir- 
teen was appointed, of which Mr. Clay was made chairman, and 
to which was referred all the subjects pertaining to the question 
of Slavery. On the 8th of May, Mr. Clay, from the Committee 
of Thirteen, made an elaborate report, accompanied by a bill 
generally known as the "Omnibus Bill." By reference to the 
original bill, as reported by Mr. Clay and as it now appears on 
the files of the Senate, it will be seen that, instead of preparing a 

19* 



222 LIVING REPRESENTATIVl-: MKX. 

new bill, the Committee of Tliirteen took the two bills reported 
by Mr. Douglas on the 25th of 31arch, and converted them into 
one, by putting wafers between them, — they had been previously 
printed by the Senate, — makicg slight amendments, as Mr. Clay 
stated when he made his report, and erasing the printed words 
*' Mr. Douglas, from the Committee on Territories," and inserting 
^' Mr. Clay, from the Select Committee appointed the 19th of 
April, 1850;" so that it read, "Mr. Clay, &c. &c. reported the 
following bill" This is an interesting historical fact. 

The most important amendment proposed by the Committee 
of Thirteen to the bills as reported by Mr. Douglas is found in the 
10th section, where after the words '' that the Legislative power 
of the Territory shall extend to all rightful subjects of legisla- 
tion consistent with the Constitution of the United States and 
the provisions of this Act, but no law shall be passed interfering 
with the primary disposal of the soil," they added these words, 
"nor in respect to African slavery;" the effect of which was to 
confer upon the Territorial Legislature power over all rightful 
subjects of legislation, excepting slavery ; whereas Mr. Douglas's 
bill conferred the same power on the Territorial Legislature, 
without excepting slavery. 

No sooner had this report been made by Mr. Clay than it was 
fiercely assailed by the ultraists North and South. Mr. Jefferson 
Davis, of Mississippi, moved to amend by adding a proviso that 
nothing contained in the bill should be construed to deprive the 
Territorial Legislature of the power to pass laws for the pro- 
tection of slave-property in the Territories, and made several 
speeches in favor of that provision. Mr. Salmon P. Chase, of 
Ohio, proposed an amendment in effect declaring that the bill 
should not be construed to authorize the Legislature to establish 
and maintain slavery in the Territories; whereupon Mr. Clay 
stated to the Senate that the amendment reported by the Com- 
mittee of Thirteen, excepting slavery from the action of the Ter- 
ritorial Legislature, was incorporated in the bill by the committee 
in opposition to his vote and judgment. Mr. Douglas moved to 
strike out of the bill every thing in regard to slavery, so as to 
restore it to the form in which he had originally reported it, 
conferring on the Territorial Legislature power over all rightful 
subjects of legislation; witJwvt excepting slavery. This motion 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 223 

was at first rejected, together with the amendment oi' Mr. Davis 
in favor of, and that of Mr. Chase against, protecting shivery. 
The discussion proceeded at great length upon the question whe- 
ther the Territorial Legislature should have the same authority 
over the Slavery question as on all other matters afiecting the 
internal policy of the Territory, when, on the 31st of July, Mr. 
Norris, of New Hampshire, renewed the motion of Mr. Douglas, 
which was carried by a vote of 83 to 19 ; thus establishing, as the 
fandamental principle of the Compromise measures of 1850, the 
doctrine that the Territorial Legislature was to have the same 
power over the question of Slavery that it possessed on all other 
matters of domestic policy. 

No sooner had these measures been adopted by Congress than 
the Southern ultras appealed to the people of Mississippi, Ala- 
bama, Georgia, South Carolina, and other Southern States, to 
resist the action of Congress, because they had conferred upon 
the Territorial Legislature the right to proliibit as well as to 
jirotect slavery as they pleased. On the other hand, the ultraists 
of the North appealed to the anti-slavery feeling of their section 
to resist and repeal the same measures, upon the ground that they 
conferred on the Territorial Legislature the right to introduce 
slavery into, as well as exclude it from, the Territories, as the 
people might choose. 

When Congress adjourned, the friends of these measures re- 
paired to their respective homes to defend and justify their 
action. When Mr. Douglas arrived in Chicago, he found the 
city in a state of rebellion against the recent Acts of Congress. 
The City Council, in their official capacity, had passed resolu- 
tions denouncing them as a violation of the Constitution and 
of the higher law of Grod, and those Senators and Repre- 
sentatives who had voted for 'them as Benedict Arnolds and 
Judas Iscariots. In order to make their resistance effectual, 
the City Council passed resolutions releasing the citizens, offi- 
cers, and police of the city from all obligation to assist or par- 
ticipate in the execution of these laws, and declared that they 
(the laws) ought not to be respected by any intelligent commu- 
nity. On the next night, a mass meeting of the citizens was 
held for the purpose of approving and sanctioning the action of 
the Common Council and organizing violent and successful 



224 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

resistance to the execution of the laws. A committee reported 
to this meeting a series of resolutions more revolutionary in 
their character, and going to a greater extent in resisting the au- 
thorities of the Federal Government, than those of the Common 
Council. Numerous speeches in support of the resolutions were 
received with boisterous and furious applause, — pledging their 
authors to resist even unto the dungeon and the grave. At 
length, Mr. Douglas, being the only member of the Illinois dele- 
gation then in the city, appeared upon the stand, and said that 
in consequence of the action of the Common Council, and the 
frenzied excitement which seemed to rage all around him, he 
desired to be heard before the assembled people of the city in 
vindication of each and all of the Compromise measures, and 
especially of the Fugitive-Slave Law. He said he w^ould not 
address them that night, because the call for the meeting was 
not sufficiently broad to authorize a speech in defence of the 
measures, but he would avail himself of that opportunity to give 
notice that on the next night he would address the people of 
Chicago on those subjects. He invited men of all parties and 
shades of opinion to attend and participate in the proceedings, 
assuring them that he would answer every objection made, and 
every question which should be propounded, touching those mea- 
sures, including the Fugitive-Slave Law. After further discus- 
sion and much confusion and opposition, the meeting was 
induced to adjourn. 

In the mean time the excitement continued to increase, and 
the next night, October 23, a tremendous concourse of people 
assembled, before whom Mr. Douglas delivered a speech, some 
impression of the power and effect of which may be formed from 
the fact that the meeting resolyed unanimously to carry into 
effect the provisions of the laws of Congress, (the Fugitive-Slave 
Law included,) adopted resolutions repudiating the action of the 
Common Council, and then adjourned with nine cheers, — three 
for Douglas, three for the Constitution, and three for our glorious 
Union. On the next night the Common Council of the city 
assembled, and repealed their nullifying resolutions, by a vote of 
12tol. 

In this great Chicago speech, Douglas, holding himself respon- 
sible to his constituents for the Compromise measures, avowed 



STEPHEN A. UOUin.AS. 2'2d 

having prepared three of them with his own hand, and having 
voted for all. 

"If," said he, "there is any thing wrong in them, hold me account- 
able ; if there is any thing of merit, give the credit to those who passed 
them. These measures are predicated on the great fundamental principle 
that every people ought to possess the right of forming and regulating their 
oicn internal and domestic institutions in their own xcay. It was supposed 
that those of our fellow-citizens who emigrated to the shores of the 
Pacific and to our other Territories were as capable of self-government 
as their neighbors and kindred whom they left behind them ; and there 
was no reason for believing that they had lost any of their intelligence 
or patriotism by the wayside while crossing the Isthmus or the plains. 
It was also believed that after their arrival in the country, when they 
had become familiar with its topography, climate, productions, and re- 
sources, and had connected their destiny with it, they were fully as com- 
petent to judge for themselves what kind of laws and institutions were 
best adapted to their condition and interests, as we were, who never saw 
the country and knew vei'y little about it. To question their compe- 
tency to do this, was to deny their capacity for self-government. If they 
have the requisite intelligence and honesty to be intrusted with the en- 
actment of laws for the government of white men, I know of no reason 
why they should not be deemed competent to legislate for the negro. If 
they are sufficiently enlightened to make laws for the protection of life, 
liberty, and property, of morals and education, — to determine the rela- 
tion of husband and wife, of parent and child, — I am not aware that it 
requires any higher degree of civilization to regulate the affairs of master 
and servant. These things are all confided by the Constitution to each 
State to decide for itself; and I know of no reason why the same prin- 
ciple should not be extended to the Territories. My votes and acts have 
been in accordance with these views in all cases, except the instances in 
which I voted under your instructions. Those were your votes, and not 
mine." 

At least half a million copies of this speech were circulated 
throughout the country. I have never yet seen or heard of any 
friend of the Compromise measures of 1850 who did not warmly 
applaud the speech, and express their gratitude to its author. 
The appeal to the people by the advocates of those measures met 
a hearty response from all the friends of the Union, North and 
South, as is attested by the fact that, in 1852, the ultraists of the 
Democratic party, who had opposed those measures and appealed 
to the people to resist, were forced by public opinion to assent 
to them and agree that the principles on which they rested should 
P 



226 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

be incorporated in the platform of the party; and still further by 
the fact that the ultraists in the old Whig party, who had op- 
posed the measures, were in like manner condemned by the peo- 
ple, and compelled to acquiesce in a resolution in the Baltimore 
Convention adopting these measures, in substance and principle, 
as a rule of action for the future. 

Both parties having thus adopted the measures, it was hoped 
that the slavery agitation would cease, and that henceforward 
the people of each Territory and State would be allowed to decide 
the Slavery question for themselves. 

In accordance with this principle, Mr. Douglas introduced the 
Kansas-Nebraska Bill in 1854, declaring, as its fundamental 
principle, that "it was the true intent and meaning of the Act 
not to legislate slavery into any State or Territory, nor to exclude 
it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to 
form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, 
subject only to the Constitution of the United States." His 
speech in the Senate in support of the bill and against its adver- 
saries was regarded as "the greatest speech of his life." The 
"Union," then the organ of the Pierce Administration, in an 
article on the close of the debate, — written by John W. Forney, — 
said : — 

" He took his opponents up one by one, answering every objection with 
a skill and an effect before which they could make no head. Even those 
who had observed and appreciated the intellect of the Senator from Illi- 
nois on other occasions were surprised at his exhibition of logic and 
genius on Saturday morning. We have vainly endeavored to recall the 
numerous striking points of a speech so useful in its facts and in its 
figures and so inspiring in its vigorous and surpassing eloquence. One 
of his retorts upon the Abolitionists will be long remembered. Alluding 
to the poor special plea that the Missouri Compromise was a compact, 
he said it was no compact. He defended the North against the allega- 
tion, which, if true, would deeply dishonor her. If it were a compact, she 
had violated it, nullified it, trampled it in the dust; and to say that was 
to insult and to degrade her, especially if now she could be seduced into 
demanding others to respect what she had never regarded herself. 
Turning to Mr. Seward, he said, what did the State of New York, iu 
treating of this so-called, and falsely so-called, compact, which now, by 
her Whig Legislature, (another result of Democratic divisions,) she ap- 
peals to us to guard and to save ? For years — yes, for more than thirty 
years — she has sent men hereto disregard it. It was no compact: for 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 227 

^v]len the Missouri Compromise of 1820 became a law, it provided that 
when Missouri was admitted into the Union she should be admitted as a 
slave State ; and eleven months after that — chiefly because she had slavery 
in her Constitution — New York refused to vote for her admission, and so 
disregarded the law, or the bargain, or what was then a sort of compact ! 
Mr. Seward attempted to answer this powerful point; but he took his 
seat abashed and confused. Turning, next, to the trio of Abolition Sena- 
tors, he spoke to them, and of their unholy plots, and their appeals to 
violence, and the demonstrations against himself, with a defiant and 
scorching eloquence that cannot be reported. They quailed before his 
severe and withering rebukes. To Senator Sumner he said, — alluding to 
the infamous attempt recently made to insult him in that city, — ' That 
Boston Avhich closed Faneuil Hall to the immortal Webster for daring to 
defy her prejudices to the South, and turned him into the streets to 
vindicate himself and convince her, had also outraged him, — not through 
her masses, but through the machinations of men sent here by corrupt 
and dishonorable combinations, — men who affect the airs and graces of 
gentlemen, who aspire to literary distinction, while they coolly plot their 
country's ruin. I am honored by the persecutions and violence of such 
men.' His allusions to another Abolition leader almost led us to antici- 
pate a Senatorial suicide ! And he was abundantly justified in this casti- 
gation ; for never before has a public man been so hunted and hounded 
as Judge Douglas. Not only his character as a Senator, but his reputa- 
tion as a man, has been vilely traduced ; and so far has this fiendish war 
been conducted that his enemies have not scrupled the foulest allusions 
to his recent domestic affliction ! His pungent retort upon Senator Wade 
has not often been equalled. * That Senator,' said he, 'signed an address 
filled with the foulest aspersions; .and yet he confesses he never read it!' 
'But I have since read it,' replied the Ohio Senator, 'and found it true.' 
* And now,' responded Senator Douglas, ' did you not say that a free 
negro was as good as a white man ?' 'Yes,' said Senator Wade; 'espe- 
cially in Ohio.' 'Well,' said Judge Douglas, 'if three free negroes had 
signed that infamous document which preceded this discussion, I should 
have more respect than I have shown for it, endorsed as it has been.' 

"But it is vain to attempt a description of this really great effort of 
the Illinois Senator. The readiness of his replies, the correctness of his 
authorities, the extent of his information, the clearness of his views, the 
new points presented, have elevated it among the finest of forensic tri- 
umphs. It may well be ranked with those proud and memorable achieve- 
ments of intellect which have given to the American Senate the just 
renown of being the ablest delibei*ative body in the world. ' Sir,' said he 
to the President of the Senate, '■ the North and South have common and 
indissolul)le interests. There are Tariif men North and South ; there are 
distribution men North and South ; there are Free-Trade men North and 
South. Slavery is the only link that divides us. Let us be just and gene- 
rous. Thus far, the people have treated it with eminent wisdom and 



228 LIVING REPRE.SENTATiyE MEN. 

sagacity. Congress has never acted upon it save to divide the people ; 
the people are always sure to unite and protect themselves. Let us leave 
it to them. They are the proper judges and the only jurors. The bill 
under discussion forever removes it from Congress, by reasserting that 
principle for the future which has been the only source of our happiness 
and glory in the past.' "* 

The Northern agitators succeeded in again raising a whirlwind 
of fanatical excitement. Mr. Douglas was fiercely and savagely 
denounced by all Abolitionists and interventionists for advocating 
the principle that the people of a Territory might have slavery 
if they wanted, and should not be compelled to have it if they 
did not want it. He was burned and hung in effigy in every 
town, village, and hamlet in the United States where an Aboli- 
tionist could be found. He could ride from Boston to Chicago 
by the light of his blazing effigy in the night, and in sight of his 
hanging effigy by day, upon every tree that he passed. When 
he arrived in Chicago, he was met by another mob, more savage, 
brutal, and numerous than the one which greeted him in 1850 
when he made his great speech in defence of the Compromise 
measures. Mr. Douglas gave notice that he would address the 
people in the open square in front of North Market Hall, in de- 
fence of the principle involved in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. 
The Abolitionists and their allies determined not to allow him to 
be heard, for fear of the same result which had occurred on the 
former occasion, — 1850. Hence it was determined to raise a 
mob and put him down by violence, rather than allow him to 
speak. 

On the day of the meeting, the flags of the shipping in the 
harbor were hung at half-mast, in pursuance of a previous ar- 
rangement by the Abolitionists in their Know-Nothing lodges; 
and the church-bells were rung as a signal for the mob to 
assemble. They did assemble, ten thousand strong, armed with 
clubs, brickbats, bowie-knives, and pistols, and organized into 
companies, with their leaders, ready for violence or tumult at the 
given signal. When Mr. Douglas appeared upon the stand, he 
was greeted with the most unearthly howls ; when he commenced 
to speak, they threw eggs, stones, and clubs, and fired pistols to 
create a tumult and break up the meeting. He maintained his 

* « Union," March 4, 1854. 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 229 

position for four hours, — sometimes appealing to them, — then 
ridiculing, — then denouncing their cowardice in combining to 
put down with force and violence a single man, who used no 
other weapons than truth and reason. His efforts were futile. 
The mob grew supreme; and, having held them at bay from 
eight o'clock in the evening of Saturday till past twelve, in the 
midst of their imprecations and violence, he deliberatelj^ took 
out his watch, and, looking at it, said to the crowd, ^^It is Sun- 
day morning : I have to go to church, and you — may go to 
h — 1." He then retired, pursued by the mob, to his hotel. 

Immediately issuing notices making appointments throughout 
the State, he appealed to the people to rally in defence of the great 
principle that every community should govern itself in respect to 
its local and domestic affliirs. He did not appeal in vain. The 
people of Illinois did rally, and, in the Presidential election of 
1856, gave Mr. Buchanan a Democratic majority upon that dis- 
tinct issue. 

In 1858, the same principle was put to a still severer test. 
It was now attempted to be violated by the Democratic party 
and by those Southern political friends with whom Mr. Douglas 
had always acted. He did not hesitate, but struck a bold blow 
for the right of the people of Kansas to form and ratify by their 
own votes their own Constitution, and to have slavery or not, 
just as they pleased. 

In this contest Mr. Douglas was sustained by the entire North, 
and denounced by a Democratic Administration supported by a 
united South. He stood firm by his position, maintained it by 
argument in proof, and defied the consequences personal to 
himself. 

The debate in the Senate will long be remembered. The 
whole country was excited to a curiosity and anxiety without 
bounds. Nothing was talked of but " Kansas" and " Douglas." 
The debate on " Lecompton" continued from the 1st to the 28d 
of March. The closing scenes were peculiarly interesting. By 
day and night the galleries were crowded. Mr. Douglas's speech 
on the 22d was the climax of the debate. The " States" of the 
following day gave a description of the morning and evening 
sessions, from which, as it is a memorable chapter of the Con- 
gressional history of the times, I extract : — 

20 



230 LIVING KElRESEiNTATlVE MKN. 

'* If the immense mass of people who crowded the galleries, the lobbies, 
the stairways, and the ante-rooms of the Senate is any evidence of inte- 
rest in the question under debate, then Kansas is the most interesting 
topic of the day, in spite of all that is said against it as a dull, wearying, 
used-up, and stupid thing. Probably a large portion of the crowd came 
to show their delight at the approaching close of the debate ; numbers 
came to hear Douglas ; and there was considerable discontent outside of 
the gallei-ies by those who could not get in. During the eai'lier part of 
the morning, the ill aspect of Lecomptonism might be read on the faces 
of the Senators in the interest of that unfortunate juggle. Green was 
very much nonplussed. Ashe sat there, quite bewildered, foi'ced to listen 
to Anti-Lecompton, and feeling that its ultimate triumph was certain, ho 
illustrated that well-known Patience who, sitting on a monument, bit his 
nails, or in some other manner amused his grief. 

"Mason turned his back on Stuart, and, plunging himself into a news- 
paper, in vain sought to hide that restlessness which Stuart's protest 
against Pugh's amendment created. Bigler and Benjamin were much 
more interested in their own thoughts than those emanating from the 
Senator from Michigan. Consequently, they applied themselves to their 
desks and carried on private correspondence. Bayard was immersed in 
the notes of his speech to follow Stuart. King, Collamer, Foot, and 
Wade paid earnest attention; and Jones, of Iowa, and Hale interchanged 
that pleasantry for which both are remarkable. 

"Senator Douglas entered the chamber just after a fainting lady had 
been carried out of the gallery, at about twenty minutes past twelve. 
He was congratulated by men of all parties, and was soon engaged in an 
earnest confab with Green, upon whose spirits, however, the Little Giant 
did not seem to work any special change. It was not until the arrival of 
the Secretary of War, some two hours after, that Missouri was seen to 
smile. 

"The arrival of the Turkish admiral, attended by two other Fez caps, 
elicited some attention. We looked in vain for the Senate to receive them 
in Eastern fashion. Cameron did not move ; Seward moved not ; and 
Stuart was too tired to salaam. Mason, however, as Chairman on Foreign 
Ptelations, entered into an impressive conversation with the Turks, sent 
for Clingman,^ of the House, on whose arrival the two chairmen bowed 
the three Turks out of the chamber, and, we suppose, all round the Capi- 
tol, which was a proper courtesy. 

"At the evening session the scene presented in the Senate was one of 
the most brilliant and exciting we have ever witnessed. No sooner wer^ 
the galleries cleared when the recess was taken, than the crowds who all 
the morning expected Douglas would speak, and patiently awaited a 
chance to get in, filled up the seats. At five minutes after five the gal- 
leries were empty ; in five minutes more they were filled with a brilliant, 



* Then Chairman ol House Committee on Foreign Relations. 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 281 

fashionable, and intelligent an-ay. In the gentlemen's gallery tbe people 
were literally walking on each other. They formed a human pyramid 
reaching up to the windows, on the inside sills of which some persons 
were fortunate enough to be lifted. 

"The reporters' gallery was captured by gentlemen who made a press, 
though they did not belong to it, and rendered it utterly impossible for 
our friends of the quill, save with one or two exceptions, to more than 
preserve themselves from furnishing a local item of ' crushed to death' 
to their neighbors. For two hours the throngs of people were wedged 
together in expectancy of the great speech. Some ladies brought books, 
others their knitting, and thus, having early secured seats, industriously 
killed the time between five and seven p.m. 

" When the Chamber was called to order, Gwin and Seward simultane- 
ously arose with the same purpose, — to move the admission of the ladies 
to the floor of the Senate. It was agreed to. The doors were thrown 
open, and a perfect flood of beauty, bearing on the tide all manner of 
broken hoops and draggled crinoline, poured into the chamber. In a few 
moments every spot was occupied, while on all the lobbies such discon- 
tent arose from the unaccommodated crowds of gentlemen and ladies 
there, that several times the Chair was called on to despatch officers to 
allay the disorder. 

" The appearance of Senator Douglas was the token for a round of ap- 
plause. The sight must have been deeply gratifying to him, as it was 
entrancing to that mother and daughter* who, from the reporters' gal- 
lery, looked iipon the scene with that anxious pleasure which might 
tell the physiognomist that they, of all the great and brilliant crowd, had 
the deepest and most exalted interest in it. 

"For three hours Senator Douglas spoke. Commencing calmly, with 
an expression of doubt of his own physical strength to carry him through 
the duty before him, he warmed up by degrees, lifting the head and heart 
of the multitude with him, until one almost felt as if he were in Europe 
during the revolutions, listening to some powerful tribune of the people 
expounding their rights and inspiring them to such action as made Ame- 
rica a republic. He went through his public course. The period embraced 
some of the most prominent and vital acts in the history of American 
politics. He showed — not as a defence, but in a proud, manly, and almost 
defiant spirit — what his acts had been ; he echoed his own words ; he was 
proud of his deeds, — deeds and words which were recognised portions of 
the policy of the Democratic party. 

"As he proceeded, with emphatic and measured dignity', to define his 
position in the present crisis, — what the duty of a Senator from a sove- 
reign State was, and the responsibility he owed to the people Avhose voices 
culminated in him, — he held the multitude chained with that peculiar elo- 



* Mrs. Dousclas and her mother. 



232 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

quence which, based on common sense and the rights of man, reaches its 
destination without the aid of winged rhetoric. Such eloquence does not 
dazzle, it convinces ; it docs not stretch the fancy, but solidifies the head ; 
it does not hold the breath, but makes one breathe freer, for it cheers the 
heart. 

"The great burst of applause which broke from the galleries and rolled 
over the chamber was a nobler testimony to the principles enunciated by 
the eloquent Senator than might be written. He was there the defender 
of the people, the Representative of a State, and not the vassal of the 
Executive, nor the valet of the Administration, to do its bidding without 
consulting his own judgment or the interests of his people. He stood 
forth as the champion of State sovereignty. This Union was not an 
empire or absolute monarchy, in which the States were but provinces 
without individual and distinct and different rights. It was a confederacy 
of nations, each one of which was equally represented in the Senate. 

"As he exposed the fallacy of making Lecomptonism a test-question 
with the Democracy, and claimed the right to vote against it, the expres- 
sion of the faces around gave a verdict in his favor. With admirable 
adroitness and force, he asked if Brown, of INIississippi, was read out of 
the party for differing with the neutrality policy of the Administration? 
if Toombs was read out for opposing the Army Bill ? if Mason would be 
expelled for not swallowing the Pacific Railroad? Why, then, should he 
be expelled, read out, denounced as a traitor, because he, like those 
Senators, thought for himself on an Administration measure? The effect 
was electric, and was greatly indebted to the manner of the Senator from 
Illinois. He grew in enthusiasm with the progress of his subject; and 
up to the last sentence, in which he gracefully prayed the indulgence of 
the Senate to overlook the style of his argument, as his recent illness 
prevented it being more perfect and satisfactory to himself, — up to tlie 
last word, — the mass of people who heard him were not only patient, but 
delighted. It really was a study to behold the leaders of Lecomptonism." 

Having succeeded in defeating* the Lecompton Constitution, 
Mr. Douglas returned to his own State. The elections upon 
which his seat in the Senate depended were to take place in 
November. He vindicated his position, and appealed to the 
Democracy to sustain him. In four months he made one hun- 
dred and thirty speeches, — one hundred and twenty-seven of 
which were in the open air. He spent most of the time in rail- 
road-cars and carriages, on an average going to bed but three 
times a week. Once during the canvass he was five days and 
nights without having his clothes off or going to bed. It was 
a most exciting, hard-fought, and interesting canvass; and the 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 233 

result y/as looked for with intense anxiety. Douglas was elected 
over Abraham Lincoln by 54 to 46 votes. 

When Mr. Douglas returned to the Senate after this brilliant 
triumph, unrivalled perhaps in the political annals of this or any 
other country, he found himself precipitated into another contest, 
against fearful odds and numbers, and in defence of the same 
principle of local self-government. He maintained his position, 
single-handed, against Senators Brown, Mason, Davis, Hunter, 
Green, Grwin, and others, and made a notable speech in reply to 
the first-named, in opposition to a slave-code for the Territories, 
and in favor of banishing from the halls of Congress all questions 
touching domestic slavery in the Territories, and remanding them 
to the people of the Territories, to be disposed of as they may 
see proper, subject to an appeal to the judicial tribunals, to test 
the validity of the Territorial enactments under the Constitution 
of the United States. On the African slave-trade Mr. Douglas 
is equally explicit. In a letter to Col. John L. Peyton, of 
Staunton, Virginia, dated August 2, 1859, he says, — 

"That question seriously disturbed the harmony of the Convention 
■which framed the Federal Constitution. Upon it the delegates divided 
into two parties, under circumstances which for a time rendered harmo- 
nious action hopeless. The one demanded the instant and unconditional 
prohibition of the African slave-trade, on moral and religious grounds ; 
■while the other insisted that it ■was a legitimate commerce, involving no 
other consideration than a sound public policy, ■which each State ought 
to be permitted to determine for itself so long as it ■was sanctioned by 
its o-wn la^vfs. Each party stood firmly and resolutely by its own posi- 
tion, until both became convinced that this vexed question would break 
up the Convention, destroy the Federal Union, blot out the glories of the 
E evolution, and throw away all its blessings, unless some fair and just 
compromise covild be formed on the common ground of such mutual con- 
cessions as were indispensable to the preservation of their liberties, union, 
and independence. 

"Such a compromise was effected and incorporated into the Constitution, 
by which it was understood that the African slave-trade might continue 
ns a legitimate commerce in those States whose laws sanctioned it until 
the year 1808, — from and after which time Congress might and would 
prohibit it forever throughout the dominion and limits of the United 
States, and pass all laws which might become necessary to make such 
prohibition effectual. The harmony of the Convention was restored, and 
the Union saved, by this compromise, without which the Constitution 
could never have been made. 



234 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

"I stand firmly by this compromise ami by all the other compromises 
of the Constitution, and shall use my best eflForts to carry each and all 
of them into faithful execution in the sense and with the understanding 
in which they were originally adopted. In accordance with this compro- 
mise, I am irreconcilably opposed to the revival of the African slave- 
trade in any form and under any circumstances." 

On the "Naturalization question" Mr. Douglas has not been 
less bold and consistent. His entire career has been marked by 
his defence and vindication of the rights of naturalized citizens 
and men of foreign birth who have made their homes in this 
country. As early as 1839, he argued a case in the Supreme 
Court of Illinois which involved constitutional principles of the 
highest interest. By the Constitution of that State at that time, 
all white male inhabitants above the age of twenty-one years, who 
had resided six months in the State, were legal voters. At the 
Congressional election of 1838, a man of foreign birth, who had 
never been naturalized according to the laws of the United States, 
but who was a legal voter in Illinois under the Constitution of 
that State, had voted for the Democratic nominee for Congress. 
A suit was brought against the judge of the election to recover 
a penalty of one hundred dollars for permitting this man to vote; 
and the judge of the election, being a Whig, and anxious to pro- 
cure a decision which would deprive all men of foreign birth of 
the elective franchise, confessed on the trial that at the time he 
received the said vote he knew the person giving it was not a 
citizen of the United States, that he did not believe he was 
qualified to vote, because of being an alien, but that he received 
his vote in conformity with usage; whereupon the court rendered 
a judgment of one hundred dollars fine against the judge of the 
election, upon the ground that an unnaturalized foreigner could 
not be a legal voter, under the Constitution of the United States, 
for a Representative in Congress. 

Mr. Douglas volunteered in the case, and took an appeal from 
the decision of the court below to the Supreme Court, for the 
purpose of testing the question whether a State of this Union 
had not a right to confer the elective franchise upon whoever it 
deemed proper, without reference to the Naturalization Laws. 
Upon the argument, he maintained that, by the Constitution of 
the United States, the elective franchise was reserved to each 



STEPHEx\ A. DOUGLAS. 235 

State, with the right to confer it upon such persons, and only 
such, as each State should decide for itself, without the inter- 
ference of the Federal Government in any manner whatever, 
and that this right applied to the election of members of Con- 
gress as well as to State officers; that the second section of the 
first article of the Constitution provides that the House of Repre- 
sentatives shall be composed of members chosen every second 
year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each 
State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the 
most numerous branch of the State Legislature; that by this 
provision each State was to prescribe for itself the qualifications 
of voters for the election of members of its own Legislature, and 
was authorized to allow such persons to vote as it should see 
proper, for the said members of its own Legislature; and that, 
by the Constitution of the United States, all such persons who 
should thus be allowed to vote for members of the Legislature 
should be voters for Representatives in Congress in such State; 
consequently, if the State chose to allow foreigners to vote, 
whether naturalized or not, for its own local officers, the Consti- 
tution of the United States provided that the same class of per- 
sons should vote in that State for Congress. Mr. Douglas denied 
that it was competent for Congress to interfere with the elective 
franchise in any case or to any extent whatever, but that all 
things pertaining to the right of suffrage were exclusively re- 
served by the Constitution to each State for itself. 

The Supreme Court of the State of Illinois, although com- 
posed of a political majority in the ratio of three to one against 
Mr. Douglas, decided in his favor on this proposition, and 
affirmed the right of each State to regulate the elective franchise 
without reference to the action of the Federal Grovernment. 

This decision is believed to be the first on record in which this 
doctrine was affirmed. 

Subsequently, in the House of Representatives, in 1844, when 
Mr. Levin, a Native- American member from Philadelphia, pro- 
posed in Congress to extend the Naturalization Laws to twenty- 
one years, for the purpose of depriving American residents of 
foreign birth of the right of voting, Mr. Douglas replied to his 
speech, and showed conclusively that Mr. Levin could not accom- 
plish his object in that way, for the reason that by the Constitu- 



236 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

tion of the United States the elective franchise was solely witliiu 
the control of each State to decide for itself; and that naturaliza- 
tion had nothing to do with the right of voting, — neither con- 
ferring nor withholding the privilege; and that, consequently, 
each State would have the same right to permit men of foreign 
birth to vote before the twenty-one years expired as afterward, 
even if the Naturalization Laws should be abandoned in the 
manner proposed by the Native-x\merican party. He maintained 
the same position successfully in the Committee of Elections in 
1843-44^ on the contested-election case between Messrs. Botts 
and Jones, of Virginia, when a large number of persons of 
foreign birth, who were legal voters by the laws of Virginia, but 
who had not been naturalized according to the laws of the 
United States, had voted for Mr. Botts. 

When "Know-Nothiiigism" made its appearance in the United 
States, in 1854, Mr. Douglas made the first vspeech ever delivered 
in America against it, at Philadelphia, on the Fourth of July of 
that year. 

In that speech — which was published and widely circulated at 
the time — he denounced Know-Nothingism as anti- American and 
anti-republican on two distinct grounds : Jirsf, that it proscribed 
persons because of their birthplace; second, that it proscribed 
persons because of their religious worship. He contended that 
to proscribe a man on either of these grounds was contrary to 
the genius of our republican institutions, repugnant to the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and contrary to all the principles 
which led to the settlement of the American colonies, were vin- 
dicated by the Revolutionary struggle, and upon which our repub- 
lican system of government rests; that these States had, from 
their earliest settlement, been declared a place of refuge for the 
oppressed of all nations; that Protestants and Catholics, Qua- 
kers and Huguenots, Cavaliers and Puritans, had each in turn 
been oppressed in their native land and forced by the spirit of 
persecution to seek refuge in the wilderness of America, in order 
that they might be permitted in peace and safety to worship God 
according to the dictates of their own conscience; that after their 
arrival here, when the British crown attempted to invade their 
civil and religious rights and deprive them of the privileges of 
self-government in their respective colonial Legislatures in respect 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 237 

to tlicir internal polity and domestic concerns, tlicy all united 
and made common caijse, without reference to birthplace or reli- 
gious creed, in repelling the aggression and maintaining their 
rights of religious worship and of self-government, each person 
according to his own conscience, and each State according to its 
own internal policy. When their independence was achieved, 
they again united in establishing the Constitution of the United 
States, in which the same principles which had brought their 
fathers to America, and which had produced th« Revolution, 
were affirmed and perpetuated. He denounced " Know-Nothing- 
ism" as an attempt to subvert those great fundamental principles, 
and called upon all the friends of free government and of reli- 
gious freedom to unite in crushing it out as the common enemy 
of our republican institutions. 

While Douglas was in Europe, he several times discussed this 
question with eminent statesmen. In the course of a conversa- 
tion with the Swedish ambassador to Russia, the latter emphatic- 
ally declared that every monarch in Europe would respond to 
the Austrian circular — on th^' release of Koszta by Captain In- 
graham — denying the right of any Government to naturalize the 
subject of another Government. Senator Douglas asked him 
if his royal master, King Oscar, would join in such a declaration, 
and was answered in the affirmatiye. Whereupon Douglas gave 
the interesting chapter of Swedish history which recounts the 
naturalization of Marshal Bernadotte, the Frenchman, by Swe- 
den, in opposition to the wishes of Napoleon. Bernadotte 
became king, and Oscar is his son. The Swede was embar- 
rassed, and a Russian nobleman, taking up the theme, asserted 
the "European" principle. For him the American had a chap- 
ter of Russian history on the subject. The first object which 
attracted his attention when he anchored in the harbor of Odessa 
was a beautiful statue at the head of a long stone staircase which 
stretched from the seaside to the boulevards. It was erected to 
the Duke de Richelieu. Who was he ? A Frenchman who had 
fled to St. Petersburg on the breaking out of the French Revo- 
lution. He was welcomed by the Emperor Paul, and immediately 
naturalized, without the consent of France, and made a general 
in the Russian army. When Alexander succeeded to the throne, 
Richelieu was made governor of Odessa and vice-regent of the 



2oS L1Y1N(; RErRKSENTATlVK .MKN. 

Kussiau dominions on the Black Sea, and on his death tlic inha- 
bitants of Odessa had, in gratitude for his services, erected the 
monument. Douglas then asked the Russian by what right was 
Richelieu naturalized, the only reply to which was " an invita- 
tion to champagne.'' Still more recently the Senator from Illi- 
nois has said : — 

''Under our Constitution there can be no just distinction between tlie 
rigbt of native-born and naturalized citizens to claim the protection of 
our Government at home and abroad. Unless naturalization releases the 
person naturalized from all obligations which he owed to his native coun- 
try by virtue of his allegiance, it leaves him in the sad predicament of 
owing allegiance to two countries, without receiving pi'otcction from 
either, — a dilemma in which no American citizen should ever be 
placed."* 

In " Harper's Magazine" for September, 1859, Senator Dou- 
glas published an elaborate paper on " The Dividing Line 
between Federal and Local Authority," embracing a discussion 
of Popular Sovereignty in the Territories. It is a comprehen- 
sive application of his views to the Constitution, from which his 
positions are deducted. It is considered one of the ablest papers 
ever produced, and elevates the author, in the opinion of some 
of the foremost^ publicists, to the rank achieved only by the 
great constitutional lawyers and statesmen of the country. A 
week after its publication, Hon. J. S. Black, Attorney-General 
of the United States, issued, anonymously, " Observations on 
Senator Douglas's Views of Popular Sovereignty, as expressed in 
'Harper's Magazine' for September, 1859;" to which Senator 
Douglas issued a reply in pamphlet form in October. Judge 
Black returned the compliment, and Douglas, though suiFcring 
from an almost fatal illness, published a rejoinder in November. 

In 1852, the name of Stephen A. Douglas was brought before 
the Baltimore Convention for the Presidency, and again at the 
Cincinnati Convention, where, on the sixteenth ballot, he received 
122 votes. After this he withdrew, by telegraph from Washing- 
ton, his name in favor of Mr. Buchanan. He was a thousand- 
fold more anxious for the triumph of the Democratic party than 
for his own elevation • and, lest his continuance before the Con- 
vention might endanger its harmony, he desired Colonel Rich- 

* Peyton letter. 



STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. 239 

ardson to withdraw him, aud begged his friends to vote for 
Buchauan, which they did, nominating him on the next ballot.* 
His name is again the most prominent one in the Democratic 
party before the country for the Presidency. Relative to the 
subject, Mr. Douglas, in reply to J. B. Dorr, Esq., of Dubuque, 
Iowa, asking if his friends were at liberty to present his name to 
the Charleston Convention for the Presidential nomination, gave 
the following contingencies, with which this sketch of the emi- 
nent statesman may aptly conclude if — 

"If — as I have full faith they will — the Democratic party shall deter- 
mine in tbe Presidential election of 1860 to adhere to the principles era- 
bodied in the Compromise measures of 1850, and ratified by the people 
in the Presidential election of 1852, and reaffirmed in the Kansas- 
Nebraska Act of 1854, and incorporated into the Cincinnati platform in 
1856, as expounded by Mr. Buchanan in his letter accepting the nomina- 
tion, and approved by the people in his election, — in that event my friends 
will be at liberty to present my name to the Convention if they see proper 
to do so. 

"If, on the contrary, it shall become the policy of the Democratic 
party — which I cannot anticipate — to repudiate these their time-honored 
principles, on which we have achieved so many patriotic triumphs, and, 
in lieu of them, the Convention shall interpolate into the creed of the 
party such new issues as the revival of the African slave-trade, or a Con- 
gressional slave-code for the Territories, or the doctrine that the Consti- 
tution of the United States either establishes or prohibits slavery in the 
Territories beyond the power of the people legally to control it as other 
property, — it is due to candor to say that, in such an event, I could not 
accept the nomination if tendered to me." 

While this work was passing through the press, Mr. Douglas 
submitted the following important resolution to the Senate, with 
a view to prevent the recurrence of such outrages as recently dis- 
graced Harper's Ferry : — 

" Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be instructed to report 
a bill for the protection of each State and Territory of the Union against 
invasion by the authorities or inhabitants of any other State or Territorj^ 
and for the suppression and punishment of conspiracies or combinations 
in any State or Territory, with intent to invade, assail, or molest the 
Government, inhabitants, property, or institutions of any other State or 
Territory of tlie Union." 

* See "Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention held in 
Cincinnati, June 2-6, 1856. Published by order of the Convention." p. 46. 
t The letter is dated Washiagton, June 22, 1859. 



210 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



EDWARD EVERETT, 

OF MASSACHUSETTS. 

This eminent man, whom an eloquent admirer suggests is the 
'' Raphael of word-painting,"* was born in April, 1794, in the 
old Puritan town of Dorchester, Norfolk County, Massachusetts, 
and is descended from one of the earliest settlers of Massachusetts 
Bay, who established himself at Dedham, where the fimily still 
remains. He is a younger brother of Alexander Hill Everett, 
eminent in literature and diplomacy, who died in June, 1817, at 
Canton, where he succeeded Mr. Cushing as Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary; and fourth child of Oliver Everett, who, commencing 
life as a carpenter's apprentice, entered Harvard at the age of 
twenty-three, became a minister of the gospel at thirty, retired, 
after ten years' service, from ill health, and at the age of forty- 
seven was appointed Judge of the Common Pleas in Norfolk 
County, and died in that office in 1802, at the age of fifty-two. 

The subject of this sketch went to the public schools of Dor- 
chester and Boston, attended for a year the school kept by 
Ezekiel, the brother of Daniel Webster, and was prepared for 
college entrance at the academy at Exeter, New Hampshire, 
when the distinguished Dr. Benjamin Abbott was head-master. 
He entered Harvard College when only a few months more than 
thirteen years old, and left it at seventeen, with its first honors. 
He now bethought him of a profession, — showed some preference 
for the law, but changed his mind — at the instance, it is said, of 
President Kirkland and Mr. Buckminster — and took to divinity. 
He pursued this study for two years at Cambridge, and acted as 
Latin tutor during a portion of that time. In 1813, not yet 
twenty years old, he succeeded Mr. Buckminster in the Brattle 



■■•■■ "The Golden Age of American Oratory," by Edward G. Parker, Boston, 
1857. 



EDWARD EVERETT. 241 

Street Churcli, in Boston, and entered upon his arduous duties 
with such zeal as to materially impair his health. His discourses, 
even at this early age and succeeding so eloquent a preacher as 
Buckminster, drew very decided attention; and their hearty, 
honest eloquetfce created expectations which were not disap- 
pointed. 

In 1814, he published quite an elaborate treatise, (five hun- 
dred pages,) entitled "A Defence of Christianity," in answer to 
'^The Grounds of Christianity Examined," by George B. Eng- 
lish. The exposition is said to be complete, was regarded as a 
successful efi'ort, and, considering the youth of the author, may 
be classed among '^ the most remarkable productions of the human 
mind." Dr. Kage, Bishop of Lincoln, quoted it with respect, as 
the work of an able writer. In this same year, the late Samuel 
Eliot, of Boston, established, anonymously, a foundation for a 
Greek professorship at Cambridge. Mr. Everett was invited to 
the new chair, with the tempting offer of leave to visit Europe 
to recruit his health. He took the chair in 1815, before he was 
twenty-one, and departed for Europe. 

On arriving at Liverpool, news was received of Napoleon's es- 
cape from Elba, which detained Mr. Everett in London until after 
jthe battle of Waterloo. He then went by the way of Holland to 
Gottingen, and entered the university there, famous in the eccen- 
tric verse of Canning. He remained more than two years, 
acquiring the German language, and making himself acquainted 
with the state of philological learning, the mode of instruction in 
the German universities, and those branches of ancient literature 
appropriate to his professorship. During the vacations he travelled 
in Prussia, Saxony, and Holland. Leaving Gottingen, he passed 
the winter of 1817-18 in Paris, in study, chiefly of the Bomaic, 
preparatory to a tour in Greece. At this time he made the 
acquaintance of Adamantius Coray, or Coraes, whose writings 
and annotated editions of the old writers contributed so largely 
to the revival of Greek literature in Greece. In the spring of 
1818, Mr. Everett went from Paris to London, passed a few 
weeks at Cambridge and Oxford, and made a tour through Wales, 
the lakes of Cumberland, and Scotland. During his stay in 
England he became on terms of intimacy with many eminent 
literary and political men^ including Scott, Byron, Campbel^ 
Q 21 



242 L1MN(; UEPKESENTATIVE MEN. 

Jeffrey, Sir James Mackintosh, Sir Samuel Romilly, Sir niiiii- 
phry Davy, Lord Holland, and Gifford. In the autumn of 1818, 
in company with the late General Lyman, of Boston, he set out 
on an extensive tour in the East of Europe. After visiting the 
most interesting portions of the South of France, Switzerland, 
and the North of Italy, they divided the winter and early spring 
between Florence, Rome, and Naples, — Mr. Everett studying 
ancient art in its connection with ancient literature. Through 
Canova, he obtained constant access to the library of the Vatican. 
In March, 1819, the travellers passed through the lower part of 
the kingdom of Naples, and crossed from Otranto to Corfu, thence 
to Yanina, the capital of Albania. Having letters from ]^yron 
to Ali Pacha, and ft-om Ignatius, the Metropolitan of Prevesa, to 
]Muchtar Pacha, son of the aged Vizier and Governor of Albania, 
they received many civilities. Spending a few months at Yanina, 
Mr. Everett and his friend crossed Mount Pindus into Thessaly, 
visited Veli Pacha, second son of Ali, at Turnavo, examined Phar- 
salia and Thermopylae, went over the mountains, and passed to 
Athens by the way of Delphi and Thebes. After a stay of two or 
three weeks at Athens, they made the tour of the Morea, recrossed 
Parnassus into Thessaly, and took passage from the Gulf of Volo 
for the plains of Troy and Constantinople. Encountering a storm 
off Mount Athos, their vessel sprung a leak ; and, leaving her at 
the island of Lemnos, they made the rest of the voyage to the 
Troad in an open caique; spent the month of June in Constanti- 
nople, returned through Wallachia, Hungary, and Austria, and 
in the autumn of 1819 were home in America, after an absence 
of four years and a half. This residence abroad was one of pecu- 
liar interest and advantage to Mr. Everett. Greece commanded 
his freshest memories of classic literature and history. In Italy 
and Sicily, even, the traveller is still in the modern and Western 
world. "But," says Mr. Everett, "he realizes, with full con- 
sciousness, that he is indeed on his pilgrimage when his eyes rest 
upon those gems of the deep which the skill of the Grecian 
minstrel has touched with a spark of immortality; when he can 
say to himself, as he passes along, ' On this spot was unfolded 
the gorgeous web of the Odyssey; from that cliff Sappho threw 
herself into the sea; on my left hand lie the gardens of Alci- 
nous, — and the olive and the grape and the orange still cover 



EDWARD EVERETT. 24?> 

the soil; before me rises the embattled citadel which Virgil de- 
scribes; on my right are the infamous Acroceraunian rocks of 
Horace; and within that blue mountain barrier which bounds 
the horizon were concealed the mystic grove and oracle of Do- 
dona^ — the cradle of the mythology of Greece/ " 

On his return, iMr. Everett diligently applied himself to his 
professorship, and, in addition to his regular lectures, published 
a translation of Buttman's Grreck Grammar, from the German, 
and a Greek Eeader, on the basis of Jacobs. About this time 
he joined the club of literary and scientific gentlemen who owned 
and edited the " North American Review," which had been esta- 
blished some years but could not boast of any positive success. Mr. 
Everett accepted the editorship, commenced a new series, and also 
a new era. The Review soon became somewhat famous; and a 
second, and even third, edition of some numbers was demanded. 
From his first connection with it, 8a3^s the "American (Whig) 
RevicAv" of 1850,"^' he attempted to give to it an American cha- 
racter and spirit. He made it a special object to defend the 
country against foreign tourists and essayists. During his long 
residence abroad, he had observed that writers of these classes 
assailed American principles while they affected only to assail 
American customs. America was vilified by them, that re- 
publican institutions might be disparaged and made contempt- 
ible. One of the ablest of these writers — Captain Marryatt — 
afterward substantially avowed this as the object of his work on 
the United States! The "North American Review," under Mr. 
Everett's charge, distinctly met such attempts. In his second 
number he began a series of papers in systematic vindication of 
our country. This was in commenting on " Walsh's Appeal from 
the Judgments of Great Britain." To this article, one of the 
contributors to the London " New Monthly Magazine" made a 
flippant reply. To this paper Mr. Everett rejoined; and, at the 
close of the year, Campbell, the poet, then editor of the " Ncav 
Monthly," in the preface prepared for the annual volume, admitted 
that the article in question "was published without reflection," 
and that he was " dissatisfied with himself for having published 



* A very able monthly published at New York, which closed a brilliant 
career in 1S52, after what Horace Gi-eele3^ called the death of the AYhig party. 



I'li LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

it, long before the fair and temperate reply which Mr. Everett 
made to it had reached him." Campbell went still further, and 
made a handsome defence of America against the charges of 
British writers. ''It was a duty," he said, "particularly imposed 
upon him by the candid manner of jNIr. Everett's reply; and it 
was otherwise, as he felt in his heart, deservedly claimed by a 
people eulogized by Burke and Chatham, by a land that brings 
such recollections to the mind as the wisdom of Washington and 
Franklin and the heroism of Warren and Montgomery."* 

In February, 1820, Mr. Everett preached a sermon in the Capi- 
tol at Washington, which, judging from the testimony of Judge 
Story, must have settled the preacher's character as an orator 
among men of intellect. Judge Story writes, '' The sermon was 
truly splendid, and was heard with a breathless silence. The 
audience was very large; and, being in that magnificent apart- 
ment of the House of Representatives, it had vast efiect. I saw 
Mr. King, of New i'ork, and Mr. Otis, of Massachusetts, there. 
They were both very much aifected with Mr. Everett's sermon ; 
and Mr. Otis, in particular, wept bitterly. There were some 
very touching appeals to our most delicate feelings on the loss 
of our friends. Indeed, Mr. Everett was almost universally 
admired as the most eloquent of preachers. Mr. King told me 
he never heard a discourse so full of unction, eloquence, and 
good taste," 

It would appear that 3Ir. Everett was now quite busy, yet it 
is remarked that his editorial duty on the '' Review" was but an 
accompaniment to his regular labors as Eliot Professor at Cam- 
bridge. He prepared and delivered a course of lectures on the 
"Literary History of Greece," giving an account of the life and 
works of every Greek writer from the remotest period down to the 
Byzantine era. x\mong several shorter courses were two on 
" Antiquities and Ancient Art," which were repeated before 
large popular audiences in Boston. It is believed that these 
were the first purely literary lectures delivered there before 
general audiences. The custom is now a favorite way of impart- 
ing; and receivino; knowledg-e and entertainment. 

In 1822, the Messenian Senate of Calamata, the first organized 

* "New Monthly," 1821. 



EDWARD EVERETT. 245 

body of the Greek Revolution^ througli their commissioners at 
Paris sent their Appeal in manuscript to Mr. Everett, who, by 
request, translated it into English and published it in this 
country. In October, 1823, he had an article in the "North 
American," accompanied by a translation of the Constitution 
of Epidaurus. His appeal created much interest throughout the 
"United States, and many sympathetic meetings were held. At 
the next session of Congress, Daniel Webster lent the power of 
his genius to the cause; and in 1826, Mr. Everett communi- 
cated the correspondence of Kolocotroni, the military Greek 
chief, and i>Ir. Jarvis, an American serving .in Greece with him, 
to Mathew Carey, of Philadelphia. That active and whole- 
souled philanthropist wrote " An Address on the Subject of the 
Greeks," " The Case of the Greeks Stated," and other appeals."^ 
These efforts resulted in the despatch of several cargoes of cloth- 
ing and provisions for the suffering Greeks. 

On the 8th of May, 1822, Mr. Everett was married to Char- 
lotte Gray, daughter of Peter Chardon Brooks, one of the lead- 
ing men of Boston. 

During the four years of Mr. Everett's editorship of the 
" North American" he wrote fifty articles for it, to which may 
be added some sixty others contributed while it was under the 
management of his brother Alexander and those who succeeded 
him. 

The first oration which drew upon Mr. Everett the eyes of his 
countrymen at large was delivered at Cambridge, before the Phi- 
Eeta-Kappa Society, August 27, 1824. The occasion was one 
well calculated to call forth the eloquence of the young orator. 
lie stood in the presence of much of the genius and learning of 
the land, — of those who had written their names in their coun- 
try's history, and whose fame was not confined to the vast re- 
public which claimed them as her sons.j" La Fayette was among 
those present; and the peroration of the discourse, which was 
addressed to the brother-in-arms of the soldiers of the Revolu- 



"* See "Miscellaneous Essays," &g. &c., by M. Carey, author of " Vindiciae 
Ilibernise," "The Olive-Branch," &c. Philadelphia, 1830 ; pp. 297-306. Mr. 
Everett's letter to Mr. Carey may also be found here. 

f See Allibone's Critical Dictionary of English Literature, where a full list 
of Mr. Everett's writings will be found. 

21* 



246 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

tion, touched a chord of sympathy in the immense audience. 
Making touching aUusion to tlie heroes and sages who had passed 
from earth since the French sympathizer had helped to achieve 
our Uberty, he said, — 

"Above all, the first of heroes and of men, tlie friend of yom^ youth, 
the more than friend of his country, rests in the bosom of the soil he re- 
deemed. On the banks of the Potomac he lies in glory and peace. You 
■will revisit the hospitable shades of Mount Vernon, but him whom you 
venerated, as we did, you will not meet at its door. His voice of conso- 
lation, which reached you in the dungeons of Olmiitz, cannot now break 
its silence to bid you welcome to his own roof. But the grateful children 
of America will bid you welcome to our shores; and Avliithersoever your 
course shall take you, throughout the limits of the continent, the ear that 
hears you shall bless you, the eye that sees you shall give witness to you, 
and every tongue exclaim, with heartfelt joy, 'Welcome! welcome, La 
Fayette!'" 

In the life of every man who becomes famous there is some 
one event, some point, upon which his admirers dwell as the 
index to a turning-point of his successful career. This oration 
was Everett's. He was already known and appreciated as a man 
of letters. His capacity as a speaker had also been recognised 
by the few, but was not a settled fact to the many. ^' Then," 
says Mr. Parker, in his enthusiastic paper on Mr. Everett, " was 
heard for the first time, by a great promiscuous audience, the 
strains of that eloquence, — the most classical, the most scholarly, 
and every way exquisite, to which the academic groves of that 
seat of learning had ever echoed from the day of its original 
charter. The theme was the vindication of the favorable rela- 
tion to letters of republican institutions ; and there was given, in 
one branch of art at least, the best evidence of republican fer- 
tility and perfection. At the age of thirty Edward Everett 
stepped down from that stage with a reputation as an orator 
established beyond all cavil." 

It was probably owing to the impression produced by this 
address that Mr. Everett was drawn into the politics and diplo- 
macy of the country. He had heretofore taken no active part 
or apparent interest in politics. But the gentleman who had 
for eight years represented the Middlesex district in Congress 
declined re-election, and the young men wanted a representative 
on high intellectual grounds, now that the old lines of party 



EDWARD EVERETT. Zii 

politics were wellnigli obliterated. The presence of La Fayette 
at Mr. Everett's recent speech gave it more than the usual pub- 
licity. Its own merits then made way for it. Its words were 
ringing in the heads and hearts of the very men who wanted a 
higli-toned representative. As the praises of the speaker filled 
many mouths, what more natural than that several should name 
him for the Congressional vacancy ? He 2vas named, and nomi- 
nated at a convention of young men of the district, and that, 
too, without consulting him ; and he was elected by a handsome 
majority. 

In the House of Representatives, though taking part in every 
important debate, he was not remarkable for anxiety to get the 
floor, although used to public speaking and full of those resources 
which would command attention. He chose rather to devote 
himself to the discharge of that part of the public business which 
devolved on him. He was greatly distinguished as a working 
member, and gave such satisfaction to his constituents that he 
was re-elected four consecutive times. The " American Review'' 
gives so concise a resmne of his career in Congress that it is 
adopted here with some slight alteration and addition. 

During his whole service in the House of Representatives, he 
was on the Committee on Foreign Affairs. In the Twentieth 
Congress, his second te^'m, he was appointed chairman of that 
committee by the Hon. Andrew Stevenson, of Virginia, then 
(and during the Twenty-First, Twenty-Second, and part of the 
Twenty-Third Congress) Speaker. Mr. Stevenson acted on the 
principle that an Administration, (Quincy Adams was then Pre- 
sident,) although in a minority in the House, is entitled to the 
chair of that committee as a position of peculiar confidence. 
Mr. Everett had hardly taken his seat in Congress when he drew 
up the report on the mission to the Congress of Panama con- 
sequent upon the independence of the South American Repub- 
lics, which had been recognised in the previous session. This 
was a favorite measure with Mr. Clay, who desired to make the 
United States, so far as the x\merican continent was concerned, 
the centre of a system of which the new Republics were to be the 
political satellites. It created great excitement at the time; and 
it was an uncommon evidence of the esteem in which Mr. Eve- 
rett's talents were held that he, although the youngest member of 



24^ LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

the committee, was permitted to draw up the report. He was in 
the minorit}'^ in the Retrenchment Committee of the Twentieth 
Congress, and drew up those portions of its reports which relate to 
the Departments of State and War. With Henry R. Storrs, of 
New York, he took a prominent position against the Indian poHcy 
of General Jackson, ("the removal of the Indians, without their 
consent, from lands guaranteed hy treaty,") and on that subject 
made a speech in reply to the Chairman of the Committee on 
Public Lands. In 1830, ex-Prcsident Madison addressed his 
celebrated letter on Nullification to Mr. Everett, by whom it 
was appended — with the permission of the author — to an article 
on that subject by Mr. Everett in the October number of the 
" North American Review" for that year. The fallacy of the doc- 
trine of Nullification, which had been treated with all the gra- 
vity of a distinct system, was completely exposed in this article. 
It was illustrated with a singular novelty, and the argument 
was remarkable for great strength, which called attention to it 
and gave it great force wherever read. About this time Mr. 
Everett delivered a speech on the Tariff" policy, " to which no 
answer was ever attempted." It reviewed and combated one of 
Mr. Calhoun's favorite doctrines, — that the duty on goods im- 
ported is paid, not by the consumer, but by the Southern 
planter, as a large producer of the exported article given in 
exchange. Mr. Everett shows that, admitting the principle 
that the duty is paid by the producer of the article given in 
exchange, still it is paid by the consumer, for he is, of neces- 
sity, the ultimate producer of the article finally given in ex- 
change, and therefore the payer of the duty, even on the South- 
ern statement of the principle. 

Mr. Everett was a member of the most important select com- 
mittees appointed during his service in the House of Represen- 
tatives, such as those on the Indian relations of the State of 
Georgia, on the Apportionment Bill, and on the Bank of the 
United States, (the committee which sat in Philadelphia in 
1834.) In all the instances in which he served, his pen was in 
demand. He prepared either the majority or minority report in 
every case. His last act as a Representative in Congress was 
the drafting of the minority report of the Committee on Foreign 
Aflfairs on the French controversy in 1834-35, and a speech on 



EDWARD EVERETT. 249 

the same in the House. The King of the French, it is said, 
paid the highest compliment to the liberal spirit evinced in these 
efforts and to the knowledge of the subject displayed therein. 

Having, in the autumn of 1834, announced his intention of 
retiring from Congress, Mr. Everett was nominated in the win- 
ter of 1835 for Grovernor of Massachusetts, and elected in the 
following autumn. In the Gubernatorial chair his efforts were 
unceasing for the welfare and general prosperity of his State. 
There was nothing that escaped his vigilance and did not benefit 
by his taste. While directing the energies and counselling the 
intellect of the Commonwealth, it gave liberal assistance to the 
Western Railroad, established the Board of Education, preserved 
a sound currency during the financial smashing and crashing of 
1837, prosecuted elaborate scientific surveys of the State, and 
appointed the Criminal-Law Commission. 

During Everett's Governorship the surplus revenue was dis- 
tributed. He desired to appropriate the share of Massachusetts 
to the development of mind and body, — between the railroads 
and the colleges. He wanted to give one million dollars to pay 
the State subscription to the W^estern Railroad, and to divide the 
remainder, over seven hundred thousand dollars, among the col- 
leges, common schools, and an astronomical observatory. If this 
disposition had been made, Massachusetts would now have had a 
fund yielding an interest of eighty thousand dollars. Other 
counsels prevailed, and the surplus was divided among the towns 
instead of the schools and colleges. His efforts for the advance- 
ment of education, however, were unremitting. The best illus- 
tration of the uses of culture himself, he labored indefatigably 
and zealously for the educational culture of the Commonwealth. 
In his annual speech to the Legislature of 1837, he earnestly 
recommended the establishment of a Board of Education. About 
the same time Mr. Edmund Dwight anonymously donated a large 
amount of mone}^ for the expenses of normal schools and the 
salary of an active secretary to such a board. The board was 
established on the 29th of June, 1837. Governor Everett was 
appointed chairman and Mr. Horace Mann elected its first 
secretary. 

The novelty of the movement, — says the Hon. Charles W. 
Uphara, of Salem, — the immense extent, diversity, complexity. 



250 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN, 

and miuuteuess of tlie objects within its scope, the inadequacy 
of its powers and means, the vague and exaggerated expectations 
of wonderful results to be reached at once, entertained by many 
of the most sanguine and busy friends of the cause, political jea- 
lousies, with the use made of them by intriguing partisans, and, 
more than all, sectarian opposition, embarrassed the board ex- 
ceedingly during the earlier years of its operations, which were, 
besides, years of peculiar financial difiiculty in the community at 
large. The value of the services of Grovernor Everett, under 
these disadvantageous and perplexing circumstances, cannot be 
overestimated. He wrote the several annual reports of the 
board, and, as chairman of most of the sub-committees, he also 
discharged a great amount of labor and bore the constant burden 
of responsible care. His indefatigable fidelity, his conscientious 
and enlightened prudence, his extraordinary discretion as a 
statesman, and his profound enthusiasm in the cause, were what 
the crisis absolutely needed.''' 

Mr. Everett held the office of Governor four successive years, 
and in the election of November, 1839, was defeated by the De- 
mocratic candidate, fJudge Morton, by one vote, out of over one 
hundred thousand. He now sought relief for himself and family 
in European travel. He sailed in June, 1840, spent the summer 
in Paris, and the following year in and about Florence, where 
English-speaking people most do congregate, and where, as 
Leigh Hunt says, there are music and graceful memories wher- 
ever you turn. Here Mr. Everett would have tarried, but a 
change in political affairs " at home" elevated the party with 
which he acted. General Harrison was elected President, and 
Daniel Webster was made Secretar}^ of State. The Whig party, 
which, with the exception of a spasm of success that lifted John 
Quincy Adams to the Presidency, had struggled through the 
stubborn repose of opposition for a generation, suddenly and 
with great eclat broke through the trammels of their minority 
and grasped the reins of power. Everett's distinguished position 
in the party and his relations with Webster pointed him out for 
some important duty under the new Administration. 

Hon. Andrew Stevenson, formerly Speaker of the House, and 

■;•:- " Christian Examiner," Nov. 1849. 



EDWARD EVERETT. 1^51 

then Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Great 
Britain, requested liis own recall upon tlie change of Administra- 
tion, and Mr, Everett was appointed to succeed him. For this 
most important position few were so well fitted. His studies and 
career were such as almost to fulfil the requisites of a regular diplo- 
matic training. In the Oerman university he had learned the ele- 
ments of civil law as a branch of classical antiquities. His five 
or six years' residence abroad had made him familiar with the lan- 
guage of the chief courts of Europe. His ten years' service on the 
Committee on Foreign Afi"airs in Congress brought all its objects 
w^ithin his grasp. As Governor of Massachusetts, he had mas- 
tered the almost endless details of the Boundary question. As 
Daniel Webster said of him, he carried to Great Britain many 
qualities, most of them essential, and all of them ornamental and 
useful, to fill that high station. He had education and scholar- 
ship ; he had a reputation at home and abroad ; more than all, 
he had an acquaintance with the politics of the world, with the 
laws of this country and of nations, and with the history and 
policy of the countries of Europe. 

He entered upon the duties of his mission in London at the 
close of 1841. The leading questions between the United States 
and Great Britain then were the Northeastern Boundary, the 
afi"air of McLeod, and the seizure of American vessels on the 
coast of Africa. Changes of Administration had taken place on 
both sides of the Atlantic, and led to protracted negotiations. 
Still further changes took place in the American Cabinet. 
Between the retirement of Mr. Webster from the chair of State 
in 1843 and the incoming of Mr. Buchanan under the Polk 
Presidency, Messrs. Legare, Upshur, and Calhoun had succes- 
sively taken charge of the State Department. These movements 
added to the difficulty of Mr. Everett's position ; yet from each 
of the statesmen mentioned he received satisfactory marks of 
approbation and confidence. 

When Sir Robert Peel came into power, in September, 1841, 
Webster's proposition to negotiate a settlement of all pending 
questions between the two Governments was received with 
favor. The world demanded peace ; trade, civilization, religion, 
intelligence, and universal philanthropy were opposed to any 
thing but peace. So thought and argued Webster. So also 



252 LlVl.NG REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

thought Peel and Aberdeen. In consequence of this unanimity 
of opinion^ the British Government determined to send Lord 
Ashburton, " a particular friend of Mr. Webster," specially to 
the United States with full power to settle all points of contro- 
versy between the Governments. Yet, from the documents 
communicated to Congress from time to time, we find that 
many topics connected with the disputed points were incident- 
ally treated in Mr. Everett's correspondence with his own and 
the British Government. In this way many elaborate notes 
to the Earl of Aberdeen and despatches to the State Depart- 
ment at Washington have been made public ; yet they form, it 
is said, but a small portion of the documents of both classes 
prepared by Mr. Everett in the fulfilment of his mission. In 
consequence of the multiplication of subjects of controversy, 
the increase of private claims, and the extension of commercial 
intercourse generally, there was twice as much business trans- 
acted at the American Legation in London from 1841 to 1845 
as at any former period. Mr. Everett, however, is a man of 
assiduous habits as well as comprehensive intellect, and received 
the complete confidence of his Government. When Congress, 
in 1843, made an appropriation for a mission to China under 
circumstances demanding immediate action, the President and 
Senate appointed him to open negotiations. He, however, w^as 
forced to decline the honor. In the autumn of the same year he 
received full powers to adjust the Oregon difficulty; but Great 
Britain transferred the settlement to Washington, and sent Sir 
Bichard Pakenham thither for that purpose. Mr. Everett, 
while in office, brought many subjects to a successful issue, 
among which were several claims for the seizure of vessels on 
the coast of Africa, and the demands of American citizens for 
duties levied contrary to the commercial treaty. " In reference 
to the latter, he had the justice of the claims admitted, and 
proposed the principle of off"-set, by which they were liqui- 
dated.'' He obtained the concession of the right to fish in the 
Bay of Fundy, which had created so much ill feeling between our 
fishermen and the Provincial authorities for thirty years. He 
also obtained at various times the release of fifty or sixty Ameri- 
cans who had been sent to Van Diemen's Land for participating 
in the Canadian rebellion of 1837-38. Not the least gratifying 



EDWARD EVERETT. 253 

of the testimonials received by Mr. Everett while in England was 
the degree of LL.D from Dublin and Cambridge, and that of 
D.C.L. from Oxford. 

Upon the accession of Mr. Polk and the Democratic party 
to power, Mr. Everett was recalled, and Mr. Louis McLane, who 
had served in the same capacity during Jackson's Administra- 
tion, appointed his successor. 

Mr. Everett returned to Boston in the autumn of 1845; and 
the Presidency of Harvard University, vacant by the resignation 
of the Hon. Josiah Quincy, having been pressed upon him, he 
was inaugurated in that office on the 30th of April, 1846. He 
held this position three years, with the most excellent results to 
this leading institution. His connection with it, either by resi- 
dence near it or official position, had been preserved almost con- 
stantly from his boyhood. His Presidency was thus endeared to 
him by the associations of his life. He resigned in 1849, and 
was succeeded by Jared Sparks. 

Daniel Webster died on the 24th of October, 1852, and Presi- 
dent Fillmore appointed Edward Everett to succeed him as 
Secretary of State. But a few months had to elapse until the 
term of the Administration would expire ; yet the new Secretary 
of State had sufficient time to command the applause of the whole 
country. 

Between the United States and Spain the relations had not 
been of the most amicable nature. Cuba was the cause. The 
invasion of the Queen of the Antilles by armed Americans 
was a subject that occupied the minds of statesmen in Europe 
and America. Europe began to think that America meant to 
have Cuba by any means, and thus control the Gulf of Mexico. 
Consequently, France and England proposed a treaty to the 
United States, by which the three Powers should solemnly dis- 
claim, " now, and forever hereafter, all intention to obtain posses- 
sion of the island of Cuba.'' Everett replied on the 1st of 
December, 1852, and took ground that the question was an 
American and not a European one; that European Powers had 
no right to interfere; and that, while the United States would 
not violate existing neutrality, she would not relinquish the right 
to act in relation to Cuba independent of any other power. The 
reply met with the universal approval of the people. Its keen 

22 



254 LIVl.NU llEPilEfeElNTATlVE MEN. 

logic and broad views disconcerted tlie foreign Powers. Eve- 
rett thus showed the Count de Sartiges the impracticability of 
entertaining such a treaty : — 

"The convention would be of no value unless it -were lasting; accord- 
ingly, its terms expi'css a perpetuity of purpose and obligation. Now, it 
may well be doubted whether the Constitution of the United States would 
allow the treaty-making power to impose a permanent disability on the 
American Government for all coming time, and prevent it, under any 
future change of circumstances, from doing what has been so often done 
in times past. In 1803, the United States purchased Louisiana from 
France; and in 1819, they purchased Florida from Spain. It is not 
within the competence of the treaty-making power in 1852 effectually to 
bind the Government, in all its branches, and for all coming time, not to 
make a similar purchase of Cuba." 

Upon the basis here set down by Everett, Douglas, in the 
Senate, denounced the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty as a palpable vio- 
lation of the Constitution, as it bound us with regard to Central 
America exactly as Mr. Everett said we should not be bound 
relative to Cuba. He argued that such a policy might suit 
Europe, where international relations are of great antiquity, but 
it was a mistake to think that the law of American growth and 
progress could be arrested by the proposed convention. Then, 
again, there was another strong objection to the proposed agree- 
ment, — our aversion to entangling alliances with European 
Powers. 

Concluding his note to the British Minister, Mr. Everett inti- 
mates a "final objection. '^ M. de Turgot and Lord Malmesbury 
gave as a reason for the compact, the attacks by ''lawless adven- 
turers from the United States" on Cuba. Everett shows that 
such a treaty, instead of putting a stop to these proceedings, 
would give them a powerful impulse. 

"No Administration of this Government," he writes, "however strong 
in the public confidence in other respects, could stand a day under the 
odium of having stipulated with the great Powers of Europe that in no 
future time, under no change of circumstances, by no amicable arrange- 
ment with Spain, by no act of lawful war, (should that calamity unfortu- 
nately occur,) by no consent of the inhabitants of the island, should they, 
like the possessions of Spain on the American Continent, succeed in ren- 
dering themselves independent, — in fine, by no overruling necessity of 
self-preservation, — should the United States ever make the acquisition 
of Cuba." 



EDWARD EVERETT. 255 

The "Democratic Review," then attracting wide notice in Con- 
gress as well as throughout the country, hailed Mr. Everett's 
letter "as the best paper that has ever appeared on the subject 
from the State Department." Douglas did likewise in the Senate, 
and said that, "if he had done nothing else to render his admi- 
nistration of the State Department illustrious, his name would 
live in all coming time in that diplomatic letter, as one who could 
appreciate the spirit of the age and perceive the destiny of the 
nation." 

Succeeding Hon. John Davis as United States Senator from 
Massachusetts, Mr. Everett participated in the debates of the 
extra session of the Senate which commenced immediately after 
the inauguration of Pierce on the 4th and continued to the 28th 
of March, 1853. The chief feature of this session was the state 
of the Central American question. On the 9th of March, Sena- 
tor Clayton entered upon an elaborate defence of the treaty with 
which his name is so intimately connected. He insisted that the 
Monroe doctrine, which declared the exclusion of European 
Powers from further colonization on this continent, never had 
the approval of the United States Government. Several Senators 
replied. In the course of Senator Douglas's remarks, he handed 
Clayton over "to his friend from Massachusetts; for," he said, 
"he will not dare to accuse him of political prejudices and parti- 
san feelings." On the 21st of March, Senator Everett elucidated 
the question in a comprehensive and eloquent vindication of the 
action of our Government, reviewing the matter, and counsel- 
ling peace and forbearance. 

On the 16th of April, the replies of France and England to 
Mr. Everett's letter on Cuba were read to Mr. William L. Marcy, 
who had succeeded to the Department of State. He did not 
deem a reply necessary ; and so the matter dropped. 

Senator Everett participated in the debate on the Nebraska 
Bill in the spring of 1854, and presented, on the 14th of March, 
the mammoth memorial from Massachusetts, signed by three 
thousand clergymen, against its passage. 

In consequence of ill health, Mr. Everett resigned his seat in 
the Senate in June, 1854, and has devoted himself to literary 
pursuits ever since, adding, if possible, to his already great repu- 
tation by orations and addresses. He has been for years engaged 



25(5 LlVlNti RErKESEXTATlYE MEN. 

on a "Treatise on the Law of Nations/' for which his scholar- 
ship, assiduity in research, equability of temper, foreign travel, 
and experience in State and diplomatic affairs, give him jjcculiar 
and fortunate advantages. In addition to the "Defence of 
Christianity," published in his youth, Mr. Everett has issued his 
speeches and orations, in three volumes. The last volume con- 
tains an elaborate index, prepared by S. Austin Allibone, Esq. 
The extended contents of these may be found in Allibone's 
" Dictionary of Authors." Mr. Everett claims attention as a 
poet ; but it is to his oratorical efforts that his numberless ad- 
mirers delight to do especial homage. Under its spell. Lord 
Napier called him the Magician of Massachusetts. 

In a somewhat prosy poem, Margaret Fuller (D'Ossoli) pays 
tribute likewise to the orator : — 

"Oft have I listen'd to his accents bland 

And own'd the magic of his silvery voice, 
In all the graces which life's arts demand, 

Delighted by the justness of his choice. 
* * ■;;:• -x- * * 

He scarce needs words : so exquisite the skill 
Which modulates the tones to do his will, 
That the mere sound enough would charm the ear, 
And lap in its elysium all who hear. 
The intellectual paleness of his cheek. 

The heavy eyelids, and slow, tranquil smile, 
The well-cut lips, from which the graces speak. 

Fit him alike to win or to beguile : 
Then those words, so well chosen, fit, though few, 
Their linked sweetness, as our thoughts pursue, 
We deem them spoken pearls, or radiant diamond dew."^' 

A French critic of his orations pays a well-merited compliment 
to Everett and the high purpose to which he has schooled his 
abilities. M. Laboulaye says, " Les sujets sont naturellement tres- 
varies, lapensee y est toujours lameme : tout s'yreduit a un seul 
point, reducation intellectuelle, morale, patriotique, du peuple.""^ 

Mr. Everett has taken a deep interest in the preservation of 
Mount Vernon for the nation, and has lectured all over the 
country in behalf of that object. In the spring of 1857, he 

* " Summer on the Lakes," Boston, 1844, p. 189. 

■f- "Journal des Debats," October 6, 1853. See Allibone. 



EDWARD EVERETT. 257 

made a Southern tour, and was received with great eclat. His 
patriotic oration on Washington made Southern journals vie in 
doing him honor, and also in giving vent to feelings of union 
which must have been deeply gratifying to him. " In Charles- 
ton/' says a Richmond journal, "in Columbia, the capital of 
South Carolina, in the alleged stronghold of Southern treason 
and disloyalty, ]Mr. Everett's offerings upon the shrine of patriot- 
ism were received with a heartfelt and enthusiastic applause, 
which must have satisfied this illustrious son of Massachusetts 
that the people by whom he was surrounded are quite as true to 
the Union and the Constitution as those by whom they are daily 
accused of faithlessness to the national compact;" and the ^'Co- 
lumbia Carolinian" remarked, "He must have perceived that we 
cherish still a love for the constitutional republicanism that our 
Washington gave us, and that to-morrow, if sectional agitation 
were to cease, the South would be ready to join in that great 
national jubilee which he hoped vrould spring from the hearts 
of every section to celebrate the next anniversary of Washing- 
ton's birthday." These were flattering results of his oratorical 
portraiture of "the Father of his Country." 

The cultivated ease of his manner, his broad national views, 
and the fact that he is to all intents and purposes a literary man 
rather than a politician, has created a wide-spread respect for his 
*^ame, while his native State is justly proud of his attainments 
and elevated character. At the last Webster birthday-celebra- 
tion in Boston, Caleb Cushing, introducing the name of Mr. 
Everett, alluded to him as "one pre-eminent as a scholar and a 
statesman, not merely in this our Commonwealth of Massachu- 
setts, not merely in these United States, but wheresover on 
earth — and that is to say throughout the civilized world — the 
English tongue is spoken; pre-eminent in all wliich adorns a 
statesman, a scholar, a gentleman." 

With Webster the name and genius of Everett are forever en- 
twined. As the latter was the worthy friend of the fonuer, so is 
he the worthy eulogist. In his edition of the works of Webster, 
and in other places, he had done justice to his great friend; but 
the condensed splendor and picturesque force of all his thoughts 
and feelings on the suggestive subject were put forth on the inau- 
guration of Powers's statue of Webster, on the 17th of Septem- 



258 LTYINC. REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

ber, 1859. Inspired by the man, those best thoughts and feeUngs 
played about his effigy like a crowning halo. They interpreted 
the ponderous dignity of the great statesman, his wealthy nature, 
his private radiance, and his public breadth, to the proud audi- 
ence, who were thus, by the magic of Everett's genius, made 
more familiar with the already well-known and widely-appre- 
ciated body and brain of him, the opening of whose career in- 
spired Lowndes to say that ''the South had not in Congress his 
superior, nor the North his equal." This oration is a production 
of exceeding beauty. What a fine and characteristic contrast 
is that showing Webster the evening before and the day he made 
his second speech on Foote's resolutions ! — 

"As I saw him in the evening," said Everett, "borrowing an illustra- 
tion from his favorite aunisement, he was as unconcerned and as free of 
spirit as some here have often seen him while floating in his fishing-boat 
along a hazy shore, gently rocking on the tranquil tide, dropping his line 
here and there with the varying fortune of the sport. The next morning 
he was like some mighty admiral, dark and terrible, casting the long sha- 
dow of his frowning tiers far over the sea, that seemed to sink beneath hira , 
his broad pendant streaming at the main, the stars and stripes at tlie 
fore, the mizzen, and the peak, and bearing down like a tempest upon his 
antagonist, with all his canvas strained to the wind and all his thunders 
roaring from his broadsides." 

The following passage so succinctly chronicles and character- 
izes Webster's leading efi"orts, and so eloquently reflects the pur- 
poses and effects of Jus oratory, that, in justice to the great dead 
and the great living son of Massachusetts, it cannot be omitted : — 

"Let it not be thought, however, that I would represent Mr. Webster's 
speeches in Congress or elsewhere as destitute, on proper occasions, of 
the most glowing appeals to the moral sentiments, or wanting, when the 
topic invites it, in any of the adornments of a magnificent rhetoric. Who 
that heard it or has read it will ever forget the desolating energy of his 
denunciation of the African slave-trade in the discourse at Plymouth, — or 
the splendor of the apostrophe to Warren in the first discourse on Bunker 
Hill, — or that to the monumental shaft and the survivors of the Revolu- 
tion in the second, — or the trumpet-tones of the speech placed in the lips 
of John Adams in the eulogy on Adams and Jeff'erson, — or the sublime 
peroration of the speech on Foote's resolution, — or the lyric fire of the 
imagery by which he illustrates the extent of the British empire, — or the 
almost supernatural terror of his description of the force of conscience in 
the argument in Knapp"s trial ? Then, how bright and fresh the descrip- 
tion of Niagara ! how beautiful the picture of the morning in his private 



EDWARD EVERETT. 259 

correspondence, which, as well as his familiar conversation, "was enlivened 
by the perpetual play of a joyous and fertile imagination ! In a word, 
what tone in all the grand and melting music of our language is there 
which is not heard in some portion of his speeches or writings ? — while 
reason, sense, and truth compose the basis of the strain. Like the sky 
above us, it is sometimes serene and cloudless, and peace and love shine 
out from its starry depths. At other times, the gallant streamers, in 
wild, fantastic play, emerald and rose and orange and fleecy white, 
shoot upward from the horizon, mingle in a fiery canopy at the zenith, 
and throw out their flickering curtains over the heavens and the earth ; 
while at other times, the mustering tempest piles his lowering battle- 
ments on the sides of the north, a furious storm-wind rushes forth from 
their blazing loopholes, and volleyed thunders give the signal of the ele- 
mental war!" 

The extent of Mr. Everett's enthusiasm in the patriotic cause 
to which he has devoted so much time and talent for the past 
few years may be gleaned from a late number of the '^Eclectic 
Magazine," which gives an account of his labors in connection 
with the Mount Vernon fund. His Washington oration was 
first delivered February 22, 1856, and has been given since then 
one hundred and twenty-nine times, yielding $55,783 62. For 
the ''Mount Vernon Papers" in the "New York Ledger" he re- 
ceived $10,000, and in other ways smaller sums, — making a con- 
tribution to the Mount Vernon fund of $68,163 56. In addition 
to his labors for this object, he has delivered lectures for other 
benevolent associations, making a total of more than ninety thou- 
sand dollars in a little more than three years. It is to be under- 
stood, too, that Mr. Everett has travelled many thousand miles, 
and defrayed all his expenses from his private purse. He has 
done this, too, when much occupied by private and public affairs, 
and frequently in delicate health. No man, we are confident, 
ever before did so much for noble objects in so short a time. 
All honor to this statesman, orator, scholar, and noble man ! As 
long as IMount Vernon looks down on the Potomac and the 
memory of Washington is revered on earth, his name will live 
and be honored, — associated, as he has made it, with the dearest 
spot and the memory of the dearest man of America. » ^> 



260 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



MILLARD FILLMORE, 

OF NEW YORK. 

The career of ex-President Fillmore, in its energy and results, 
affords a most agreeable study to tliose who do not deem honor 
and honorable position unworthy of an upright devotion in the 
seeker after their rewards. The history of his life is an index to 
the young and ambitious of what may be won by assiduity and 
earnest application. 

Records are extant touching the career of one of Mr. Fill- 
more's earliest ancestors in this country, from which may be 
traced that energy of character for which the early struggles 
and more mature success of the subject of this sketch are 
distinguished. 

The great-grandfather of Millard was John Fillmore, son of 
English parents, who emigrated to this country. The said John 
was born at Ipswich, Massachusetts, about the year 1702. 
Having a flincy for the sea, he, at the age of nineteen, went on 
board a fishing-vessel, which sailed from Boston, and had been 
out but a few days when, falling in with a pirate-ship, com- 
manded b}^ one Captain Phillips, the vessel was captured, and 
young Fillmore was detained as a prisoner. Acting, probably, 
on the belief that the romance attaching to the pirate life, as well 
as the prospect of gain, would win over the youth to become one 
of his crew, Phillips desired Fillmore to sign the piratical articles 
of his vessel. He was met by a prompt refusal. Again and 
again was he solicited, and even threatened with death if he did 
not sign. Still the youth persistently refused, — which course 
subjected him, during nine long months, to hardships against 
which only his strong constitution and hopeful spirits enabled 
him to hold up. In course of time, two others were taken pri- 
soners by the pirates. These also refused to sign the articles; 
and, leaguing with Fillmore, the three made an attack upon the 



MILLARD FILLMORE. 261 

pirates, killed several, got possession of the vessel, and brought 
her safely into Boston. The surviving pirates were tried and 
executed ; and the gallant conduct of the captors drew forth an 
acknowledgment from the British Government, as well as the 
applause of the Colony. The printed narrative of the adventure 
is said to exhibit details of one of the most daring and successful 
exploits on record. This John Fillmore, from whom all of the 
name in the United States are descended, died in that part of 
the town of Norwich now called Franklin, in Connecticut. 

Nathaniel, the son of John, was a soldier of the Revolution, 
having learned to fight in the French War, and settled at Ben- 
nington, in Vermont, then known as the Hampshire Grants. He 
was a lieutenant under Stark, and heard the immortal death-or- 
victory address of his general at Bennington: — "Boys, there's 
the enemy I T\\Qy must he heat, or Molly Stark must sleep a 
widow to-night! Forward, march!" He died in 1814. His 
son Nathaniel — born at Bennington, April 19, 1771 — removed 
in early life to Summer Hill, Cayuga County, New York, where 
his son Millard, the future President of the United States, came 
into existence almost at the same time as the present century, 
being born on the 7th of January, 1800. Soon after the birth 
of his son, Nathaniel, who was a farmer, lost all his property by 
a defect in the title to a purchase he had made. In 1802 he 
removed to the town of Sempronius, (now Niles,) and in 1819 
again removed to Erie, there to cultivate a small farm with his 
own hands. The mother of Millard Fillmore was Phebe Mil- 
lard, daughter of Dr. Abiathar Millard. '' She was a native of 
Pittsfield, Massachusetts, and, though of limited education, pos- 
sessed intellect of a very high order, united with great native 
beauty, graceful manners, and exquisite sensibility; so that she 
was eminently distinguished among her connections." It is to 
be deplored that this interesting woman did not live to witness 
the eminence achieved by her son. She died in 1831. 

The limited means of his father precluded the possibility of 
Millard's obtaining any other than the very imperfect advantages 
afforded by the common schools of the county. Books were 
scarce and dear ; and at the age of fourteen — an age at which 
Caleb Cushing and the Everetts had already been many months 
familiar with the walls of Harvard, an age at which the boy 



262 LIVlNtJ IIEPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Bryant had a poem in the second edition — young Fillmore had 
scarcely wandered from the common school-books to the Bible. 
At this time he was sent into the wilds of Livingston County, to 
learn the trade of a clothier. Bemaining there for some four 
months, he was placed with another person in Sempronius, to 
continue at the same trade, adding thereto the business of wool- 
carding. Here, and soon after his return, the first opportunity 
presented itself for the acquirement of any general knowledge 
through books. A village library was formed. The delightful 
frenzy which seizes a youth w'hcn the light of knowledge first 
breaks in upon his mental darkness now possessed our young 
wool-carder and clothier; and for four years his every leisure 
moment found him packing away in his insatiate memory the 
facts, experiences, and lessons from such works of history, bio- 
graphy, and travel as he could command. 

The efiect produced on him, with his good natural parts and 
looks, was such as to attract the attention of Judge Wood, of 
Cayuga County, a man of wealth, capacity for business, — though 
he had little, — and a most estimable citizen. He believed he saw 
in the clothier's apprentice something above the destiny of the 
shop-board, — abilities which needed only proper development to 
lead to usefulness, if not to elevated distinction. He advised 
him to quit his trade and study law; and so impressed was the 
judge with the talents of the youth that, in reply to the objec- 
tion of want of means, friends, and education, he offered to supply 
all, — to take him into his office, defray his expenses, and aw^ait 
the result for repayment. An ofi"er so complimentary and so 
earnest in its character could not fail of acceptance. The ap- 
prentice bought the remainder of his time, and entered Judge 
Wood's office. "We have heard," says a good authority, "that 
his former employer protested against the choice wiiich his ap- 
prentice made; declaring that he had been intent on the lad's 
future welfare, but he had been foolish enough to leave a good 
business to become a lawyer." The same authority gives us the 
facts of the succeeding years of progress. 

For more than two years young Fillmore applied himself closely 
to business and study, reading law and literature, and practising 
as a surveyor. Fearful of incurring too large a debt to his bene- 
factor^ he taught school for three months in the year, and thus 



MILL ARK FILLMORE. 2Go 

acquired the means of partly supporting himself. In the autumn 
of 1821, he removed to the county of Erie, and the fcUowin^- 
spring entered a law-office in Buffalo, where he sustained himself 
by teaching, and continued his legal studies till 1823, ^hen he 
was admitted to the Court of Common Pleas. Being, however, 
too diffident of his then untried powers to enter into competition 
with the older members of the bar in Buffalo, he removed to 
Aurora, in that county, where he commenced the practice of lavf. 
Here, in the year 1826, he married Miss Abigail Powers, youngest 
child of the late Rev. Lemuel Powers, and descended maternally 
from Henry Leland, one of the earliest settlers of Massachusetts. 
By this lady Mr. Fillmore has had two children, — a son and 
daughter. In 1827, he was admitted as an attorney, and in 1829 
as a counsellor, in the Supreme Court. Previous to this time, 
his practice had been very Hmited, but his application to juridi- 
cal studies had been constant and severe, so that in these few 
years of comparative seclusion he acquired that general know- 
ledge of the fundamental principles of the law which contributed 
to give him an elevated rank in the profession. His legal ac- 
quirements and skill as an advocate soon attracted the attention 
of his brethren in Buffalo; and he was offered a highiy-advan- 
tageous connection with an elder member of the bar in that city, 
which he accepted, and removed there in 1830."^ 

Meanwhile, Mr. Fillmore had made his first entrance into 
public life, having been elected to the House of Assembly from 
Erie County, and taken his seat in January, 1829. It is an evi- 
dence of the satisfaction of his constituents that he was re-elected 
the two succeeding years. During this period, and for long after, 
the Democratic party was in a triumphant ascendency in both 
branches of the New York Legislature; and, though no opportu- 
nity presented itself for any unusual display of Mr. Fillmore's 
powers, yet his integrity and business capacity made him respected 
even by his antagonists. He soon added the esteem of his poli- 
tical enemies to the confidence of his political friends; and it 
is recorded, much to Mr. Fillmore's credit, that it was a common 
remark among the members, ^^If Fillmore says it is right, we 
will vote for it." To him are the citizens of the State largely, 



* "National Portrait-Gallery," vol. ii. 



264 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

if not chiefly, indebted for the erasure from the statute-book of that 
disgraceful remnant of the days of barbarism, — imprisonment for 
debt. He took a very active part in advocacy of its abolition, 
and, as a member of the committee on the subject, did great ser- 
vice in perfecting the necessary details. 

Mr. Fillmore was now promoted to the National Legislature. 
He was elected to Congress in the fall of 1832, and took his seat 
in the memorable session following the removal of the deposits 
from the United States Bank, and when, from the character of 
the men engaged on both sides of the stormy conflict, the new 
member of the Opposition could improve his silence in watching 
the tactics and receiving instruction from the development of the 
experienced legislators and debaters by whom he was surrounded. 

His term closed, and he returned to his profession, but was 
again — yielding to public request — called to Congress in 1837. 
In this, the Twenty-Fifth Congress, Mr. Fillmore was more 
actively engaged than during his first term, and still more in 
the Twenty-Sixth Congress, to which he was re-elected by a 
largely-increased majority. Placed on the Committee on Elec- 
tions, — expected to be the most important next to that on Ways 
and Means, — he greatly distinguished himself when the cele- 
brated contested case of New Jersey came up. Having un- 
ravelled the complicated details, he set the whole matter forth 
with clear and convincing ability. But with a majority, both of 
the House and the committee, against him, it could not have 
been expected that he would be able to control a result which 
was determined on strict party grounds. One of Mr. Fillmore's 
biographers, to whom I have had more than once to refer, credits 
to the investigation of this Jersey case the production of even 
greater results. He places it, with the currency measures adopted 
by the Administration of Mr. Van Buren, among the causes 
which contributed to the overthrow of the Democratic party and 
the triumph of the Whigs in the Presidential election of 1840, 
as well as the majority obtained by them of members elected to 
both Houses in the Twenty-Seventh Congress. 

To this Twenty-Seventh Congress Mr. Fillmore was returned 
by a larger majority than was ever before given in his district. 
He was given the prominent and arduous position of Chairman 
of the Committee of Ways and Means. The time, too, was well 



MILLARD FILLMORE. 265 

calculated to try the talents of Mr. Fillmore. The biographer of 
Webster, speaking of this period, alludes to the fact that General 
Harrison offered the Senator from Massachusetts his choice of 
a seat in the new Cabinet, though he desired him to take the 
Treasury Department. ''This preference was founded on the 
fact, now universally confessed, that Mr. Webster was by far the 
ablest financier in the country; and, as the currency was in a 
most deplorable condition, requiring the highest constructive 
abilities to restore it to its former state of soundness, it was 
natural enough to look to such a man for such a labor." This 
view may explain the arduous position into which, as Chairman of 
the Committee of Ways and Means, Mr. Fillmore was promoted. 
In the fulfilment of these duties in committee, he gave exceed- 
ing satisfaction to his friends and party, — than which no man 
can expect to do more. In many instances, his conduct is spoken 
of with enthusiasm. 

"To bring order out of confusion, to replenish the national treasury, 
to provide means that would enable the Government to meet the demands 
against it and to pay off the debt, to revive the industry of the country 
and restore its usual prosperity, — these vrcre the tasks devolved on the 
Committee of Ways and Means. With an energy and devotion to the 
public weal worthy of all admiration, Mr. Filhnore applied himself to 
the task; and, sustained by a majority in Congress, whose industry and 
zeal in the public service, under peculiar embarrassments, has seldom 
been equalled and never surpassed, he succeeded in its accomplishment. 
The measures he brought forward and advocated with matchless ability 
speedily relieved the Government from its embarrassment, and have fully 
justified the most sanguine expectations of their benign influence upon 
the country at large. A new and more accurate system of keeping 
accounts — rendering them clear and intelligible — was introduced. The 
favoritism and other evils in the Treasury were checked by the require- 
ment of contracts; the credit of the Government was increased; ample 
means were provided for the exigencies of the public service; and the 
payment of the national debt was secured." 

As leader of the majority in the House, — after his severe 
labors in committee, — labors which demanded an iron constitu- 
tion and great vitality of spirits to sustain, — Mr. Fillmore was 
required to give his unremitting attention to the business of the 
House, to make any explanation that might be asked for, and be 
ready with a complete and triumphant refutation of every objec- 
tion that the ingenuity of his opponents could devise. All this, 

23 



266 Ll\l.N(i REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

too, was required to be done with promptness, clearness, dignity, 
and good temper. 

The severity and extent of these duties, as well as the state of 
his private affairs,— which, during several years of public service, 
had necessarily been neglected, — suggested relaxation from the 
former and attention to the latter. At the close of the first 
session he communicated his disinclination to be renominated for 
Congress. This was done in the shape of a letter; but, notwith- 
istanding his desire, he was renominated by acclamation and 
earnestly pressed to accept. Deeply affected by this great proof 
of confidence, he still adhered to his determination, and at the 
close of his term returned home, "more gratified at his relief 
from the cares of official life than he had ever been at the pros- 
pect of its highest rewards and honors." 

In 184-4:, however, with some reluctance, he accepted the Whig 
nomination for Governor of New York. The signal defeat of the 
party is matter of history. In the year 1847, he was again 
brought forward, for the Comptrollcrship of the State, and was 
elected by a larger majority than had been given to any State 
officer at any former election during many years. On the 1st 
of January, 1848, he removed to Albany, to fulfil the new trust 
reposed in him. 

We now arrive at the most important era of Mr. Fillmore's 
political career. 

From the time that information of the brilliant victories 
achieved by General Taylor at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma 
first reached the United States, his name had been associated 
with the Presidency; and from the date of Governor Marcy's 
letter censuring him for his leniency to the Mexicans on their 
capitulation of Monterey, the popular sentiment in his favor had 
warmed into active sympathy. He had been nominated for the 
office at various public meetings in different sections of the 
country, and was urged upon the National Convention, as the 
people's most available and popular candidate, by the delegates 
from Louisiana.* The personal friends of Mr. Clay brought him 
forward, again, as the proper candidate; while the friends of 



* "History of the Republican Party," &c., by Benjamin K. Hall, New York, 
1856. 



MILLARD FILLMORE. 267 

Daniel Webster felt the time had come to pay their debt of grati- 
tude to him. Others suggested General Scott; but Taylor was 
nominated in convention, and, immediately after, Millard Fillmore 
received the nomination for Vice-President over Abbot Lawrence 
and twelve others. " Taylor and Fillmore" became the successful 
rally ing-cry of the Whigs. In February, 1849, Mr. Fillmore 
resigned the office of Comptroller to enter upon the Vice-Presi- 
dency, and on March 4, 1849, he took the oath of office. His 
address to the Senate was commended for its modest dignity and 
sound principles. 

In 1826, Calhoun, as presiding officer of the Senate, had as- 
sumed the position that the Vice-President had no power to call 
a Senator to order for words spoken in debate. In the English 
Commons no member can be made liable for any thing that he 
may say in debate.* Calhoun's decision had been acquiesced in ; 
but Fillmore thought it improper, and on a fitting occasion 
announced his determination "to maintain decorum in debate." 
The Senate unanimously entered his views on the journal. 

Pending the exciting questions which issued in the Compro- 
mise measures of 1850, General Taylor died, on the 9th of July, 
— a few days more than one year and four months from the date 
of his inauguration. Early in that day, Webster begged leave 
to interrupt Senator Butler, then addressing the Chamber, to 
announce the extreme illness of the President; whereupon an 
adjournment took place. The next morning, a communication 
addressed to both Houses of Congress by Mr. Fillmore brought 
official intelligence of the hero's death. Then Mr. Webster pre- 
sented the following formal resolutions : — - 

^^ Resolved, That the two Houses will assemble this day in the hall of 
the House of Representatives, at twelve o'clock, to be present at the 
administration of the oath prescribed by the Constitution to the late 
Vice-President of the United States, to enable him to discharge the 
powers and duties of the office of President of the United States, devolved 
on him by the death of Zachary Taylor, late President of the United States, 

^'■Resolved, That the Secretary of the Senate present the above resolu^ 
tion to the House of Representatives, and ask its concurrence therein." 

*■ For a comprehensive view of the modus operandi of the various branches 
of the English Government, see a handbook recently issued, entitled "How W0 
are Governed; or, the Crown, the Senate, and the Bench," by Albany Fon- 
blanque, Jr., Esq., London, 1859. 



268 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

The resignation of Taylor's Cabinet on the day after his death 
threw upon the new President the sudden and always difficult 
task of selecting ministers. On the 20th of the month, he called 
to his councils Daniel AVebster, of Massachusetts, as Secretary 
of State; Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, as Secretary of the Treasury; 
Charles M. Conrad, of Louisiana, as Secretary of War; William 
A. Graham, of Nortli Carolina, as Secretary of the Navy; Alex- 
ander H. H. Stuart, of Virginia, as Secretary of the Interior; 
Nathan K, Hall, of New York, as Postmaster-General; and John 
J. Crittenden, of Kentucky, as Attorney-General, — all gentlemen 
of eminent talents and respectability and possessing to a large 
decree the confidence of the country. 

President Fillmore's first message of importance was that of 
the 6th of August, 1850, in regard to the difficulties growing out 
of the boundary-dispute between Texas and New Mexico. He 
recommended Congress to address itself at once to the settlement 
of the boundary, with the assent of the Government of Texas, at 
the same time warning Texas from taking any aggressive mea- 
sures against New Mexico, — showing that outside of her own 
boundaries she could not exercise any authority, and should be 
considered a trespasser, in which case nothing was left to him 
but to obey the solemn injunction of the Constitution and exer- 
cise the high powers vested in him to prevent such trespass or 
intrusion by the authority of the United States. 

Calm, but firm, reasonable, but decided, this message inspired 
confidence in the new Administration. The first annual message 
was looked forward to with considerable interest as a declaration 
of the views and principles of the President and his Cabinet. 
More extensive in matter, it was characterized by the same tone 
of conciliation and decision. Alluding to the painful dispensa- 
tion which placed him at the head of the Government, he pro- 
ceeded in a general manner to outline the policy which ought to 
be pursued by the Government both in its intercourse with 
foreign nations and in its management of internal afiairs. With 
regard to foreign nations, he expressed his desire to maintain 
strict neutrality, cultivate friendly relations, reciprocate every 
noble act, and to perform scrupulously every treaty-obligation. 
By fulfilling these duties to other States we best entitle ourselves 
to like treatment from them ; or if that, in any case, be refused, 



MILLARD FILLMORE. 269 

we can^ said President Fillmore, " enforce our own rights with 
justice and a clear conscience." He announced the Constitution 
to be his guide in domestic policy, and in questions of doubt to 
seek its interpretation in the Supreme Court. Recommending a 
modification of the Tariff, the messac-e said, " A hitrh tariff can 
never be permanent. It will cause dissatisfaction, and will be 
changed. It excludes competition, and thereby invites the in- 
vestment of capital in manufactures to such excess that when 
changed it brings distress, bankruptcy, and ruin upon all who 
have been misled by its faithless protection." It argued that 
duties should be specific in preference to ad valorem. It also 
recommended the establishment of an Agricultural Bureau to 
give this leading branch of American industry the encourage- 
ment it deserved, — repeated the views of Taylor on the import- 
ance of the Pacific Railroad, — showed the necessity of an increase 
in the army, especially in the cavalry, consequent upon the in- 
creased importance of our Indian relations by the annexation of 
Texas and the acquisition of California and New Mexico, — re- 
commended the enactment '^ of a law authorizing ofiicers of the 
army and navy to be retired from the service when incompetent 
for its vigorous and active duties, taking care to make suitable 
provision for those who have faithfully served their country," — • 
and advocated the revision of the code for the navy, and the esta- 
blishment of a discipline at once humane and effectual. Other 
matters and measures were alluded to, and the whole conceived 
in a spirit of harmony. 

President Fillmore's proclamations on the rescue of the fugi- 
tive slave in Boston, February 15, 1851, and against the projects 
against Cuba, denounced both as violations of the law, warned 
the aiders and abettors of both, and called on all good citizens to 
discountenance and prevent such offences against the laws of the 
country. 

In tlie second annual message the President reviewed the 
affairs of Cuba at some length, our Indian relations, and the 
leading topics, and recommended the appointment by law of a 
commission to revise the public statutes of the United States, 
which had been accumulating for sixty years ; and again invoked 
the favorable consideration of Congress for the establishment of 
an Agricultural Bureau, which could not fail to be, in the lan- 

23- 



270 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

guage of Wa.sliington, ^^ a very cheap instrument of immense 
national benefit." 

The brief space elapsing between the close of the first session 
of the Thirty-Second Congress (August 31, 1852) and the open- 
ing of the second (December 6, 1852) was marked by no extra- 
ordinary political events, saving the election of Franklin Pierce 
to the Presidential succession and the death of Daniel Webster. 
The third annual message alluded to both in becoming terms. 
The North American fisheries and Cuban matters were promi- 
nent topics. The President thought the time auspicious for a 
reconsideration of the whole subject of the fisheries, with a view 
to placing them on a more liberal footing of reciprocal privilege. 
The difi'erences between Great Britain and the United States on 
this matter were negotiated to an amicable settlement in the fol- 
lowing year. Early in 1852 official overtures were made to 
induce the United States to become a party, with Great Britain 
and France, to a tripartite convention disclaiming, now and for 
all time, any intentions toward Cuba. The invitation was de- 
clined, and in this message President Fillmore said, "I have, 
however, in common with several of my predecessors, directed 
the ministers of France and England to be assured that the 
United States entertain no designs against Cuba, but that, on 
the contrary, I should regard its incorporation into the Union at 
the present time as fraught with peril," having, as it has, " a 
population of a difi'erent national stock, speaking a diff"erent lan- 
guage, and not likely to harmonize with the other members." 

During the Administration of Fillmore, Kossuth received a 
national welcome from the United States. On the 31st of De- 
cember, 1851, the Governor of Hungary was presented to the 
President by Secretary Webster and Senators Seward and 
Shields. Kossuth briefly expressed the gratitude of himself 
and associates, and in reply the President said, — 

" I am happy, Governor Kossuth, to welcome you to this land of free- 
dom ; and it gives me pleasure to congratulate you upon your release 
from a long confinement in Turkey, and your safe arrival here. As an 
individual, I sympathize deeply with you in your brave struggle for the 
independence and freedom of your native land. The Ameiican people 
can never be indifferent to such a contest, but our policy as a nation, in 
this respect, has been uniform from the commencement of our Govern- 
ment; and my own views, as the chief executive magistrate of this na- 



MILLARD FILLMORE. 271 

tion, are fully and freely expressed in iny recent message to Congress, to 
which you have been pleased to allude. They are the same whether 
speaking to Congress here or to the nations of Europe. Should your 
country be restored to independence and freedom, I should then wish 
you, as the greatest blessing you could enjoy, a restoration to your 
native land ; but, should that never happen, I can only repeat my wel- 
come to you and your companions here, and pray that God's blessing 
may rest upon you wherever your lot may be cast." 

The most memorable event during this Administration was 
the passage of the famous Compromise measures.* Placed in 
the minority with regard to its influence in Congress, the Admi- 
nistration of Mr. Fillmore was — says an impartial writer — neces- 
sarily negative in its character, with the exception of the passage 
of the Compromise measures relative to slavery, and the bound- 
aries on the Mexican frontier and between Texas and the adja- 
cent Territories, and the partial restoration of a system of 
improvement of harbors and rivers, bills for which had been 
vetoed by Democratic Presidents. But the intentions and actions 
of Mr. Fillmore were regarded as honest and statesmanlike by 
men of both the leading parties ; and during his administration 
of the Government the country advanced in prosperity and 
strength, and he retired to private life honored and respected by 
his countrymen.")" It must be remembered, also, that Fillmore's 
Administration projected and sent out the famous Japan Expe- 
dition under Commodore Perry. 

His term of office expired on the 4th of March, 1853. He 
made quite a long tour throughout the South, and received a 
hearty welcome. Addressing a most enthusiastic meeting at 
Vicksburg on the 24th of March, 1854, and alluding to that 
locality as being the heart of the Kepublic, he said, " that is, with 
its present limits ; for Canada is knocking for admission and 
Mexico would be glad to come in, and, without saying whether 
it would be right or wrong, we stand with open arms to receive 
them, for it is the manifest destiny of this Government to em- 
brace the whole North American continent." In 1855, Mr. 
Fillmore went to Europe, and was the recipient of the most 

* Alluded to at length under the head of " Douglas/' p. 223. 
f "The Statesman's Manual, &c. &c., from Official Sources," by Edwin Wil- 
liams and Benson J. Lossing. New York, 1858. Vol. iii. 



272 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

marked attentions. He embarked for home in tlic summer of 
the following year, and arrived at New York on June 21, 1856, 
when the city authorities and a large assemblage of public and 
private friends received him. In the mean time Mr. Fillmore 
had been nominated for the Presidency. 

The American or *^ Know-Nothing" party had been growing 
in importance and strength, and determined to offer a candidate 
on its principles. In June, 1855, ''The Council of the Ameri- 
can Order," by a section of its platform then adopted, deprecated 
all further action on the subject of slavery. On the 18th of 
February, 185G, a national convention of the American party 
was held in Philadelphia. It was called '' a special session of 
the Council of the American Order," and its principal object 
was the consideration of a national platlbrm. It was here pro- 
posed to strike out the section of June, 1855, alluded to, as " it 
Avas neither proposed by the South nor accepted by the North." 
This motion created much debate and met with considerable oppo- 
sition from the Southern delegates. The result was the construc- 
tion of an entirely new platform, embracing sixteen articles, and 
adopted by a vote of 108 to 77. The leading features, outside 
of the anti-foreign elements, were the sixth and twelfth articles ; 
the former of which repudiated the expediency of Congressional 
interference with questions appertaining solely to the individual 
States, and deprecated the intervention of one State with the 
affairs of any other State ; and the latter of which (the twelfth) 
approved of all laws and their maintenance until they were 
repealed or declared null and void by competent judicial author- 
ity. These articles were a virtual recognition of the principles 
of the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the Fugitive-Slave Law. 

Upon this platform Millard Fillmore was nominated for the 
Presidency by the National Nominating Convention of the Ame- 
rican party, which met on the 22d of February, immediately 
after the adjournment of the Council. On a formal ballot taken 
on the 25th of February, out of 243 votes cast, Millard Fillmore 
received 179, and George Law, 24. The former accepted the 
nomination in a letter dated Paris, May 21. 

In the election which followed, the nominee of the Democratic 
party, James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was elevated to the 
Presidential dignity. 



JOHN C. FREMONT 273 



JOHN CHARLES FREMONT, 

OF CALIFORNIA. 

John Charles Fremont was born at Savannah, in the State 
of Georgia, on the 21st of January, 1813. His father, a native 
of Lyons, left France in the year 1798, intending to emigrate to 
San Domingo, but the vessel in which he was a passenger was 
captured by an English cruiser when near her destination, and 
taken into one of the British West Indies. After some years he 
reached Norfolk, Virginia, where, to maintain himself, he became 
a teacher of the French language. Here he became acquainted 
with and married the future mother of Colonel Fremont, Anne 
Beverly, daughter of Colonel Thomas Whiting, of Gloucester 
County, Virginia.* 

Colonel Whiting died while his daughter Anne was quite 
young, leaving her and her estate to the care of relatives, who 
first made away with most of her property, and then married her 
off, at the age of seventeen, to Major Pryor, a rich and gouty 
Revolutionary veteran, forty-five years her senior. The union 
proved unhappy : the parties were divorced, and shortly after- 
ward found themselves more congenial helpmates, — the lady in 
the young and accomplished but penniless Frenchman, and the 
veteran major in his housekeeper. Mr. Fremont died in 1818. 
The widow declined the invitation of his brother Francis to go 
with him to France, and removed, with the remnant of her 
estate and three children, one daughter and two sons, to Charles- 
ton, South Carolina, where she resided till her death in 1847. 

The resolute character and vigorous intellect of her son John 
were soon manifested, and have been commemorated by Br. 

••> Colonel Whiting held high official positions both under the Royal Colonial 
Government and the Commonwealth, was possessed of large wealth, and nearly- 
related to General Washington. Vide Sparks's " Washington," vol. i. 548 ; ib. 
V. 268; ib. vi. 296. 
S 



274 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Roberton^ at whose classical school he was entered when about 
fifteen years old^ in the preface to his interlinear translation of 
Xenophon's "Anabasis," published in 1850. The design men- 
tioned by Dr. Hoberton of educating Fremont for the ministry 
of the Protestant Episcopal Church was natural to the pious 
mother of a thoughtful and earnest youth, who at the age of six- 
teen had become a communicant of that Church. Though con- 
stant to the belief taught him by his mother, having had all his 
own children baptized in the Episcopal Church, and while he has 
grown even more earnest and thoughtful as life advanced, yet, 
as his character developed, it became apparent that nature 
formed him for a man of action. 

From 1830 to 1833 he was employed as an instructor of 
mathematics in the " Apprentices' Library," an evening school, 
in other schools at Charleston, and as a practical surveyor. 
Through Mr. Poinsett's influence, he obtained, in 1833, the 
appointment of teacher of mathematics on board the United 
States sloop-of-war Natchez, and made in her a cruise of two 
and a half years' duration. On his return, he was appointed 
professor of mathematics in the navy, and ordered to the frigate 
Independence ; but he declined the appointment. His tastes and 
acquirements led him to seek employment as an engineer, and 
he made his first essay in this character in an examination of 
the railway-line between Augusta and Charleston.* 

Afterward, and until the fall of 1837, he was employed as an 
assistant engineer, under General W. G-. McNeill and Captain 
Gr. W. Williams, in making a preliminary survey for a railway 
between Charleston and Cincinnati. 

The exploration of the mountain-passes between South Caro- 
lina and Tennessee was the part of the line in which Fremont 
was engaged. The winter he spent with Captain Williams in 
making a military reconnoissance of the mountainous country in 
the States of Georgia, North Carolina, and Tennessee. In the 
spring he accompanied Nicollet to the Upper Mississippi, was 

-'■ It is noteworthy that, when Colonel Fremont was made the scapegoat in 
the controversy between the army and navy relative to the command in Cali- 
fornia, and dismissed the service by an army court-martial in 1848, he was of- 
fered the presidency of this road, with a salary of five thousand dollars per 
annum. 



JOHN 0. FRKMOiNT. 2/D 

with him as his princijDal assistant in the exploration of that 
year and also in that of the year succeeding, and was afterward 
employed, under Nicollet and Hassler, then head of the Coast 
Survey, in the preparation of the map and report of the explora- 
tion. While absent on this expedition, he was appointed, on 
the 7th of February, 1838, second lieutenant in the corps of 
Topographical Engineers. 

Nicollet and Hassler were votaries of science, and recognised 
by the learned world as benefactors whom the places had sought; 
and the reader can readily conceive the effect of familiar inter- 
course with them upon such a mind as Fremont's. It stimu- 
lated him to embrace the whole field of science in his labors; and 
the rapidity with which he mastered the various branches, and 
the respect with which his learned associates received his sug- 
gestions, inspired him with confidence in himself 

Before Nicollet's maps and report were entirely completed, 
Fremont was unexpectedly ordered to explore the river Des 
Moines, after the execution of which, in the summer of 1841, 
he returned to Washington, and on the 14th of October mar- 
ried Jessie, the daughter of Thomas H. Benton, to whom he 
had been engaged for some years. The marriage had been 
deferred till the consent of Colonel and Mrs. Benton could be 
obtained. The objection to the match was only the youth of 
the lady, she being but fifteen years old when the engagement 
took place. Colonel Benton fully appreciated the character and 
talents of his son-in-law, and wisely followed the dictates of his 
heart in pardoning the impatience of the lovers and inviting 
them to make his home their home. 

Benton and Fremont were very unlike in many respects; but in 
the great design of exploring the Far West to facilitate its settle- 
ment and open communication with the Pacific, which Fremont 
had conceived while associated with Nicolet, he could have found 
no one more able or willing to cheer him on than Benton, to 
whose intimacy and affection his marriage had introduced him... 
As early as 1819, Colonel Benton had endeavored to fix pub- 
lic attention on Jefferson's policy of opening communication 
with the Pacific across the continent, in furtherance of which 
Jefferson had fitted out the expedition of Lewis and Clarke in 
1802. As the first step in surveying the regions between the 



276 LIVING RKPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Missouri frontier and tlie Pacific, Fremont applied for and ob- 
tained an order in 1842 to explore the frontier as far as the 
Wind River peak of the Rocky Mountains, which he executed 
before the 1st of November. It is impossible here to follow the 
details of that expedition, and it is scarcely necessary to repro- 
duce a narrative which has been republished in so many forms 
at home and abroad. The report was eulogized by Humboldt in 
his " Aspects of Nature/' and the London '■'■ Athenaeum" con- 
trasted it favorably with British explorations and pronounced it 
a model production. Some incidents, however, which serve to 
mark Fremont's personal character and show how he obtained 
ascendency over the hardy mountain-men and the savage tribes, 
will be briefly related. When Fremont arrived at Fort Laramie, 
he learned that eight or ten of the Cheyennes and Sioux war- 
riors had been killed by the whites in a recent engagement, and 
that the Indians were consequently much exasperated. Much 
alarm prevailed among his men, and even Bridger and Carson, 
and others whom nothing could daunt, thought some sharp en- 
counters inevitable. Carson even made his will, — which created 
a panic among the men ) and a number of them asked to be dis- 
charged. It was feared that danger hung over Fremont's party 
if he proceeded. The chiefs at Fort Platte, assembled in coun- 
cil, formally warned him not to set out before their young men 
returned, and finally announced to him that they would detain 
him. Fremont asked some of their people to accompany him to 
prevent the collision, but, being refused, became satisfied that the 
object was to prevent him from going farther into the country. 
He believed the danger was exaggerated, and told his men so, 
but, as there was some danger in the service, he was unwilling 
to take with him any man upon whom he could not rely, and 
offered to discharge any man who wished to remain. Only one 
man accepted this offer; and so he started. They had journeyed 
but a week when a more formidable obstacle presented itself in 
the scarcity of provisions. The drought and the grasshoppers 
had destroyed the grass, and not a buffalo was to be seen. Bis- 
sonette, the interpreter, advised Fremont to return. Fremont 
again told his men that he would discharge all who wished to 
return, but that it was his purpose to go on. Not a man 
flinched. "We'll eat the mules," said Basil Lajeunesse; "and 



JOHN C. FREMONT. 277 

thereupon/' says Fremont, " we shook hands with our interpreter 
and his Indians, and departed.'^ 

A thrilling incident is told by Dr. Peters in his recently-pub- 
lished and interesting life of Kit Carson, which, though it 
occurred in 184G, after the men were killed in Fremont's camp 
on Lake Klamath, may also be properly introduced in this con- 
nection. Determined to inspire the Indians with a salutary fear 
of Americans in future, Fremont pursued them, killed great 
numbers, and burned their village. There Carson had a narrow 
escape in an encounter with an Indian. " On arriving within 
about ten feet of the warrior," Dr. Peters says, " he drew up his 
horse and brought his rifle to his shoulder to fire, but the gun 
only snapped, and left its ov/ner in a very precarious situation, as 
the red man had already drawn the string of his bow to plant an 
arrow in the body of his adversary. A moment more, and in all 
probability Kit Carson would have been breathing his last. 
Fremont saw the danger his friend was in, although Kit had 
tried to avoid the arrow by throwing himself on one side of his 
horse. With much forethought as well as personal exposure, 
Fremont plunged the rowels of his spurs deep into his horse. 
The horse started, and the rider knocked down and passed over 
the Indian, thereby causing his arrow to fly in a difi"erent direc- 
tion from the one intended. 

" Kit Carson was and is still very grateful to Fremont for thus 
interposing between him and almost certain death. In all his 
expeditions he had such command over his employees that little 
or no trouble ever occurred while on the marches, although they 
had privations and dangers to undergo sufiicient to test the 
spirit and obedience of any men." 

On the 15th of August, Fremont clambered to the top of the 
loftiest peak of the Ilocky Mountains, since known as Fremont's 
Peak, and planted the stars and stripes upon it. 

Early in the ensuing spring of 1843, having completed and 
published the map and report of the first expedition during the 
winter, Fremont organized and set out on his second expedition, 
from which he did not return till August, 1844. In this expe- 
dition his object was, first, to complete the survey of the line of 
communication between the State of Missouri and the tidewater 
region of the Columbia, which, though it had been traversed 

24 



278 LlVIxXa llEPllESEiNTATIVE MEN. 

before, had not been examined and mapped by geograpliers, or 
its characteristics made known by a man of science ; and, second, 
to explore the vast region to the south of the Columbia, the 
whole western slope of the Rocky Mountains, — a territory of 
wdiich so little was known that on the existing maps the river 
Buena Ventura was laid down as traversing the v»diole distance 
from the mountains to the Bay of San Francisco, when, in fact, 
no river of that character existed at all, and the river of that 
name was but a small stream emptying into the Bay of Monterey. 

He set out from the town of Kansas on the 29th of May, and 
came in sight of Salt Lake on the Gth of September. Eight 
months afterward, he reached Utah Lake, the southern limb of 
the Great Salt Lake, having completed the immense circuit of 
twelve degrees diameter north and south and ten degrees east 
and west. He had in that time travelled three thousand five 
hundred miles, and had a view of Oregon and of California from 
the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific, and of the principal streams 
which form harbors on that coast. The fortitude with which he 
and his comrades met the hardships and dangers encountered on 
this vast circuit has not been surpassed in the annals of human 
adventure. In the map and report of this expedition which he 
prepared and published on his return, the Great Salt Lake, the 
Utah Lake, the Little Salt Lake, the Klamath Lake, the Sierra 
Nevada, the valleys of the Sacramento and San Joaquin, the 
Great Basin, the Three Parks, — most of which were then 
unknown desert regions, now the homes of multitudes of rich 
and prosperous people, — were revealed to the world. 

Fremont was rewarded for this service in January, 1845, on 
the recommendation of General Scott, by being brevetted as first 
lieutenant and captain. 

Fremont set out on his third expedition in the spring of 1845, 
and reached California in December, having crossed the Great 
Basin from the southern extremity of the Great Salt Lake. 
Knowing that the relations between Mexico and the United 
States were critical, he left his party on the frontier and went 
alone to Monterey to obtain permission from the authorities of 
the province to go to the valley of the San Joaquin to recruit. 

" The leave was granted," says Secretary Marcy, in his report of 
December 5, 1846, "but scarcely had he reached the desired spot for 
refreshment and repose before he received information from the Ameri- 



JOHN C. FREMONT. 279 

can settlements, and by expresses from our consul at Monterey, that Gene- 
ral Castro was preparing to attack him with a comparatiA'ely large force 
of artillery, cavalry, and infantry, upon the pretext that, under the cover 
of a scientific mission, he was exciting the American settlers to revolt. 
In view of this danger, and to be in a condition to i-epel an attack, he 
then took a position on a mountain overlooking Monterey at a distance 
of about thirty miles, intrenched it, raised the flag of the United States, 
and with his own men, sixty-two in number, awaited the approach of the 
commandant-general. 

*' From the 7th to the 10th of March, Colonel Fremont and his little 
band maintained this position. General Castro did not approach 
within attacking distance, and Colonel Fremont, adhering to his plan 
of avoiding all collisions, and determined neither to compromit his 
Government nor the American settlers, ready to join him at any hazards 
if he had been attacked, abandoned his position, and commenced his 
march for Oregon, intending by that route to return to the United States. 
Deeming all danger from the Mexicans to be past, he yielded to the 
wishes of some of his men who desired to remain in the country, dis- 
charged them from his service, and refused to receive others in their 
stead, so cautious was he to avoid doing any thing which would compro- 
mit the American settlers or give even a color of oifence to the Mexican 
authorities. He pursued his march slowly and leisurely, as the state of 
his men and horses required, until the middle of May, and had reached 
the northern shore of the great Klamath Lake, within the limits of Ore- 
gon Territory, when he found his further progress in that direction ob- 
structed by impassable snowy mountains and hostile Indians, who, 
having been excited against him by General Castro, had killed and 
wounded four of his men, and left him no repose either in camp or on 
his march. At the same time, information reached him that General 
Castro, in addition to his Indian allies, was advancing in person against 
him, with artillery and cavalry, at the head of four or five hundred men ; 
that they were passing around the head of the Bay of San Francisco to a 
rendezvous on the north side of it ; and that the American settlers in the 
valley of the Sacramento were comprehended in the scheme of destruc- 
tion meditated against his own party. 

" Under these circumstances, he determined to turn upon his Mexican 
pursuers, and seek safety both for his own party and the American set- 
tlers not merely in the defeat of Castro, but in the total overthrow of the 
Mexican authority in California, and the establishment of an independent 
government in that extensive department. It was on the 6th of June, 
and before the commencement of the war between the United States and 
Mexico could have there been known, that this resolution was taken ; 
and by the 5th of July it was carried into effect by a series of rapid 
attacks by a small body of adventurous men, under the conduct of an 
intrepid leader, quick to perceive and able to direct the proper measures 
for accomplishing such a daring enterprise." 



280 LIVING REP11E8ENTAT1\'E MEN. 

The Secretary then enters into the details of Fremont's move- 
ments^ — the raising of the flag of the United States by him and 
his followers on hearing of the capture of Monterey by Commo- 
dore Sloat^ — his arrival with one hundred and sixty men at 
Monterey, — the pursuit of the enemy by Commodore Stockton, 
with a force composed of Fremont and his men and a detachment 
of marines, — the capture of Los Angelos, — and the entire sub- 
jection of the country, — and, in conclusion, says, " Thus, in the 
short space of sixty days from the first decisive movement, this 
conquest was achieved by a small body of men to an extent be- 
yond their own expectations, for the Mexican authorities pro- 
claimed it a conquest, not merely of the northern part, but of 
the whole province of the Californias." 

Fremont left Los Angelos in September for the Sacramento. 
In his absence an extensive insurrection broke out in Southern 
California. He immediately set about raising a battalion among 
the settlers on the Sacramento to suppress it, and several hun- 
dred had joined him, when a report came that the northern In- 
dians had become hostile, and that about a thousand of them 
were invading the settlements. He went immediately to the 
Indians, taking but three men with him, and not only pacified 
them, but recruited his battalion from their warriors. 

Fremont arrived at San Francisco in October, and sailed for 
Santa Barbara, but, hearing on his way that he could procure no 
horses there, he proceeded to Monterey, and there made prepara- 
tions for a winter march. The insurgents had defeated four 
hundred sailors and marines marching on Los Angelos. That 
place and Santa Barbara were in their hands. Colonel Fremont 
started with four hundred men on a dark night, surprised San 
Luis Obispo, an important place, and captured Don Jesus Pico, 
the leader of the insurgents in that quarter. Two days after- 
ward, on the 16th of December, Pico was tried by a court-martial 
and condemned to be shot for violating his parole. An hour 
before the execution was to take place, the mother, wife, chil- 
dren, and relations of the condemned came weeping before Fre- 
mont, and with natural fervor begged for mercy. He was 
afi"ected, and wisely, as the result proved, yielded to their 
entreaties. Pico, who had hitherto been calm and defiant, now 
prostrated himself before Fremont, clasped his knees, and vowed 



JOHN C. FRIEMONT. 281 

eternal fidelity. He was true to liis pledge. Tins clemency 
toward a member of the most influential family in the province 
contributed greatly to conciliate the people. Fremont met no 
resistance afterward. On the 27th of December he entered 
Santa Barbara, and resumed his march on the 3d of January. 

Stockton had defeated the insurgents in an engagement, and 
re-entered Los Angelos. On the 11th, Fremont learned that 
they were then within a short distance of him, and next day 
two of their officers came to his camp to treat for peace, and 
the " Capitulation of Cowenga" was made. He granted them 
liberal terms, and they agreed to return to their homes and aid 
in keeping the country quiet. This was done; and thus ended 
the war in California. 

When Fremont reached Los Angelos, on the 14tli of January, 
1847, he found General Kearney there, contending with Commo- 
dore Stockton for the right to command. Both, it appeared, had 
received instructions to conquer California and establish a civil 
government. But Kearney knew of the conquest by Stockton 
and Fremont, and of the existence of civil government there, 
before he left New Mexico, from Carson, on his way to Wash- 
ington with the information. Nevertheless, he turned Carson 
back to guide him and a small escort to California, where he ar- 
rived in the midst of the insurrection. 

Attempting to surprise a party of the insurgents at San Pas- 
qual, he was defeated, had thirty-three of his officers and men 
killed and wounded, and his entire party would have been cut 
off but for the timely assistance sent him by Stockton, which 
brought him and the remnant of his party safely into San Diego. 
Stockton then offered the command to Kearney, not because he 
thought him entitled to it, but because he thought him better 
fitted than himself for the land-service. Kearney refused to ac- 
cept it, but offered to serve under him, and accordingly did serve 
as his subordinate in the action which followed. Quiet being- 
restored by the capitulation, he claimed that the government 
should be turned over to him by Stockton, and required Fre- 
mont to recognise his authority. 

Fremont had been appointed lieutenant-colonel of the rifle- 
regiment by the President, and had received his commission in 
October; but the California battalion had been previously organ- 

24* 



282 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

izcd under Stockton's authority, and was not composed of enlisted 
soldiers, but of mountain-men, Californians, and Indians, and 
partly commanded by officers of the navy; and therefore, though 
friendly with Kearney, he thought it not right to turn over to 
him troops thus called into action by naval authority, and refused 
to do so. 

Stockton had appointed Fremont Governor, to take effect when 
he left the country. 

Thinking Fremont's refusal to recognise his authority pro- 
ceeded from a desire to retain this appointment, Kearney sought 
an interview, in which he assumed a most friendly tone, advising 
him, as an old soldier and as an old friend of Benton, to recall 
his decision, and concluded by saying that he designed leaving 
the country himself in forty days, and intended to devolve the 
government on him. But Fremont w^as accessible to no such 
suggestion, and adhered to Stockton. This drew upon him the 
enmity of Kearney and the army-officers generally, who were pre- 
disposed to regard him unfavorably because his was a citizen 
appointment. 

Instructions came in the spring to Stockton, directing him to 
relinquish the government to General Kearney, — which termi- 
nated the controversy. 

Kearney, being now vested with authority, undertook to avail 
himself of it to mortify and humble Fremont.* He refused him 
permission to join General Taylor in Mexico, and, on the 14th 
of June, ordered him to attend him to Missouri, where they 
arrived on the 22d of August. He treated him with deliberate 
disrespect all the way, placed him under arrest on his arrival, 
and ordered him to report himself to the adjutant-general at 
Washington. Fremont's enemies had filled the newspapers with . 
every species of slander against him; but the citizens of St. Louis, 
to whom he and his bold companions were known, hailed his 
arrival with enthusiasm. The citizens of Charleston, also, 
testified their admiration by presenting him a beautiful sword. 
He declined the public reception and festival offered him at 
St. Louis, and hurried to Washington to have the charges pre- 
ferred against him by General Kearney investigated, — not sup- 

* For particulars, see Bigelow's "Life of Fremont/' p. 204. 



JOHN C. FREMONT. 283 

posing tliat an army court could be impartial between a general 
and a commodore, (which was the real controversy,) but anxious 
to go before any tribunal by which the facts could be brought 
authentically before the country. 

The court found him guilty of ^'mutiny/' "disobedience of 
lawful orders," and "conduct to the prejudice of good order and 
military discipline/^ and sentenced him to be dismissed. A 
majority of the court, however, joined in a recommendation of 
clemency to the Executive. 

The President disapproved the finding on the charge of mutiny, 
and approved it as respected the remaining charges, but remitted 
the penalty. 

Fremont would not hold a commission on such terms, and 
therefore promptly resigned it. The investigation was protracted 
till the 15th of May, 1848 ; and the testimony extended to every 
transaction connected with the conquest of California. But 
nothing was elicited to impeach the integrity and good faith with 
which the accused had acted throughout. General Brooke, the 
then president, and two others of the court, said the question was 
one " well calculated to excite the doubts of officers of more expe- 
rience than the accused." The action of the court was attributed 
by Commodore Stockton (see his Life, p. 154) to the esprit du 
corps of the army. The motive of the President and Secretary 
of War in bringing Fremont to trial, and sustaining the proceed- 
ing of the court, after, as Stockton says, having approved his 
appointment of him as civil Grovernor, is attributed to the political 
aspects of the day, and the position occupied by Benton and 
Fremont in reference to them. 

Since the conquest of California by ^Ulie intrejnd leader, quick 
to perceive and able to direct the prop)er measures for accom- 
pUsliing the daring enterprise,'' as described in the official report 
of Governor Marcy, above quoted, Mr. Calhoun had imposed on 
the Administration and party the dogma that slavery could not 
be excluded from the Territories. Benton and Fremont had 
given effective support to the Administration in the Senate and 
in the field; but this counted for nothing without conformity to 
the new dogma. Benton had vehemently denounced Calhoun's 
firebrand resolutions — as he called them — on their first introduc- 
tion into the Senate, on the 19th of February, 1847. 



284 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Fremont had been the proteye of Poinsett and was the son-in- 
law of Benton, had exemplified his political principles and fore- 
cast and won a world-wide reputation by his devotion to an idea 
which the "slave-power" was at no loss to perceive involved its 
destruction. It was the antagonism to Benton and Fremont 
with which the Administration had been thus imbued which 
tolerated Kearney's violation of orders in dragging Fremont 
across the continent, to be tried and turned out of the army for 
what it had lauded both Stockton and Fremont for doing. 

These transactions only served to inflame Fremont against the 
doctrines of the South. The development of the West, and the 
creation there of an overshadowing power, appeared to him to be 
the surest means to preserve the Government from their influ- 
ence. The Pacific Road, which would rapidly accomplish this 
and thus be a perpetual bond of union, was the measure for which 
he had toiled, and the circumstances of the times seemed to 
demand of him new efforts to demonstrate the practicability of 
constructing it. Having exerted himself with success to procure 
from Congress some compensation for the California battalion 
and for those whose property had been applied to the conquest, 
he devoted all the money he could command to equip himself for 
a winter expedition across the mountains, to disabuse the public 
mind of the impression which the disunionists had labored to 
create, — that the snow, as well as the precipitous character of 
the central route, rendered it impracticable. It was a disastrous 
expedition. He aimed to go from the waters of the Bio Grande 
to those of the Colorado, through the Cochatopee Pass; but his 
guide mistook the way, and led him into mountains 12,000 feet 
above the sea, where he encountered a most terrific snow-storm. 
All the animals and many of his men perished ; and the latter 
would have all been lost, but that he went himself and brought 
them relief. 

The expedition, though disastrous to him, verified the exist- 
ence of the pass and the practicability of the route. On reaching 
California, he made his home there, upon a large tract of land 
known as the Mariposas, situated about two hundred miles south- 
west from San Francisco, at the foot of the Sierra Nevada, which 
he had purchased for $3000, in 1847, of Governor Alvarado. 
Before he arrived^ he learned that gold had been discovered to 



JOHN C. FREMONT. 285 

abound on it; and lie engaged and took with him some men to 
dig the gold. Mrs. Fremont joined him in June, and he went 
to work with energy. He was not permitted to remain long thus 
profitably and agreeably occupied. 

Having warmly advocated the exclusion of slavery from the 
State, and being identified in the minds of the pioneer settlers 
and native Californians with all their great interests, they turned 
to him with great unanimity to represent the State in the Senate 
of the United States; and he was, accordingly, the first Senator 
chosen by the Legislature, in December, 1849. 

He proceeded immediately to .Washington ; but the protracted 
struggle upon the admission of the State prevented him from 
occup3^ing his seat save only for a few weeks. He offered, imme- 
diately, a series of measures comprehending all the legislation 
required for California; among them were bills to open a road 
across the continent, to donate lands to settlers, to settle land 
titles, to grant lands to the State for purposes of education, to 
regulate working the mines, and to preserve peace among the 
Indians. Of the two latter, which alone could be got before the 
Senate at so late a period of the session, he gave admirable expo- 
sitions, presenting, with remarkable brevity, most of the practical, 
historical, and legal considerations pertinent to each subject; 
unfortunately, he was disabled from pressing his measures at the 
next session by an attack of the Panama fever, which prevented 
him from taking his seat; and he had drawn the short term, 
which ended 3Iarch 3, 1851. 

He was not returned at the ensuing election. But Fremont, 
and the party which warmly supported him for re-election, have 
been strong enough, so far, in spite of the ascendency of their 
adversaries, to defeat the great measure in the programme of 
Nullification, — the project to divide the State and establish 
slavery in the Southern division. 

The acts of Congress purporting to settle land titles in Cali- 
fornia required every claimant to sue himself before Commis- 
sioners, before the courts of the United States in California, and 
before the Supreme Court of the United States, ?/the Attorney- 
General required it, before he could have his land. The object 
of conferring this vast power over individual rights upon the 



286 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Executive, by the Southern men, was to commaud the fealty of 
the claimants. 

The Mariposas Grant was unquestionable. It had been made 
to Alvarado, a former Governor of the Province, for distinguished 
services, and Fremont acquired it from him, in 1847, for what 
was then regarded as a full price. But, not satisfied with com- 
pelling Fremont to prosecute his claim to the Mariposas through 
all the courts, and opposing him there by every means which 
zeal and industry could suggest, the Attorney-General, Mr. 
Cushing, '' stimulated to vindictiveness by the intense hatred 
with which the slave-power regarded Fremont, attempted to take 
a second appeal to the Supreme Court, and caused the patent to 
be withheld, even after that court had rebuked him for the 
attempt." Fremont finally came to AYashington himself, and 
Cushing yielded the patent. 

Soon after the discovery of its mineral wealth, and before it 
had passed the ordeal of the courts, a London company, of ample 
means, ofi"ered Colonel Benton, who was acting as Fremont's 
agent, $1,000,000 for his title; and on their depositing the first 
payment, $100,000, Colonel Benton strenuously advised Fremont 
to accept the ofi^er. 

He refused to sell, and went to Europe, in 1852, to negotiate 
for means to work the mines. While there, his military and 
scientific reputation secured him the most flattering attentions 
from the Queen of England, the Emperor of France, great num- 
bers of distinguished military and scientific men, and learned 
societies. Ke had before been elected an honorary member of 
the Geographical Society of Berlin, had received the " Founders' 
Medal" from that of London, and "the Great Golden Medal" 
from the King of Prussia, by the hands of Humboldt. 

Fremont returned to the United States in June, 1853, to com- 
plete the survey of the direct line for the Pacific Road to San 
Francisco, from the point at which he left it in the winter of 
1848-49, and set out on this second survey at his own expense, 
in August, 1853. 

This also was a winter expedition, and in weather of unusual 
severity ; but it was the crowning success of all his explorations. 
He found safe and easy passes through a fine country, all the 
way between the thirty-eighth and thirty-ninth parallels of lati- 



JOHN C. FREMONT. 287 

tude to San Francisco; and the pictures taken of tlie passes by 
a daguerrean artist^ carried along for the purpose, confirm his 
narrative and instrumental observations, and are almost of them- 
selves sufficient to expose the positions of the adversaries of the 
road. 

A complete and beautifully-illustrated account of all of Colo- 
nel Fremont's expeditions has been for some time in preparation, 
and will be published by Childs & Peterson, of Philadelphia, 
during the year 1860. The resume of the first and second expe- 
ditions will be prepared by Hon. Greorge S. Hillard. The scien- 
tific portion of the work will contain articles from the pens of 
Professors Torrey, Blake, Cassin, and Hubbard, compiled from 
material furnished by Colonel Fremont. In the prospectus of 
the publishers, it is stated that 

" The work is being prepared with great care by Colonel J. C. Fre- 
mont, and will contain a resume of the First and Second Expeditions in 
the years 1842, '43, and '44, and a detailed account of the Third Expe- 
dition during the years 1845, '46, and '47, across the Rocky Mountains 
through Oregon into California, covering the conquest and settlement of 
that country; the Fourth Expedition, of 1848-49, up the Kansas and 
Arkansas Rivers into the Rocky Mountains of Mexico, down the Del 
Norte, through Sonora into California; the Fifth Expedition, of 1853 
and '54, across the Rocky Mountains at the heads of the Arkansas and 
Colorado Rivers, through the Mormon settlements and the Great Basin 
into California. The whole will embrace a period of ten years passed 
among the wilds of America." 

Though decided and ardent in his political sympathies, and 
of unceasing activity respecting the measures which a large fore- 
cast taught him were most efi"ectual to work out his policy, he 
took little part in the public discussion of current political topics ; 
and it was not until the outrages in Kansas called for a man of 
courage and judgment that the politicians thought of him for 
the Presidency. His private letter of counsel to Grovernor Robin- 
son, of Kansas, urging him to a cautious but resolute resistance, 
and cheering him by the expression of his own sympathy and 
determination to support him, — believing that, in the end, the 
nation would also sustain him, — fixed the attention of the Repub- 
lican party on him as a suitable person for the Presidency. 

In April, 1856, he was waited on by a committee from a poli- 
tical meeting in New York, to obtain an expression of sentiment 



288 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

on tlic question of the Jaj. In his brief and prompt reply, 
written at the moment in a public room amid a crowd, he said, — 
" I heartily concur in all movements which have for their object to 
repair the mischiof arising from the violation of good faith in the repeal 
of the Missouri Compromise. I am opposed to slavery in the abstract 
and open principle, sustained and made habitual by long-settled convic- 
tions. While I feel inflexible in the belief that it ought not to be inter- 
fered with where it exists under the shield of State sovereignty, I am as 
inflexibly opposed to its extension on this continent beyond its present 
limits." 

The Ilepublicau National Convention, which assembled at 
Philadelphia on the 17th of June, 1856, nominated him unani- 
mously for the Presidency, it being ascertained informally that 
he was preferred by more than two-thirds of the body. William 
L. Dayton was nominated for the Vice-Presidency. 

The platform adopted by the convention asserts the settled 
principles of the llepublican party founded by Jefferson; de- 
nounces the crimes committed by those controlling the Govern- 
ment to establish slavery in Kansas; maintains the power, and 
deems it the duty, of the Government to exclude slavery from 
the Territories; declares the Ostend Circular infamous; and 
favors the construction of the Pacific Eailroad. In his reply to 
the committee notifying him of his nomination, after saying that 
the resolutions of the convention express the sentiments in which 
he had been educated, and which have ripened into convictions 
by personal observation and experience, he remarks more particu- 
larly upon the two forms of abuse of the Government by the 
slave-power, then engaging public attention, — one, the seizure 
of Cuba, proposed in the Ostend Circular; the other, the seizure 
of Kansas, — and deprecates both in the strongest terms. The 
characteristic feature in the letter, and that which marks it as 
the production of an efficient leader, is that it points to the means 
by which the victory may be won and its advantages secured, — 
telling his partisans how to bring home to the people, whose 
suffrages were sought, their interest in the contest. 

"The great body of the non-slaveholding freemen, including those of 
the South," he says, "upon whose welfare slavery is an oppression, will 
discover that the power of the General Government over the public lands 
may be beneficially exerted to advance their interests and secure iheir 
independence. Knowing this, their suff'rages will not be wanting to 
maintain that authority in the Union which is absolutely essential to the 



JOHN C. rilEMONT. 280 

maintenance of their own liberties, and wliich has more than once indi- 
cated the purpose of disposing of the public lands in such a way as would 
make every settler a freeholder." Lands for the landless was his battle- 
cry. 

The Eepublicans were defeated in the Presidential election of 
1856 by the October election in Philadelphia. It was conceded 
that the success of the Union State ticket in Pennsylvania would 
be decisive of the Presidential contest in November, and scarcely 
a doubt was entertained of its success. 

Fremont's friends say that "at the last moment a bargain was 
made between the Fillmore organization and the Democratic 
managers, and 15,000 naturalization-papers were forged.'' 

Colonel Fremont has been closely occupied of late years with 
the management of the Mariposas estate. After suffering much 
from intrusting its management to others, he determined to be 
his own manager. 

" In the spirit of that determination," says Mr. Greeley, writing from 
San Francisco, after a recent visit to Colonel Fremont, "he has lived and 
labored, rising with the lark, and striving to obtain a complete know- 
ledge and mastery of the entire business ; taking more and more labor 
and responsibility on his own shoulders, as he felt himself able to bear 
it, until he is now Manager, Chief Engineer, Cashier, Accountant, and at 
the head of every other department but that of Law, for which he still 
finds it necessary to rely on professional aid. And his mines are at 
length becoming productive and profitable. His first (steam) mill, near 
his dwelling, runs eight stamps night and day; his second (\\ater) mill, 
three miles distant, on the Merced, at the north end of his estate, runs 
twelve stamps, also constantly ; and the two are producing gold at the 
rate of at least $250,000 per annum, at an absolute cost, I am confident, 
of not more than $150,000. Of course, he needs all the profits, if not 
more, to extend and perfect his works, having already a much larger 
water-mill nearly ready to go into operation, besides that on the Merced, 
in which he expects, I believe, to run fifty-six stamps; and he hopes to 
have one hundred in all running before the close of 1860. With that 
number I believe he would be able, by giving his constant personal atten- 
tion to the business, aided by faithful and capable assistants, to realize a 
net profit of $10,000 per week, which would very soon clear him of debt, 
and leave him unencumbered in the ownership of perhaps the finest 
mining-country in the world." 

The latest mention of Fremont was the record of his having 
headed the subscription-list for a monument to the brave and 
lamented Senator Broderick with five hundred dollars. 
T 25 



290 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



JAMES GUTHRIE, 

OP KENTUCKY. 

JAMES Guthrie, Secretary of the Treasury in tlie Cabinet 
of President Pierce, was born near Bardstown, Nelson County, 
Kentucky, in tlie year 1795. Remotely, he has Scottish blood 
in his veins, but his more immediate ancestors emigrated to this 
country from Ireland. His father, General Adam Guthrie, was 
an early pioneer westward from Virginia. A man of energy and 
activity, he ^participated with distinction in the struggle with the 
Indians for the region now embracing six or seven States and as 
many millions of inhabitants. Among other fights, he was in 
the memorable battle of the Saline, fought some ten miles west 
of Shawneetown, Illinois, in which General AVilliam Hardin was 
seriously wounded. After the peace with the Indians, General 
Guthrie entered upon civil pursuits, and represented his county 
in the Kentucky Legislature for eight or ten years. 

The son, James, was educated chiefly at Bardstown, in the 
academy presided over by a Scotchman named McAlister,— ^^ by 
no means an ordinary man." 

When about twenty years old, he engaged in the enterprise — 
common in those days — of sending produce to New Orleans, and 
made two voyages on his own flatboats, returning home by land 
through the Indian country with the profits of his venture. 
Becoming dissatisfied with this business, he determined to em- 
brace the profession of the law, which he did under the instruc- 
tion of Judge Bowan, of Bardstown, one of the most high-toned 
gentlemen as well as profound and acute lawyers in Kentucky. 
Mr. Guthrie's manner of study is worthy of attention from the 
young candidate for distinction and fortune in these days. He 
studied as much daily as his physical capacity would admit ; and, 
the more fully to discipline and perfect his mind, it was a regu- 
lar practice with him, in reading reports^ to carefully consider 



JAMES GUTHRIE. 291 

the facts, weigh the arguments of counsel on both sides, and 
then, before looking at the decision, to write out one of his own. 

At the end of two years he was admitted to the bar. Not 
being of a disposition to rest satisfied with the reputation to be 
gained in a provincial town, he removed in 1820 to Louisville, 
then, as now, the commercial ca23ital of the State. It was not 
long before he '^ made his mark," and was appointed by the 
Governor prosecuting attorney for the county, the duties of 
which office he fulfilled with great zeal and ability. An inci- 
dent will serve to illustrate his firmness of character about this 
period. Uncommonly slender in appearance, — he was what might 
have been called '^a gawky young man." He had prosecuted a 
noted bully with such explicit force for some ofience that, not- 
withstanding great ability on the opposite side, the jury convicted 
the culprit. Passing to dinner, after the adjournment, through 
the courtyard, in which, owing to a fall of rain, but a narrow 
pathway was left, he encountered the bully, armed with a 
bludgeon, who, raising it, thus accosted him: — "Mr. Guthrie, 
in your speech this morning you took the most unwarrantable 
liberties with my character, and now, sir, you have got to answer 
for it." To this Mr. Guthrie replied, " Why, look here, my 
friend ; I got twenty dollars for convicting you : I don't think 
I should get a cent for putting you to death. Get out of my 
way." The fellow, either struck by the philosophy of the re- 
mark, — for vagabonds are generally shrewd philosophers, — or 
awed by Mr. Guthrie's undaunted eye, slunk away. 

Of Mr. Guthrie's forensic history it is unnecessary to say 
much. He continued in the profession until he entered the 
Treasury Department. It is known to the whole country that 
he acquired great wealth. A large portion of it is unquestion- 
ably due to his great sagacity and sound judgment in his invest- 
ments in property, for which, however, the profits of his profesr 
sion furnished the original means. His success at the bar sprung 
from two causes : first, his remarkable legal acumen and saga- 
city, which were largely availed of in the adjustment of a vast 
proportion of the most occult and complex land and other causes 
in the State; secondly, the explicitness of his statements and the 
universal confidence in his veracity. In criminal cases, it was 
a common remark that the jury placed more reliance on Mr. 



292 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Guthrie's statement of the case than on that of the judge on the 
bench. 

It was about this period, and while still a young man, that Mr. 
Guthrie had his noted difficulty with Hays. The latter was a 
member of the old Federal party, a man of brilliant talents, who 
looked with disfavor upon what he regarded as the presumption 
of young Guthrie in assuming a position of equality with himself 
and others of more experience and standing at the bar. Guth- 
rie was not the man to brook intolerance or intimidation ; and 
it is understood that, on an occasion of some public discussion, 
he, stung by what he deemed a combination to put him down, 
spoke with severity of the course and conduct of the ringleader, 
Mr. Hays. Nothing immediately occurred. A few days after- 
ward, and when Mr. Guthrie supposed the offence, if any, had 
blown over, he was sitting on the steps of the Gait House, Louis- 
ville, one afternoon, in company with several other gentlemen, and 
amusing himself by Avhittling a stick. Happening to raise his eye, 
he perceived Hays, at the distance of about six or eight yards, 
advancing upon him with a pistol already cocked and pointed. 
Guthrie instantly sprang upon him with the vigor of a tiger, 
and received Hays's fire as he advanced, the ball passing through 
his right groin. liaising himself on his sound limb, he jerked 
the pistol out of Hays's hand, and was in the act of bringing it 
down upon his head with a force that would have killed him, — 
Hays crying " Murder !" all the time at the top of his voice, — 
when the gentlemen who had followed him from the steps ar- 
rested his arm and carried him back to the hotel. By this 
means, no doubt, the life of Hays was saved. Mr. Guthrie's 
wound proved to be one of the utmost severity. He was confined 
by it to his bed for years; and even now, having left a slight 
twist in his leg, it occasions some difficulty in his walk. The 
popular indignation drove Hays from the place. His fondness 
for the bottle increased, and in a fit of mania-potu he committed 
suicide by dashing his head against the wall. 

For seven or eight years, dating from about 1821, party poli- 
tics raged with great vehemence in Kentucky. The rival feelings 
were almost unexampled in their violence, and the reminiscences 
of the days of the ''Old-Court" and "New-Court" parties are 
filled with animosities characteristic of a state of excitement 



JAMES GUTHRIE. 293 

little short of civil war. This state of things grew out of what 
were called '^ relief measures" adopted by the Legislature, — stay 
aud replevin laws, in connection with the State Bank and the 
reorganization of the Court of Appeals. Mr. Guthrie, though 
opposed on principle to any legislative interference between 
debtor aud creditor, believed that the Legislature had the right 
and power to remodel its judicature, and so joined the New- 
Court party and was one of its ablest defenders. Of the relief 
measures, the Commonwealth's bank was perhaps the boldest 
experiment, and it was as successful as bold. Nothing else of 
the kind has ever been so successfully carried out in this country. 
Three millions of paper dollars were put into circulation without 
any metallic basis whatever, and with no capital except the pub- 
lic faith; and, after doing good service to the country, saving 
thousands of debtors from ruin, and materially aiding the Go- 
vernment of the State, the whole was in a few years called in,, 
cancelled, and destroyed.* 

From 1825 to the present, Mr. Guthrie has been a Jackson 
Democrat. He secured the State for the hero of New Orleans, 
and to his exertions is largoly due the gallant front the Demo- 
crats of Kentucky have made, though almost constantly in tliQ 
minority. 

It may be further stated that he was elected for nine years 
successively from Louisville to the lower branch of the Legisla- 
ture, and was six years in the Senate, at the end of which time 
he declined re-election. In 185ljrie was elected president of 
the convention called to revise the Constitution of the State. In 
all these bodies he was an active member, giving the closest at- 
tention to the business of the committees, and a frequent and 
impressive debater. His inexhaustible fund of hard common 
sense — to use the language of the "New York Tribune" — was 
constantly at hand to shape and guide the legislative provisions 
for the w^elfare and prosperity of the State; and a general convic- 
tion of his probity and judgment on all occasions gave the utmost 
scope and weight to his opinions. Perhaps there are few men in 
the country who, considering the various measures which came 



* ''Eminent Americans, &c.," by Juhn Livin,2;stoii, of the New York Bar. 
Vol. iv. p. 23. 

25* 



204 LIVING RErRESENTATIVP: MEN. 

before these bodies while he was successively in them, have had 
a more extended or more practical experience than Mr. Guthrie 
in the business of a legislative assembly. 

His first contest for the Senate with the celebrated Frank John- 
son was one of the most remarkable in the annals of Kentucky. 
Mr. Clay was in the zenith of his influence. Mr. Guthrie had 
been an inflexible Democrat from his boyhood. Frank Johnson 
was an able and accomplished man, the intimate friend of Clay, 
and a prominent leader of the dominant party. It was well 
known that there Vv'as a Whig majority in the district of upward 
of fifteen hundred. Yet against these almost hopeless odds Mr. 
Guthrie, who is not easily intimidated, and who, say his friends, 
never fails in any thing he undertakes, entered the lists and beat 
his opponent. An incident of this contest is related which is too 
significant of the kindly traits of Mr. Guthrie's nature and of his 
sympathy with the people to be omitted. 

It was the practice in that day, as it is now, in Kentucky, for 
rival candidates to meet each other in debate at diflerent places 
in their district. It happened that Johnson and Guthrie had an 
appointment at a place about ten miles from Louisville. At a 
mile or so from this place a settler was at the time engaged in 
raising a barn, and, according to the usage of the country, 
his neighbors had collected to assist him. The day was warm, 
and the men, getting hold of an unusually heavy log and failing 
to lift it readily into its place, came to a stand-still. They began 
to consider whether they should not give up the job for the day 
and try the log when they were fresh next morning, when one 
of the party proposed that — as the rival candidates would soon 
be passing along home — the whole party should vote at the coming 
election for whichsoever of them who gave assistance, be he Whig 
or Democrat. It was agreed to. Mr. Johnson was the first 
candidate who arrived on the ground. He stopped his horse, 
spoke kindly to the men, inquired into their difficulty, advised 
them to rest satisfied for the present and come fresh to the work 
in the morning, and, reminding them that the election would 
take place on such a day, " when he expected to see all his 
friends," passed on. After a while, Mr. Guthrie came along. 
He inquired into their difficulty, and heard the proposition to 
adjourn until the morning. "My friends/' said he^ "my rule 



JAMES GUTHRIE. 295 

is never to put oflf till to-morrow what can be done to-day ) and if 
one good strong back can do any good, here it is." Thereupon 
he tied his horse \ they all went to work and got the log in its 
place. This is perhaps the first and only attempt of Mr. Guth- 
rie at log-rolling. It need scarcely be added that the whole 
crowd voted for him, and many others who heard the story. 

One of the most remarkable features of Mr. Gruthrie's charac- 
ter is his indomitable firmness and his invariable practice always 
to do, and not to be deterred therefrom by any personal con- 
siderations, what he deems just and right. Louisville was the 
political hotbed of the State, and party spirit then, as now, was 
tinged with the utmost asperity. The inflexibility of his Demo- 
cracy as well as of his character made him always obnoxious to 
the dominant faction, and various were the schemes, since he 
could not be seduced or cajoled, to drive or put him out of 
the way. On one occasion, at an election of unusual heat, a 
combination of bullies was formed to put him to death if he 
attempted to deposit a vote or assist by his presence or authority 
his friends- — including a large number of the foreign population 
— in their access to the polls. Mr. Gruthrie was appealed to by 
his friends — first, to abstain from attending; second, to allow 
them to arm in his defence. He declined both propositions, 
declaring that he would never surrender his rights as an Ame- 
rican freeman but with his life, but that he would meet the 
danger alone, and would not, by permitting his friends to attend 
him, furnish a pretext for, or give occasion to, civil dissension 
and bloodshed. He armed himself with a pistol and deposited 
his vote. Being asked some time afterward by his friends what 
his calculations and reliance were in encountering so imminent 
a peril, he said he felt himself good for one man, at least, — 
the leader of the band ; and that he put his eye upon him on 
enteriuo; the crowd. Perceivino' that his determination was 
known, and that the eye of the ringleader fell under his own, 
he felt himself safe. Another anecdote of his firmness, exerted 
not, as on a former occasion, in the maintenance of his dearest 
rights as a freeman, but in the ordinary execution of the laws, is 
worth relating. 

An unprovoked murder had been committed upon a very 
worthy citizen of Louisville. The exasperation of the community 



296 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

was so great as to lead to the cou elusion that the murderer could 
not have a fair trial in Louisville, and a motion was made in the 
court to change the venue to a different county. The judge put 
the usual question, "Is the prisoner in court?" The sheriff 
answered, he was not. The judge then directed him to bring 
him in. The sheriff said that there was a furious populace of 
five thousand around the jail, for the purpose of tearing him to 
pieces the moment he was brought out. <'If that is the case," 
said the judge, "summon the posae coniitatus." "I have done 
so," said the sheriff; "and I cannot get a force sufficient for the 
purpose." Mr. Guthrie, sitting in court, raised his head, and 
said to the sheriff, " Summon me." They proceeded immediately 
to the jail; the man was brought out, and Mr. Guthrie, grasping 
him by the breast of his coat, carried him through the crowd, — 
his presence and bearing commanding their respect, and con- 
vincing them that it would cost them at least two lives to get 
the one they wanted. 

While Mr. Guthrie was a member of the Kentucky Senate, he 
procured a charter for the Bank of Louisville, and perhaps others, 
and was a director in that bank until he left Louisville, in 1853. 
Giving to the affjiirs of that institution, both in general and detail, 
the strength of his mind and attention, he laid the foundation of 
that masterly knowledge of finance which he exhibited to the 
admiration and surprise of the country while at the head of the 
Treasury Department. In the same body he secured a charter 
for the University of Louisville, which, under his superintend- 
ence, was eminently successful, and yielded its appropriate fruits 
to many of the now most promising men in the Southwestern 
States. It may also be said that he is the founder of the railroad- 
system, and has uniformly given the weight of his influence and 
exertions to the improvement and development, first, of his own 
State, and then of the rest of the Union, in all their industrial 
resources. 

The history of one of these railroads — the Nashville and Louis- 
ville, one hundred and eighty miles in length — is not a little 
remarkable. Charters from both States, — Kentucky and Ten- 
nessee, — legislative authority from both for the counties to sub- 
scribe through which the road passes, grants from both States, 
and individual subscriptions, were needed to start the work. 



JAMES GUTHRIE. 2\)7 

Mr. Gruthrie, as president of the road, perfected all these arrange- 
ments, and secured subscriptions and grants to the amount of 
two millions, made the road about twenty miles, and, estimating 
that to complete it would cost from $1,500,000 to $2,000,000, 
executed a mortgage on the road, and entered into a contract 
with a leading banking-house in London to furnish the latter 
sum on bonds of the company secured by State mortgage. In 
this condition of the road, the finances were fully arranged ; and, 
with the assured prospect of an early completion, Mr. Guthrie 
left Louisville to occupy the post of Secretary of the Treasury. 
Another distinguished gentleman of Kentucky was elected to 
succeed him as president of the road. By some accident the 
preparation of the bonds was delayed, and they did not reach 
England until after the day stipulated with the London bankers. 
The Eastern War was then impending, and these gentlemen, 
sharing the common apprehension in money-circles of the coming 
event, took advantage of the failure of the bonds at the appointed 
time to repudiate the contract. The result was that, after expend- 
ing the amount subscribed, the road came to a dead lock. Various 
efi"orts were made to induce Mr. Guthrie to leave the Treasury 
and resume the management of the road. He said "No: he had 
been very handsomely invited to the Cabinet by President Pierce, 
and felt bound as a man of honor to remain with him to the end 
of his term." The road remained in this condition until the 
close of President Pierce's Administration. Upon his return to 
Louisville in the spring of 1857, Mr. Guthrie, although refusing 
to become president of the road, consented to act as a director, 
and as such has had the management of it, particularly of its 
finances. It will be recollected that in a month or two after his 
return home the convulsion of 1857 took place. To talk of sell- 
ing a railroad-bond at that time, and particularly of a road not 
comj)leted, would almost provoke derision ) and yet, notwith- 
standing this state of things, Mr. Guthrie succeeded in obtaining 
money, from time to time, sufficient to complete the road, — and 
that, too, without getting a dollar from New York or Europe. 
These facts furnish a not inapt illustration of the remark respect- 
ing Mr. Guthrie already quoted, " that he never fails in what he 
undertakes." 

The circumstances attending his appointraent to the Treasury 



298 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Department must not be overlooked. It is believed that Mr. A. 
0. P. Nicholson, now United States Senator from Tennessee, first 
suggested to General Pierce the name of Mr. Guthrie, as the most 
prominent man in the circle of border slave States. It is known 
that many other persons from that region, and others passing 
through Kentucky, contributed to strengthen this predilection 
in favor of Mr. Guthrie. But, when General Pierce reached 
Washington, he was still uninformed in respect to Mr. Guthrie's 
opinions on some of the cardinal principles of the Democratic 
party, — such as Tariff', Internal Improvements, Currency, &c. 
He requested a mutual friend to write to Mr. Guthrie, asking 
his views on these su])jects. The Kentuckian answered his 
friend, that all his opinions upon these and other national 
questions were to be found in the speeches he had made at dif- 
ferent times in the Legislature and Convention of Kentucky; and 
desired him to refer General I^ierce to them. The result is 
before the country. The President became satisfied that Mr. 
Guthrie cherished sentiments coincident with his own on all the 
great issues of the country, and gave him a prompt invitation to 
come to Washington. 

In 1853 he was appointed Secretary of the Treasury. This, it 
will be remembered, writes a competent authority, was the era 
of the Gardner and Galphin claims, of the employment of secret 
inspectors of the customs and of unnecessary officers, of the use of 
the public funds by bankers and other favorites, and of general 
neglect, derangement, and delay in the business of the Treasury. 
In the four years during which he held the seals, a change that 
astonished the whole country took place. The money of the 
nation, amounting to some $5,000,000, was taken out of the 
hands of the many irresponsible individuals who had shared its 
illegal use; and the Independent Treasury, with all its admirable 
safeguards and sanctions, was put fully and fairly into operation. 
The secret inspectors were dismissed ; the unsettled accounts 
and balances, amounting, when he entered the Treasury, to the 
enormous sum of $132,000,000, were reduced, at the end of four 
years, to $24,000,000. Order, system, method, the vigorous 
despatch of business, without respect of persons, took the place 
of confusion and favoritism. During this period some noble 
vessels were added to our navy; the army was increased in 



JAMES CiUTIIRIE. 299 

order to aflbrd more ample protection to our extensive frontier; 
$10,000,000 were paid to Mexico for the Mesilla Valley, and 
large sums invested in the construction of public edifices for 
the use of the Government at Washington, and the accommo- 
dation of branch mints, custom-houses, post-offices, &c., else- 
where. Yet, after all these extraordinary drafts upon the Trea- 
sury, Mr. Guthrie paid off $40,000,000 of the public debt, besides 
the interest thereon, and premium on its purchase, and turned 
over to his successor, on the 3d of March, 1857, a balance of 
nearly $20,000,000. 

Such is a summary of Mr. Guthrie's material acts in the Trea- 
sury Department. 

His annual reports, which, it is hoped, readers will examine for 
themselves, abound in sentiments of the noblest nationalism and 
the soundest statesmanship, and show that he understands our 
people and their interests thoroughly, and has a heart for both. 

But the purpose of this sketch is not so much to exhibit the 
public acts of Mr. Guthrie on those points which are open to the 
people and can be known by them, as to show the interior work- 
ing and cast of his mind. Mr. Guthrie is essentially a reformer. 
He was not content to administer the Treasury, but he was deter- 
mined to correct the abuses of the Department, to scrutinize its 
recent transactions, to secure the rights of the Government where 
they had been sacrificed, and he introduced regulations and safe- 
guards to protect the nation for the future ; in other words, Mr. 
Guthrie served in the Treasury not so much for his ease or fame 
as for the common welfare of his country. 

The change in the system of accounts is one of those reforms 
the benefits of which will probably last to all time. When he 
accepted the ofiice, receiving and disbursing officers submitted 
their accounts for each quarter of the year, and were allowed an 
additional quarter in which to make up their accounts and trans- 
mit them to the Treasury. When they got to the Treasury, the 
accounting officers were occupied from three to six months, if not 
more, in settling such accounts. The result was that the trans- 
actions of these collecting and disbursing officers did not come 
under review of the controlling authority for approval or rebuke, 
in general, for more than a year. 

The new Secretary's notion was the homely, hard-sense doc- 



800 LIVINCJ REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

trine that short accounts make long friends; and, perhaps, of all 
the reforms he wrought in the Treasury, none was more difficult 
than the one he effected in this regard. He took " the bull by 
the horns,^' — the largest of them all, the Collector of New York, 
whose accountability embraces thirty millions a year. He sent 
for Mr. Bronson, and talked the matter over with him; and, 
although that gentleman was startled at the proposition to make 
the settlements monthly, and believed it impracticable, referring 
to the ineffectual effort of a former Secretary of the Treasury to 
achieve the same object, to his credit be it spoken, he admitted 
the great advantage that would accrue to him as well as to the 
Government, and promised to do every thing that he could to 
carry into effect the plan of Mr. Guthrie. This he did; and 
Greene C Bronson is well entitled to share with Mr. Guthrie 
the credit of having achieved one of the greatest reforms ever 
made in our system of finance. A correspondence ensued, con- 
ducted in the most amicable spirit, in which Mr. Bronson can- 
didly stated the difficulties and embarrassments in the way of 
reform, and Mr. Guthrie argued to countervail and remove them. 
Mr. Bronson finally yielded his objections, and admitted that the 
plan was practicable. Of course, when Bronson yielded, no lesser 
collector could say nay, and Mr. Guthrie put the new regulation 
into authoritative force. The result is, that from that time Trea- 
sury accounts have been rendered monthly instead of quarterly, 
and within four days of the end of each month have been made 
to pass through all the forms of settlement in the Treasury before 
the close of the next month. It is not singular that, with this 
system, there were no defaults during Mr. Guthrie's administration. 
In the Department there are six Auditors, two Controllers, one 
Commissioner of Customs, one Treasurer of the United States, 
one Register of the Treasury, one Solicitor, and one Light- House 
Board, making, in all, thirteen bureaus. Prior to Mr. Guthrie's 
time, the heads of these bureaus had been left to manage them in 
their own way, and according to their own views of the laws 
establishing them. He prescribed regulations to improve the 
condition of these bureaus in many particulars of public duty; 
but, what was perhaps most important and efficacious, he required 
each head-officer to make to him an annual report of the doings 
and proceedings of his office. In speaking of this regulation, Mr. 



JAMES GUTHRIE. 301 

Guthrie said to a friend, '^Of course, wlien they make the report, 
they will exhibit their offices in the best condition they can; and 
the next time they report they will try to improve on their former, 
and, to do this, will have to work up to their successive reports 
and improve on them." Here was another practical illustration 
of his hard common sense. 

The full exhibition of the Sub-Treasury Act was not an ordi- 
nary piece of official duty, in which, when a head of a Department 
pronounces a decision, the parties affected have nothing to do but 
to acquiesce. On the contrary, this act of Mr. Guthrie affected, 
pecuniarily, and to a large degree, the interests of some of the 
most potent men in the country, and subjected him to their most 
bitter denunciations. It will be remembered that three of Mr. 
Guthrie's predecessors had pronounced the Act impracticable 
and had placed the public funds to vast amounts in the hands 
of irresponsible bankers, for deposit, for the purchase of stocks, 
for the transfer of money from point to point, and other purposes. 
Immense fortunes had been made by individuals from the use of 
the public money. The storm of v/rath which sprung from the 
apprehensions of the threatened destruction of this source of gain 
was terrific. 

A gentleman of high standing in this country remonstrated 
with Mr. Guthrie on the subject. He stated to him that in 
changing the practice of the Treasury in this regard he would 
disappoint the expectations of many of the friends of General 
Pierce; that he would make a split in the Democratic party; 
and that he himself would be driven from office. Mr. Guthrie 
answered, that as to going back to Kentucky, it would not cost 
him a second thought, as he had never sought office; that he 
should regret to disappoint the just expectations of any friend of 
General Pierce, and would deplore any division in the Demo- 
cratic ranks; but, if these results were to happen — though he 
could hardly suppose they would — from this action of his, he 
must submit to them all, and would sooner see the continent 
shivered to atoms than violate his oath, his duty, and his con- 
science. 

Pursuing the idea of giving the interior workings of Mr. 
Guthrie's mind, it is to be stated that in the session of the Senate 
of 1855-56, a committee was raised on retrenchment and reform, 

26 



302 LIVING KEl'IlESENTATIVE MEN. 

of which the late Senator xVdams, of Mississippi, was chairman. 
This gentleman addressed a letter — perhaps a circular — to IMr. 
Guthrie, requesting him to point out any abuses which had fallen 
under his observation, or any reforms to be made in the conduct- 
ing of the business of the Government. It has been already re- 
marked that Mr. Guthrie is by nature a reformer ; and at this 
time he had been more than two years in office. Mr. Guthrie 
answered by stating, first, that he had already corrected all the 
abuses and made all the reforms within the province of the Trea- 
sury Department which were within his competency as the head 
of that Department, and gave a list of these reforms in detail. 
He next pointed out to Mr. Adams the abuses existing and the 
reforms to be made, which could only be effected by the author- 
ity of Congress; adding that he had repeatedly brought them 
before its notice without being able, as yet, to procure its action 
thereon; and, thirdly, he subjoined, that if there were any 
abuses to be corrected or reforms to be made in Congress, or in 
Departments of the Government other than the Treasury, he 
supposed that it was not for him to suggest them, but for Con- 
gress itself, or the heads of such Departments, to move in the 
matter. 

There is much more of a like kind in the history, character, 
and services of this eminent statesman which gladly would 
be presented if space permitted. One more anecdote, however, 
to show not merely the cast of Mr. Guthrie's mind, but his ideas 
of the authority and responsibility devolving on the guardian 
of the public Treasury relatively to the other members of the 
Government. This anecdote is given on the authority of Gene- 
ral Cushing, in a speech delivered in Faneuil Hall. A claim had 
been presented on the Treasury by a gentleman in Washington, 
arising out of legislation of Congress, to the amount of 8100,000 
or more, and the Secretary, upon full argument on the law and 
facts of the case, had rejected the claim in writing. Some time 
after this decision, the President, having sent to the Treasury 
for the papers, brought the subject up in Cabinet meeting. It 
was discussed, — various gentlemen expressing their views, Mr. 
Guthrie remaining silent. The President at length said, '^ Mr. 
Guthrie, this is a claim against your Department: we should 
like to hear your opinion on it.'' Mr. Guthrie immediately rose 



JAMES GUTHRIE. 303 

and said, " Gentlemen, this case has been decided in the Treasury. 
Good-morning," and, putting on his hat, walked out; thereby 
intimating, General Gushing supposes, that if they were about to 
allow the claim they must get some other Secretary to do it. 

Since Mr. Guthrie's return to Kentucky he has been devoted 
almost exclusively to the pursuit of his railroad-enterprise, and 
to the enjoyment of domestic and social intercourse. He does not 
understand, and, consequently, cannot practise, the arts of the 
politician. He probably thinks, with Lowndes, that the Presi- 
dency is neither to be sought nor shunned. 



304 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



JAMES H. HAMMOND, 

OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Senator Hammond is a native of the State he in part repre- 
sents in the Upper House of Congress, having been born in 
the Newberry District, on the 15th of November, 1807. His 
lather was a native of Massachusetts, and emigrated from that 
State to South CaroUna, in 1802. The elder Hammond, an 
erudite and accomphshed scholar, occupied the post of Professor 
of Mathematics in the (Columbia) South Carolina College, and 
bestowed the most anxious attention upon the education of his 
son, — training liini with a care at once assiduous and genial, 
unremitting and unwearying. Those who delight in tracing or 
accounting for the mature effects of intellect will readily perceive 
in the speeches and writings of the Legislator, Governor, and 
statesman, the benefits of the solid foundation so devotedly laid 
by paternal solicitude in young Hammond's mind. 

Admitted to the bar at the age of twenty-one, Mr. Hammond 
continued in the practice of that profession long enough to test 
his ability and give promise of future distinction. 

Whenever great principles agitate localities, lawyers, more 
generally than the members of the other professions, become 
participants in the discussion of them. Their constant appear- 
ance in public, their readiness with pen and tongue, their re- 
sources in argument, naturally suggest to themselves and others 
the duty of expounding the leading questions of the day. 
Hence we find Mr. Hammond taking a leading part in the arena 
of politics as editor of the " Southern Times," of Columbia. 

The Tariff policy inaugurated by the Federal Government in 
1828 was regarded by South Carolina as a palpable assumption 
of undelegated, or rather as a gross abuse of delegated, power. 
The late General James Hamilton openly announced his intention 
to abandon his seat in Congress^ being determined to resist at 



JAMES H. HAMMOND. 305 

liome what he considered a stupendous system of fraud and 
iniquity; and ^'he boldly uttered to his constituents the startling 
announcement that it was the imperative duty of South Carolina 
to resist, at all and every hazard/' That proud State, in her 
capacity of sovereignty, was about to assume an attitude of re- 
sistance. Mr. Hammond, having been educated in the Jeffer- 
sonian school of State's Rights, believed that in such cases a sove- 
reign State had the right to interpose her veto. Accordingly, 
in the "Southern Times," he supported, and gave full illustration 
to, the arguments in favor of Nullification, in a series of spirited 
and able essays, which did much to shape and control public 
opinion in the exciting times which foljowed. 

In 1831, Mr. Hammond withdrew from politics and law, and, 
having married Miss Fitzsimmons, a young lady of wealth and 
accomplishments, devoted himself to the independent life of a 
planter on the banks of the beautiful Savannah. His health had 
never been remarkably good, and an agricultural life, to which 
he became enthusiastically devoted, afforded an agreeable relaxa- 
tion from severe studies and the exciting and exacting labors of 
public life. 

The part Mr. Hammond had taken in giving voice to the 
unanimous feelings of South Carolina pointed him out to his 
fellow-citizens as one fitted to represent them in the National 
Councils; and his private life was invaded, in 1834, by the unani- 
mous voice of his district. He was elected to Congress, and went 
to \Yashington. Unfortunately, from the state of his health, 
he was unable to serve out his term; but, while he occupied 
his seat, he greatly distinguished himself by an elevated tone of 
eloquence ancj patriotism. The question of the reception of 
Abolition petitions having been recently sprung upon Congress 
by the Society of Friends, of the State of Pennsylvania, — who 
begged the enactment of laws for the removal of slavery from 
the District of Columbia, — Calhoun objected on the instant of 
their presentation to all such petitions, and used the argu- 
ments by which President Jackson had recommended, and he 
(Calhoun) had advocated, the suppression by law of the circula- 
tion of all anti-slavery publications by mail in the Southern 
States. After a lengthened debate, the Senate recognised the 
right of petition by receiving the one in question, but, two days 
U " 20- 



306 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

after, on the 11th of March, 183G, rejected its pra3^er by a vote 
of 84 to 6. 

In the House the same subject was under discussion. Mr. 
Hammond had made — the first time it ever had been made — 
the question on the reception of petitions, John Quincy Adams 
taking the lead on the part of the AboHtionists. Scenes of great 
excitement took place, 31r. Adams persisting in presenting nume- 
rous petitions from men, women, and children. A general expres- 
sion against the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia 
was elicited, and a resolution passed in opposition to a petition 
presented by Mr. Adams, which purported to be from eleven 
slaves in the town of Fredericksburg, declaring that slaves were 
not vested with the right to petition Congress. 

Into this debate Mr. Hammond threw himself He defended 
the constitutional rights of the Southern States with a prompti- 
tude and cfiiciency that for a time silenced all opposition, and 
secured for the orator the hearty and unanimous approbation of 
his constituents, and indeed of the whole South. " Never," says 
a political writer of the South,''' in a communication on the sub- 
ject of this sketch and this period of his career, — •' never was a 
more timely or effective blow struck for the Constitution and the 
Union, or for the rights, the honor, and the salvation of the South." 

On withdrawing from the House of Representatives, Mr. 
Hammond determined to pay a short visit to Europe, with a view 
to combine the pleasures and instruction of foreign travel with 
the restoration of his health. Having spent a year and a half in 
Europe, visiting the chief seats of literature and art, and collect- 
ing many fine specimens of the latter, he returned to his home. 
He again engaged in the occupation of a planter, declining posi- 
tively the urgent solicitations of his friends to suffer his name to 
be put a second time in nomination for Congress. 

He consented, however, to accept from his fellow-citizens the 
honor of an appointment to the ofiice of General of Brigade of 
the State militia, his attention having been for some time pre- 
vious occupied with the importance of a complete reorganization 
of the militia system of South Carolina. On this subject he 



*■ Mr. D. K. Whitaker, formerly of the " Soulbern Review," who kindly fur- 
nished me with many dates. 



JAMES H. HAMMOND. 307 

made important suggestions to Governor Hayne, who gave them 
form in the excellent system of brigade-encampments which he 
introduced during his administration. 

In 1842, General Hammond was elected Governor of South 
Carolina, and his messages to the State Legislature while in this 
prominent position are highly commended for their " practical 
wisdom," and as being ''among the best State papers extant;" 
while his letters on domestic slavery to Thomas Clarkson, the 
celebrated English philanthropist, are regarded as affording some 
of the most conclusive arguments that have ever emanated from 
any pen on this vexed question. 

Some three or four years previous, the eminent divine, John 
England, Bishop of Charleston, had disposed of the Slavery 
question as involving a domestic institution, and in so far as his 
Catholic flock were theologically concerned. 

Governor Hammond also met the question as presented to 
him, exposing the unnatural heartlessness of that English phi- 
lanthropy which appeals to America to abolish negro slavery, 
while it fosters a white slavery of the most debasing character. 
Bishop England's letters were brought out by the appearance of 
an Apostolical Letter of Pope Gregory XYL, said to be against 
slavery, but actually against the slave-trade. Governor Ham- 
mond's were called forth by a circular of the lay chief of English 
philanthropists. Taken together, as they emanate from the same 
State, they form a most remarkable review, theological, political, 
moral, and social, of the whole question. 

It is argued on the basis of the one that it is an impossibility 
that Catholic theology "can ever be tinctured with the fanaticism 
of Abolition ;" and the writer who thus argues condenses the views 
of Bishop England in a comprehensive manner. He shows that 
Catholics may and do differ in regard to slavery, and other points 
of human policy, when considered as ethical or political ques- 
jtions ; but their theology is fixed, and is, and must be, the same 
now us it was for the first eight or nine centuries of Christianity. 
During that period, as Bishop England has shown in his series 
of "Letters to the Hon, John Forsyth," the Church, (Letter 
XVI.,) by the admonitions of her earliest and holiest pastors; by 
the decrees of her councils, made on a variety of occasions ; by 
her synodical condemnation of thoge who, under pretext of reli- 



308 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

gion, would teach the slave to despise his master; by her sanction 
and support of those laws by which the civil power sought to 
preserve the rights of the owner; by her own acquiring such 
property, by deeds of gift or of sale, for the cultivation of her 
lands, the maintenance of her clergy, the benefit of her monaste- 
ries, of her hospitals, of her orphans, and of her other works of 
charity, repeatedly and evidently testified that she regarded the 
possession of slave-property as fully compatible with the doctrines 
of the gospel; and this, whilst she denounced the pirate who 
made incursions to reduce into bondage those who were free and 
uuofi'ending, and regarded with just execration the men who 
fitted out ships and hired others to engage in the inhuman 
traffic. ''In Catholic theology, the question is a settled one; and 
no one would be recognised as a Catholic who would utter the 
expressions we have heard from the lips of American Abolition- 
ists who call themselves Protestants : — ' If the Bible allows 
slavery, it should be amended.' . . . ' The Christianity of the 
nineteenth century should as far excel the Christianity of the 
early Church, as that did the old Jewish law,' " &c.* 

Governor Hammond, in his letters to Clarkson, did not pro- 
pose to defend the African slave-trade, but he showed that it 
could not be abolished by the use of force, and that it had thus 
far signally defeated i\\Q philanthropy of the world. Coming to 
Clarkson's new hobby, American Slavery, he declines to speak 
of it as an abstraction, because, in his opinion, abstractions sel- 
dom lead to useful ends. 

"I might say," writes Hammond, "that I am no more in favor of 
slavery in the abstract than I am of poverty, disease, deformity, idiocy, 
or any other inequality in the condition of the human family, — that I love 
perfection, and think I should enjoy a millennium such as God has pro- 
mised. But what would it amount to ? A pledge that I would joiu you 
to set about eradicating those apparently inevitable evils of our nature, 
in equalizing the condition of all mankind, consummating the perfection 
of our race, and introducing the millennium ? By no means. To effect 
these things belongs exclusively to a higher power. And it would be 
well for us to leave the Almighty to perfect his own works and fulfil his 
own covenants." 

«- "United States Catholic MiscellanjV' Dec. 9, 1843. 



JAMES H. HAMMOND. 809 

Attacking the "wretched subterfuge that the precise word 
^ slave' is not in the trandation of the Bible/' he argues that not 
the words of translators, but the mcanhuj of the Holy Scriptures, 
must be regarded as divine revelation, and shows that "servant," 
" bondman," and " slave," were usually synonymous in the Greek 
and Hebrew. It is needless, however, to follow the Biblical quo- 
tations and allusions of the Governor. 

As to his own convictions, he endorsed, without reserve, the 
much-abused sentiment of McDuffie, that "slavery is the corner- 
stone of our republican edifice," and, in the event of the Abo- 
litionists dissolving the Union, had no objection whatever to cast 
in his lot with a confederacy of States whose citizens might all be 
slaveholders. He did not believe that "all men are born equal." 
As a commentary on the discontent of European free-labor, he 
reminds Mr. Clarksou that, excepting the United States, there is 
no country in the world whose existing government would not 
be overturned in a month but for its standing armies, maintained 
at an enormous and ruinous cost to those whom they are destined 
to overawe, — so rampant and combative is the spirit of discontent 
wherever nominal free-labor prevails, with its ostensible privi- 
leges and its dismal servitude. 

Admitting that sUvery increases Southern representation in 
Congress, Governor Hiimmond showed that it also increases 
Southern taxes, and that the balance of profit arising from the 
connection between the North and the South is in favor of the 
former. In fact, he reviewed, with brevity but sufficient force, 
all the arguments or accusations brought against domestic 
slavery and the reported ill state of society in which it was said 
to result. He showed that slavery has nothing to do with the 
tales of murder, affrays, and horrors which are constantly set 
forth. " Stability and peace are the first desires of every slave- 
holder, and the true tendency of the system." "We have been 
so irreverent as to laugh at Mormonism and Millerism, which 
have created such commotions farther North; and modern pro- 
phets have no honor in our country. Shakers, Rappists, Dunkers, 
Socialists, Fourierists, and the like, keep themselves afar off. 
Even Puseyism has not yet moved us." " Miss Martineau, with 
peculiar gusto, relates a series of scandalous stories, which would . 
have made Boccaccio jealous of her pen, but which are so ridicu- 



olO LIVING REPRESENTATIVE IMEN. 

lously false as to leave no doubt tliat some wicked wag, knowing 
she would write a book, has furnished her materials."* 

The irresponsible power of one man over his fellow-men is the 
subject of vehement denunciation on the part of Abolitionists. 
Grovernor Hammond denies that the slaveholder in America is 
irresponsible. He is responsible to God, to the world, to the 
community in which he lives, and to the laws under which he 
enjoys his civil rights. ''Those laws do not permit him to kill, 
to maim, or to punish beyond certain limits, or to overtask, or to 
refuse to feed and clothe, his slave. In short, they forbid him to 
be tyrannical or cruel." It is the interest as well as the desire 
of Governor Hammond and all slaveholders to treat their slaves 
with proper kindness. 

"Slaveholders," be says, "are no more perfect than other men. They 
have passions. Some of them, as you may suppose, do not at all restrain 
them. Neither do husbands, parents, and friends. And in each of these 
relations as serious suffering as frequently arises from uncontrolled pas- 
sions as ever does in that of master and slave, and with as little chance 
of indemnity. Yet you would not on that account break them up. I 
have no hesitation in saying that our slaveholders are kind masters, as 
men usually are kind husbands, parents, and friends, — ^as a general rule, 
kinder. A bad master — he who overworks his slaves, provides ill for 
them, or treats them with undue severity — loses the esteem and respect 
of his fellow-citizens to as great an extent as he would by the violation 
of any of his social and most of his moral obligations. What the most 
perfect plan of management would be is a problem hard to solve. From 
the commencement of slavery in this country, this subject has occupied 
the minds of all slaveholders, as much as the improvement of the general 
condition of mankind has those of the most ardent philanthropists ; and 
the greatest progressive amelioration of the system has been effected. 
You yourself acknowledge that in the early part of your career you 
were exceedingly anxious for the immediate abolition of the slave-trade, 



•■• "But her [Margaret Fuller's] friendship for the latter [Miss Martineau] did 
not preclude her giving her candid opinion on Martineau's book on America. 
Agreeing with much of it, she condemned the gross inaccuracies with which 
that work was fdled; and, writing to the author of it, Miss Fuller says, 'A 
want of soundness, of habits of patient investigation, of completeness, of ar- 
rangement, are felt throughout the book;' and again, 'I do not like that jour, 
book should be an Abolition book. You might have borne your testimony 
as decidedly as you pleased ; but why leaven the whole book with it?'" — "Demo- 
cratic Review," June, 1862, Article " Vanity versus Philosophy. — Margaret Fuller 
(Ossoli)." 



JAMES H. HAMMOND. 311 

lest those engaged in it should so mitigate its evils as to destroy the force 
of your arguments and facts. The improvement you then dreaded has 
gone on steadily here, and would doubtless have taken place in the slave- 
trade, but for the measures adopted to suppress it." 

After going over the South, so to say, and showing the average 
morality and happiness of slaves, and the nature of the relations 
between them and their masters, Governor Hammond charges 
home on Mr. Clarkson and his fellow-philanthropists the fact 
that the poor and laboring classes of their own race and color 
in Great Britain — men not only their fellow-beings, but fellow- 
citizens — are more miserable and degraded, morally and physic- 
ally, than the slaves in the South, — " to be elevated to the actual 
condition of whom," he adds, "would be to these, ?/oz<r fellow- 
citizens, a most glorious act of emancipation. '^ 

In proof, Governor Hammond makes some extracts from the 
published reports of the commissioners appointed by Parliament. 
Here are a few of these passages as quoted by the correspondent 
of Mr. Clarkson : — 

" Collieries. — The pits about Brompton 'are vporked altogether by boys 
from eight to twelve years of age, on all-fours, with a dog-belt and chain.' 
In Mr. Bai-nes's pit these poor boys have to drag the barrows with one 
hundred-weight of coal, or slack, sixty times a day, sixty yards, and the 
empty barrows back, without once straightening their backs, — unless they 
choose to stand under the shaft and run the risk of having their heads 
broken by a falling coal." — Report on Mines, 1842, p. 71, 

'"At the Booth pit,' says Mr. Scriven, 'I walked, rode, and crept 
eighteen hundred yards to one of the nearest faces.' " — Ibid. 

"Robert North, aged IG: 'Went into the pit at seven years of age, to 
fill up skips. I drew about twelve months. When I drew by the girdle 
and chain my skin was broken, and the blood ran down. I durst not say 
any thing. If we said any thing, the butty, and the reeve, who works 
under him, would take a stick and beat us.'" — Ibid. 

" Robert Crucilon, aged 16 : 'I don't know any thing of Moses. Never 
heard of France. I don't know what America is. Never heard of Scot- 
land or Ii'eland. Can't tell how many weeks in a year. There are eight 
pints in a gallon of ale.' " — Ibid. 

"Ann Eggly, aged 18: 'I walk about and get fresh air on Sundays. 
I never go to church or chapel. I never heard of Christ at all.' " — Ibid. 
" " Elizabeth Barrett, aged 14 : 'I always work without stockings, shoes, 
or trousers. I wear nothing but a shift. I have to go up to the head- 
ings with the men. They are all naked there. I am got used to that.'" 
—Ibid. 



312 LIVING RErRESENTATIVE MEN. 

"Others : ' I don't know who made the world.' 'I never heard about 
God.' 'I don't know Jesus Christ: I never saw him ; but I have seen 
Foster, who prays about him.' " — Ibid. 

" Employer : ' You have expressed surprise at Thomas Mitchel's not 
hearing of God. I judge there are few colliers hereabout that have.' " — 
Ibid. 

"As to illicit sexual intercourse, it seems to prevail universally, and 
from an early period of life. They have no morals." — Ibid. 

"It is by no means uncommon, in all the districts, for children five or^ 
six years old to be kept at work fourteen to sixteen hours consecutively." 
— Report on Children, 1842, p. 59. 

"There have been found such occurrences as seven, eight, and ten 
persons in one cottage, T cannot say for one day, but for whole dnys, 
without a morsel of food. They have remained on their beds of straw 
for two successive days, under the impression that in a recumbent pos- 
tui'e the pangs of hunger were less felt." — Lord BroughanC s Speech, July 
11, 1842. 

It is, as Governor Hammond says, shocking beyond endurance 
to turn over these records. lie believes that if the slaves could 
but see the condition of the free laboring-classes of England 
"they would join us in lynching the Abolitionists, — which, by-the- 
bye, they would not now be loath to do." "We never put them 
to any icork under ten, — more generally at twelve years of age, — 
and then the very lightest. Destitution is absolutely unknown : 
never did a slave starve in America ; while in moral sentiments 
and feelings, in religious information, and even in general intelli- 
gence, they are infinitely the superiors of your operatives." 

Having completed the term of his Gubernatorial office, Governor 
Hammond once more returned to the duties and pleasures of 
agricultural life. He passed many years — indeed, all the years 
from that period to his call to the United States Senate in 1857 
— in comparative retirement. His intellect, however, was not 
inactive; and several addresses made and published at intervals 
disclose a still growing force and capacity. In November, 1849, 
he delivered an address before the South Carolina Institute, 
advocating the manufacture of their own cotton in that State, 
and showing, by statistics, the great benefit it would be. It was 
contended that the introduction of manufacturing into the South- 
would undermine its free-trade principles and destroy the last 
hope of the great agricultural interest. He thought the results 
would be precisely the reverse. "The manufacturing people of 



JAMES H. HAMMOND. 313 

the Xorth desire a high tariff, for no other purpose but to compel 
the non-manufacturing people of the South to buy from them in 
preference to foreigners. If the South manufactures for itself, 
the game is completely blocked. We will, of course, use the 
productions of our own looms and workshops in preference to 
any others; and the North will then clamor — as the English 
manufacturers are now clamoring — for entire free-trade, that they 
may exchange their industrial products on the most favorable 
terms with foreign nations. The result is as inevitable as it is 
obvious." 

In the following month of the same year, G overnor Hammond 
delivered an oration before the two societies of the South Carolina 
College, combating the too prevalent idea of the ultra enlighten- 
ment and progress of the day we live in, and the causes from 
which they result. It was largely received that modern progress 
dates from Lord Bacon ; but, Mr. Hammond remarks, " we owe a 
very large proportion of the discoveries and inventions of modern 
times to Italy, where this philosophj^ has not yet penetrated." 
The basis of his review is that discovery has done more for 
Bacon than he has done as yet for it, and that, after all, there is 
little new under the sun. It is an exceedingly interesting essay. 

In November, 1850, at the request of the City Council of 
Charleston, Governor Hammond delivered an oration on the life, 
character, and services of John Caldwell Calhoun, which was 
listened to by thousands of the admirers of the great states- 
man of the South. To balance the services, analyze the motives, 
comprehend the life and principles, of a man of such undoubted 
genius as Calhoun, demands rare and remarkable qualifications. 
Of all the eulogies and orations upon the subject, '^ it is that 
of G-eneral Hammond in particular," says the ^'Southern Quar- 
terly Keview,"* '^ which impresses us not only with the truth 
and felicity of the broad, bold outlines, but with the perfect 
propriety, the fitness, and the finish of the whole. In him seem 
to have been combined all the requisite qualifications for the 
analysis of such a subject; and we venture to predict that this, 
of all others, will be the production which will survive as an his- 
torical document." 



* July, 1851, pp. 107-109. 
27 



314 LlVl.NG REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

In addition to these publications may be named a pamphlet on 
^' iMarl,'^ one on the Railroad S^'stem and Banks of the State, and 
a review of EUwood Fisher's "North and South/' published in 
the " Southern Quarterly. '^ All of these writings are character- 
ized by force, fervor, and clearness of style, and exhibit the 
thinker and scholar much more than the mere politician and 
seeker after meretricious effects. 

Governor Hammond's elevation to the United States Senate, 
in November, 1857, would, it "was confidently expected, be salu- 
tary throughout the State, in throwing off the attempted domina- 
tion of cliques and breaking down the divided leadership of 
mediocrities."* 

In his new sphere, Senator Hammond very soon commanded 
national attention, and came to be regarded as the Southern 
champion, in contradistinction to Seward as the foremost man 
of the Republican party. His speech during the famous Kansas 
debate of March, 1858, drew all eyes — as well as the tongues 
of all the Abolition side of the Chamber — upon him. I well 
remember its effect, having attended the Senate day and night 
throughout that famous session. Hammond was sick of Kan- 
sas, and would say little about it if Douglas — whom he regarded 
as the Ajax Telamon of the debate — did not press the question 
of fraud. Senator Douglas believed there were irregularities, 
but would waive them if he could be certain that the Lecomp- 
ton Constitution presented the will of the people. 

Senator Hammond could not see where to look for the will of 
the people, save in convention. The Territorial Legislature was 
a petty corporation paid by Congress; the convention was the 
voice of the people. Swiftly passing over Kansas, he gave a bold 
and vivid review of the position of the South, and her capacity 
to sustain herself whether in or out of the Union. The declara- 
tion by Senator Seward the day previous, as well as on a former 
occasion, that the "battle had been fought and won," induced 
the Senator from South Carolina to place the North and South 
face to face. 

The Senator exhibited the exports of the South. As to the 
North, he looked upon them as a great, intelligent people. They 

* Correspondence of " Charleston Mercury," Dec. 1857. 



JAMES II. HAMMOND. 315 

were full of intellect; but tliey produced no great staple which 
was not produced by the South, while the South produced several 
not found in the North. Cotton was King: and no power on 
earth dare make war on cotton. Senator Seward had said that 
the whole world had abolished slavery. Senator Hammond 
thought it was only in name it was abolished. Our slaves are 
black, said he. They are elevated from the position in which 
God made them by being under our charge. The Northern 
slaves are white, — brothers in blood and political equals. Our 
slaves do not vote. Yours (to the North) do vote; and they are 
the repositories of all your political power. If your white slaves 
remembered that the ballot-box was more powerful than an army, 
where would your institutions be ? 

On the demise of his venerable friend and colleague Senator 
Evans, Senator Hammond made some brief and suitable' re- 
marks. On the question of British aggression, he supported the 
resolutions introduced by Senator Mason, of Virginia, as Chair- 
man of the Committee on Foreign Relations. He was not opposed 
to a war with England, but thought it would be the most 
momentous occurrence that had happened for three centuries. 
He was for giving England a chance to postpone an event that 
must change the whole face of human affairs. In the debate on 
the Naval Appropriation Bill, Senator Hammond reiterated his 
position as not being an alarmist, while he was ready to meet war 
when it came. The navy was in a most ridiculous condition ; 
and he was in flivor of ten new steam-sloops, as a peace measure, 
and for the protection of our commerce. During a very warm 
debate, he said, " I am not willing to take one step toward a war 
that I would ever retreat from. I will vote for no gasconading 
resolutions, and support no war speeches, to alarm so great a 
nation as England, or to alarm anybody."* 

On his return, he addressed his constituents at Barnwell Court- 
House (October 28, 1858) in a speech which attracted even more 
attention than his first speech in the Senate. More than twenty 
years had elapsed since he addressed the fathers of the men then 
present at that place. The gallant spirits who surrounded him 
then had for the most part passed away; but the theme remained. 

* Cong. Globe, 1st Sess. 35th Cong. vol. 3, 



316 LiM-NG KEl'ttESE-NTATlVJ:: MEN. 

Twenty years past his tlieme was the Constitution, the Union, 
and the rights and wrongs of South Carolina in the Confederacy. 
It is still the same. In this speech he gave his views in full on 
the Kansas question. The leading features of the Kansas-Ne- 
braska Bill of 1854 were, he said : "■ It enacted that every Terri- 
tory, in forming its Constitution for the purpose of applying for 
admission into the Union, should have the right to establish its 
own organic or constitutional laws, and come in with its own 
institutions, with the single condition that they should be repub- 
lican;" and "The other feature of the bill was the repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise line." Neither of these features had any 
practical importance in his eyes, but, magnified by the press into 
a great Southern victory, "led the South into the delusion that 
Kansas might be made a slave State, and induced it to join in a 
false and useless issue, which has kept the whole country in tur- 
moil for the last four years, and given fresh life and vigor to the 
Abolition party." He confessed his opinion that the South her- 
self should have "kicked the Lecompton Constitution out of Con- 
gress." But the South thought otherwise. "When the bill for 
its adoption Y\^as framed, with what is called the Green Proviw, 
I strenuously objected to it, and felt very much disposed to vote 
against the v/hole, but again gave up to the South, which accepted 
it by acclamation." 

In this speech. Senator Hammond, whom many had looked 
upon as a Disunionist, disavowed being one. For many years 
he believed that Southern safety was only to be found in a disso- 
lution of the Union. He had openly avowed it. He now as 
openly disavowed it, in the belief that the Southern States could 
fully sustain themselves in the Union and control its action 
in all great affairs. He also announced that upon investigation 
he had abandoned the idea of the reopening of the slave-trade. 

Seldom has a speaker on such an exciting topic received such 
general .commendation. The conservative, moderate men of the 
South pronounced the speech fair and powerful, while it was 
read with mingled feelings of surprise and admiration at the 
North. 

In a letter excusing his absence from the banquet commemo- 
rating the seventy-seventh anniversary of Webster's birthday, 
his allusion to South Carolina and Massachusetts, " the ex- 



JAMES H. HAMMOND. 317 

tremes/' was so pointed that it cannot be here omitted. He 
writes to Mr. Harvey, of Boston : — 

'* You say that in the Revolution Massachusetts and South Carolina 

'stood shoulder to shoulder.' It would be well for the world if they 

stood so now. And why do they not ? To have brought about their 

present relations, one of them must have erred much ; possibly both : 

'another age will decide between us. 

"Born and bred in South Carolina, of which State my mother is a 
native, my father is a Massachusetts man — a college-friend of Mr. Web- 
ster — and descended, I am proud to say, from your earliest Puritan immi- 
grants. In the antagonistic positions of these tAvo small but noble States 
I have personally much to regret; as a patriot, still more. I wish the 
breach could be filled up and obliterated. If we have done you wrong, — 
if we have been the aggressors, — I think I can assure you that there is 
not a man in South Carolina who is conscious of it; not one who would 
deprive Massachusetts of a single political right ; not one who would in- 
terfere with any of her institutions ; not one who would thwart in the 
least any of her peculiar and legitimate interests ; and, could it be shown 
that we have done any of these things, not one but would desire to make 
prompt and ample reparation. If the same spirit animates the people 
of Massachusetts to the same extent, we may justly hope that — the de- 
luding falsehoods of political aspirants trampled under foot — our two 
States may yet stand ' shoulder to shoulder,' the pillars of a constitutional 
Republic, wisely and justly administered for the protection and advance- 
ment of all, without special privileges or endowments to any section, 
class, or individual, but insuring to all and each the full development of 
themselves." 

Senator Hammond is, in the words of Mitchel, '^ a gentleman 
of enlarged views and great information ; a good example of the 
Southern planter of the more refined sort ; with an educated 
taste for art, literature, and all the embellishments of life ; author, 
too, of one of the ablest, warmest, and most convincing vindications 
of Southern slavery that have ever been produced."* 

* "The Southern Citizen," March, 1859. 



27* 



818 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



SAM HOUSTON, 

OF TEXAS. 

One of the most remarkable meu in the United States Senate 
was Greneral Sam Houston, of Texas, — one from whose history 
the pioneers of empire will take hope and encouragement, and 
upon which the student will dwell with admiration. 

Descended on both sides from ancestors who left Ireland after 
participating in the siege of Derry, Sam Houston was born at 
a place called Timber Piidge Church, in Rockbridge County, 
Virginia, on the 2d of March, 1793, — a date significantly 
famous afterward in connection with the declaration of Texan 
Independence. His father — a man of gallant bearing, great 
courage, and moderate fortune — had a passion for military life, 
served in the Revolution, was successively inspector of Gene- 
ral Bowyer's and General Moore's brigades, and died in the 
latter capacity while on a tour of inspection in the Alleghany 
Mountains in 1807. Thus, at the age of thirteen, young Sam, 
with eight other children, was left to the charge of his mother, 
—a noble woman, of dignified character and great moral and in- 
tellectual force. The subject of our sketch went to school when 
he could be spared from work, and at his father's death the 
amount of his attendance is estimated altogether at about six 
months. The orphaned family, with the mother at their head, 
crossed the xVlleghany Mountains, and stopped not until within 
eight miles of the Tennessee River, then the boundary between 
white men and the Cherokee Indians. All hands had now to 
work, and Sam's not less arduously than those of his brothers. 
Ke seems to have gone through his share doggedly enough ; 
but, getting possessed of a few books somehow, his imagination 
awoke and life expanded before him in new and rapturous phases. 
The heroes of Greek and Latin story conjured the youth into 
admiration nnd a passionate desire to know more of his new 



SAM HOUSTON. 319 

acquaintances. He wished to learn Greek and Latin, and, on 
being refused permission, lie declared his positive intention of 
never reciting another lesson. He had, however, received that 
spark which waits but the slightest breath to enkindle the true 
tires of thought. 

Against his will, the youth was placed behind the counter 
of a store, but soon escaped therefrom. After several weeks' 
search, he was found among the Cherokee Indians, and, being 
questioned, drew himself up to his full height and said " he 
preferred measuring deer-tracks to tape, liked the wild liberty 
of the red men better than the tyranny of his own brothers, 
and, if he could not study Latin in the academy, he could 
at least read a translation from the Greek in the woods, and 
read it in peace ; so they could go home as soon as they 
liked." When his clothes were worn out, he returned for a 
refit, but, on the first act of tyranny on the part of his brothers, 
he was oiF to the woods again, " where he passed entire months 
with his Indian mates, chasing the deer and engaging in all the 
gay sports of the happy Indian boys, and wandering along the 
banks of the streams by the side of some Indian maiden, shel- 
tered by the deep woods, conversing in that universal language 
which finds its sure way to the heart." The inception of the 
ideas which led Lord Edward Fitzgerald to lose his life in a revo- 
lutionary cause is traced to his residence with Joseph Brant and 
the Indians. In like manner, the experiences of Houston at this 
period of his life are regarded as having largely fitted him for 
the path he was to pursue. 

Houston followed this wild and romantic life, paying one or two 
visits annually to his family, until his eighteenth year. On these 
visits he purchased many little things to present to his forest 
friends, and thus incurred a debt, to defray which he took it into 
his head to be a schoolmaster. It may readily be imagined he 
found it difficult to get pupils, but, not being of the kind that 
yield easily, he succeeded, and received what was then an enor- 
mous remuneration, — namely, eight dollars per annum, " one- 
third to be paid in corn delivered at the mill at thirty-three 
and a third cents per bushel, one-third in cash, and one-third rn 
domestic cotton cloth of variegated colors," in which our Indian 
professor was dressed. He discharged his debts, and, after a vain 



820 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

attempt to master Euclid, enlisted, in 1813, as a private in the 
United States army when the country was excited with the second 
war with England. His '' friends" were outraged at his becom- 
ing " a common soldier/' to which he indignantly replied, '' What 
have your craven souls to say about the ranks ? Go to with your 
stuff! I would much sooner honor the ranks than disgrace an 
appointment. You don't know me now, but you shall hear of 
me." He had his father's memories and his mother's blessing 
with him. Handing him a musket, she heroically said, ^' There, 
my son, take this musket, and never disgrace it; for, remember, 
I had rather all my sons should fill one honorable grave than 
that one of them should turn his back to save his life. Go; and 
remember, too, that, while the door of my cottage is open to 
brave men, it is eternally shut against cowards." 

Houston was soon promoted to the rank of sergeant, and after- 
ward to that of ensign, in which capacity he distinguished him- 
self at the battle of the Horse-Shoe, March 27, 1814, under 
Jackson. While leading his men over the breastworks, a barbed 
arrow struck deep into his thigh. Having the wound staunched, 
he returned to the fight, and received two rifle-balls in the right 
shoulder. His life was despaired of, and for months he wavered 
between recovery and death. 

After the peace he was retained as lieutenant, and attached to 
the First Regiment, then stationed at New Orleans. In the fall 
of 1815 he embarked on the Cumberland in a small skiff with 
two young men, one of whom, then a beardless youth, afterward 
became distinguished as Governor White, of Louisiana. Pass- 
ing down the Cumberland, they entered the Ohio, and at last 
found their way to the Mississippi and floated through that vast 
solitude which was then unbroken by the noise of civilized life. 
With a few books, — his mother's Bible, his old Pope's Iliad, 
Shakspeare, Robinson Crusoe, the Vicar of Wakefield, and others, 
— the young soldier and his comrades passed leisurely along. 
After many days their skiff turned a bend of the Mississippi 
above Natchez, and far down the river they saw a vessel coming 
up the stream without sails and sending up a heavy column of 
smoke. Instead of its being a vessel on fire, as they had at first 
supposed, it proved to be the first steamboat that ever went up 



SAM HOUSTON. 321 

the Mississippi.* At Natchez they exchanged their skiff for the 
steamboat, and in eight days they reached New Orleans, where 
Houston reported. After suffering severely from his wounds, 
and being detailed on extra duty as sub-Indian agent by General 
Jackson, who reposed the highest confidence in his utility and 
services, he conducted a delegation of Indians to Washington, 
and while there found that attempts had been made to injure 
him with the Grovernment for having prevented African negroes 
from being smuggled into the Western States from Florida, then 
a Spanish province. He vindicated himself before the President 
and the Department, and it was Jackson's opinion that his mag- 
nanimity should have met with more cordial recognition. Hous- 
ton considered himself aggrieved, resigned his lieutenancy, and, 
returning with the delegation to Hi-Wasse, resigned also his 
sub-agency, and went to Nashville to study law. 

He commenced his studies in the office of the Hon. James 
Trimble, June, 1818, and, after a determined application for six 
months, was admitted with eclat. Purchasing a small library on 
credit, he established himself at Lebanon. His military services 
led to his appointment as Adjutant-General of the State, with the 
rank of colonel ; but so assiduous was he in his law-studies that 
in October of the same year he was elected District Attorney of 
the Davidson district, and took up his residence at Nashville, 
where he came in contact with the ablest men of the Western 
bar. The fees of the office did not correspond with its duties ; 
so Houston resigned in a year and resumed regular practice, in 
which he soon rose to distinction. 

In 1821, Colonel Houston was elected Major-General, and in 
1823, so popular had his talents become, he was sent to Congress 
without opposition. At the expiration of his term he was re- 
elected, and won such confidence by his acts in the National 
Legislature, that he was in 1827 elected Governor of Tennessee 
by a majority of over twelve thousand. Thus has the refrac- 
tory tape-seller, the forest-dreamer of the Iliad, the wild hunter 
of the woods, the comrade of the red man, risen to the proud 
position of chosen chief of a republican State. But an unfor- 



* See '•' An Authentic Life of General Houston,*' published New York, 1855, 
p. 39. 

Y 



322 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

tunate event burst like a whirlwind upon his brilliant prospects. 
A domestic affliction led him, in 1S29, to resign his office, and 
he turned his back upon " the palefaces/' and once more sought 
comfort among the Indians. He landed at the mouth of White 
River, ascended the Arkansas to Little Rock, and pursued his 
way, b}^ land and water, to the Falls of the Arkansas, four hun- 
dred miles to the northwest. He was touchingly welcomed by 
his adopted father, the old chief Oolooteka, who said the cloud 
which had fallen on Houston was a visitation of the Great Spirit, 
so that the red men might have the benefit of his counsel. " I 
know," he said, " you will be our friend, for our hearts are near 
to you, and you will tell our sorrows to the great father. General 
Jackson. My wigwam is yours ; my home is yours ; my people 
are yours : rest with us." 

For three years the exile dwelt with the Cherokees. He 
studied the red man and his wrongs, and is proud to declare 
that, during an intimacy of years, he never was deceived or 
betrayed by a son of the forest. Though always invited to min- 
gle in their councils, he never participated in their deliberations; 
but he shared the confidence of the chief, and determined to de- 
vote himself to the interests of his friends. Feeling that he had 
the respect and afiection of Jackson, who was then President, he 
resolved to scrutinize the doings of the Indian agents and report 
his observations. Alluding to the result in a speech in after- 
times, he said there was not a tribe which had not been outraged 
and defrauded; and nearly all the wars we have prosecuted 
against the Indians have grown out of the cruel injustice prac- 
tised toward them by our Indian agents and their accomplices. 
In 18B2 he visited Washington and caused an investigation to be 
held, the result of which was the dismissal of five agents and 
sub-agents. 

This involved him in a series of difficulties at Washington, 
which lasted nearly a year. Combinations were formed against 
him by the influence of the dismissed agents ; the Congressional 
majority hostile to Jackson readily undertook to attempt the dis- 
grace of his friend ; personal violence was resorted to, to inti- 
midate or get rid of Houston; and charges of extortion were 
made against him. Seldom, says one of his biographers, after 
giving a detailed outline of these difficulties, — seldom, if ever, 



SAM HOUSTON. o2o 

in the history of this country has so malignant a persecution 
been waged against a public man. Seldom in the history of the 
world has a man been able to withstand so mighty a conspiracy. 
But Houston came off triumphant. During this entire period of 
attack and abuse, he had displayed no cowardice nor shunned the 
most searching scrutiny. He had bared his breast to his foes and 
invited their weapons. And now, when they had. given over the 
contest and retired from it loaded with mortification and con- 
tempt, this hunted and persecuted man deliberately abandoned 
once more the haunts of civilization, and went voluntarily where 
his foes never could have driven him, — back to his exile. He 
returned through Tennessee, and everywhere met with evidences 
of deep regard. Recent persecution won for him a deeper sym- 
pathy, and the universal desire was that he should remain in the 
State. His purpose was fixed. Posts of honor and emolument 
offered by Jackson were rejected, and he sought shelter and 
succor by the hearthstone of a savage king, in bitter satire on 
the persecutions of civilized life. 

While on a private mission to the Comanches at San Antonio 
de Bexar, Houston was earnestly pressed, at Nacogdoches, to 
allow his name to be put forward as a candidate to a conven- 
tion to be held in the following April. He was unanimously 
elected, and took up his residence with his new constituents. 
The convention was composed of more than fifty members, as- 
sembled at San Felipe de Austin, met in a rude, narrow apart- 
ment on the 1st of April, 1833, and v/as the first deliberative 
assembly " made up of men descended from the Anglo-Saxon 
race which had ever assembled within the limits of the ancient 
dominions of Cortez." In thirteen days a State Constitution was 
completed, and a memorial addressed to the Supreme Government 
of Mexico, setting forth the reasons why Texas should be recog- 
nised as one of the States of the Mexican Confederacy, was pre- 
pared. It was at this convention that Houston displayed that wise 
policy which has linked his name forever with Texas ; and those 
who were present attribute to his influence there the tone of 
feeling which followed. 

Matters quickly ripened. Austin, who carried the memorial 
to the city of Mexico, after having been immured in a dungeon 
for several months without even the form of a trial, was libe- 



324 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

rated by Santa Anna. On Austin's return to Texas, he found 
the public feeling excited. An edict of Santa Anna demanding 
the surrender of arms, which would have left the Texans defence- 
less against the Indians, fanned the slumbering fire into a flame. 
The seizure of a four-pounder at Gonzales brought the people 
together ; Austin arrived, was elected general of the forces, and, 
rescuing the field-piece, pursued the Mexicans to Bexar. A 
general alarm extended along the Sabine : the tocsin had been 
sounded, and Texas stood up as one man. This was in Octo- 
ber, 1835. 

Committees of vigilance and safety and partial organizations of 
militia sprung rapidly into being, and Houston was elected gene- 
ral of Texas east of the Trinity. Austin proposed to give him 
supreme command, but Houston declined, showing that the 
troops then in the field were either those who elected Austin or 
mustered in obedience to his requisition. A general consultation 
was held, a council of war followed, and a provisional Govern- 
ment and a Declaration was the result, — in all of which Houston 
had important influence. He still wore his buckskin and blanket 
in the Indian fashion ; apropos of which Jackson is reported to 
have said at the time that '' he thanked God there was one man, 
at least, in Texas who was made by the Almighty, and not by a 
tailor !" A Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Council were 
created ; and, measures having been set on foot to raise a regular 
army and organize the militia, the stalwart man in the blanket, 
the adopted Indian, was elected commander-in-chief of the armies 
of Texas. 

On March 2, 1836, — the anniversary of the general's birth- 
day, — the Declaration of Independence was proclaimed, and 
Houston was returned by the votes of the new convention as chief 
of the army. It is beyond the scope of this work to detail the 
romantic and startling incidents of the Texan War of Independ- 
ence, — to picture the horrors of the massacres at Goliad and the 
Alamo, or the wondrous power of Houston, in convention and 
camp, in keeping the men together under difficulties the most 
disheartening, and inspiring them in the face of the discontent 
of some of his leaders, the disobedience of others, the want of 
courage of some, and the want of faith of many. With strag- 
gling forces, subject here and there to the personal ambition of 



SAxM HOUSTON. 32o 

self-willed men, half clad, half armed, with few resources and 
crowding difficulties, and the disparity of overwhelming numbers 
in the Mexican ranks, the heroic fortitude of Houston seems 
more a matter of poetic fancy than of historic fact. From his 
assumption of the chief command to that immortal day at San 
JacintO; — when the Texans, after firing, broke in a headlong 
charge, like the Irish Brigade at Fontenoy, upon the enemy's 
rank, " with empty guns clutched in their hands" like war-clubs, 
and finished them with their pistols and bowie-knives,— the 
struggle was of a most trying and^ at times, dismal character. 
In one of his despatches to Rusk, General Houston says, '^ I 
will do the best I can; but, be assured, the fame of Jackson 
could never compensate me for my anxiety and mental pain.'' 
Owing to Houston's magnanimity, the life of his prisoner, Santa 
Anna, was spared. For this he was lustily decried; but General 
Jackson declared that he deserved as much honor for his treat- 
ment of Santa Anna after the victory as for the victory itself. 
'' Let those who clamor for blood,'' said Jackson^ '^ clamor on. 
The world will take care of Houston's fame." 

Houston was elected President ; Senators and Representatives 
were elected at the same time ; and on the 3d of October, 1836, 
the delegates assembled at Columbia and the first Congress of 
the Republic of Texas was organized. On the 22d, the inaugu- 
ration took place, and President Houston delivered an address 
outlining his future policy. The conclusion — when he delivered 
up his sword — was very touching. 

^^ It now, sir," said he, '^ becomes my duty to make a presen- 
tation of this sword, — this emblem of my past office." The 
President was unable to proceed ; but having firmly clenched 
it with both hands, as if with a farewell grasp, a tide of varied 
associations rushed upon him in the moment, his countenance 
bespoke the workings of the strongest emotions, his soul seemed 
to dwell momentarily on the glistening blade, and the greater 
part of the audience gave outward proof of their sympathy. 
It was a moment of deep and painful interest. After this pause, 
more eloquently impressive than the deepest pathos conveyed 
in language, the President proceeded : — " I have worn it with 
some humble pretensions in defence of my country ; and, should 
the danger of my country again call for my services, I expect to 

28 



826 LIVING REI'KESENTATIA'E MEN. 

resume it, and resi)Oiid to that call, if needful, with my blood and 
my life/' His Presidential term closed on the 12th of December, 
1838, and, according to the Constitution, he could not be re-elected 
for the succeeding term. Lamar was made President, and was suc- 
ceeded by Houston on the loth of December, 1841, the ex-Presi- 
dent having in the mean time represented his district in the Texan 
Congress. 

President Houston, from the first, was the able advocate of 
annexation with the United States, and exerted his influence 
on the most appropriate occasions. In one of his last communi- 
cations on the subject, he urged annexation as necessary to the 
l)erpetuation of the United States. '' If this great measure fails, 
the Union will be endangered, its revenues diminished, and a 
European influence will grow up in Texas, from our necessities 
and interests, that will most efi'ectually prejudice the interests of 
the United States." 

On the admission of Texas, (December 29, 1845,) its ex- 
President, Houston, and General Rusk were chosen to represent 
the State in the Senate of the United States. 

Senator Houston advocated the Compromise measures of 1850, 
and was opposed to the Nebraska Bill and to the repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise. Within his recollection, Alabama, Mis- 
souri, Florida, Arkansas, Mississippi, Wisconsin, and Iowa had 
been organized without the principle deemed essential in the Ne- 
braska Bill. To use his own words, he bowed with deference to 
sovereignty, but did not apply the principle to the Territories in 
their unorganized condition. He did not and would not reflect 
on those who introduced or supported the bill, but he deprecated 
the consequences which would flow from it. " Maintain the 
Missouri Compromise," he cried ; " stir not up agitation ; give 
us peace." On the 3d of March, 1854, he defended the three 
thousand Massachusetts clergymen who petitioned Congress 
against the Nebraska Bill, and called their memorial '^ a respect- 
ful protest in the name of the Almighty God." As a Senator 
he has been the steady friend and defender of the Indians, and 
the persistent advocate of fjiir dealings with them. 

In reply to a question by Senator Mallory, — " Whether he 
(Houston) approves or does not approve of so much of the creed 
attributed to the Know-Nothings as would make those who pro- 



S.AM HOUSTON. 327 

fess the Roman Catholic religion ineligible to office ?" — Senator 
Houston replied, he would not vote for such a law, and could not 
approve it. The proscription charged upon the " Know-Nothings" 
wa.s nothing more, he said, than what formerly existed between 
Whigs and Democrats. He desired that every foreigner coniin<>- 
to live here should be endorsed by one of our consuls abroad, 
and he was opposed to infamous characters and paupers coming 
among us. 

In 1854, General Houston was recommended as the people's 
candidate for the Presidency of the United States. The General 
Committee of the Democracy of New Hampshire nominated him ; 
and his claims were advocated in an able address to the Union from 
that body, said to be written by Edmund Burke, of the Granite 
State. In 1856, he supported Fillmore and Donelson, the nomi- 
nees of the ''American" party for President and Vice-President. 

In the Thirty-Fifth Congress, Senator Houston created a wide 
sensation by his proposition (February 16, 1858) for a United 
States protectorate over the States of Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa 
Rica, Guatemala, Honduras, and San Salvador, in such form and 
to such an extent as shall be necessary to secure to the people of 
said States the blessings of stable republican government. He 
held that recent events showed the inability of those States to take 
care of themselves, and our Government, as the great Power of 
North America, should extend a helping hand to its feeble neigh- 
bors. The project was, however, deferred. Senator Houston advo- 
cated the Southern route for the Pacific Railroad, and took occa- 
sion to speak of the South as not favoring secession or disunion, 
and in condemnation of the slave-trade. He did not like the term 
*' Southern Rights;" for the South had no rights which were not 
equally possessed by the North. Senator Iverson, of Georgia, 
made some remarks in response, denying the right of Houston to 
speak on behalf of the South, as Texas had repudiated him for 
favoring union when union could only be maintained at the 
sacrifice of the South. ^ The next day Houston replied, and, 
admitting that Texas had chosen to dispense with his services, 
said he was glad they were able to get along without him, for it 
demonstrated the increasing prosperity of the State. He re- 
viewed the " gaseous gentlemen and street-corner politicians" 
who still talked of secession when there was no sentiment to 



£>28 LlVl-NG KEPUE.SKNTATIVE MEN. 

back them up, and concluded by alluding to Iverson's attack. 
It reminded him, he said, of the old fable of the dead lion, who 
being espie.d by a certain animal, the latter took advantage of his 
defenceless position to plant his heels in the lion's face. He 
would not name the animal, but it was the same from which 
Samson took the jawbone. Houston sat down amid great laugh- 
ter, both on the floor of the Senate and in the galleries ; and the 
Senator from Georgia promptly and gracefully apologized for 
having, in the heat of debate, wounded the sensibilities of Gene- 
ral Houston, for whom he cherished a high regard. 

Keturning to Texas, Houston entered into the Gubernatorial 
campaign ; and defined his position in a lengthy speech at 
Nacogdoches, which attracted general attention. He claimed 
to be a Democrat of the old school, and would not be shackled 
by conventions. He was older than platforms, and was a states- 
man before the days of conventions. Jefferson was not nomi- 
nated by a convention. General Jackson refused to go before a 
convention. The people of Texas would not be dictated to by a 
convention calling itself Democratic, and they had called upon 
him to stand against the nomination of the convention which 
assembled at Houston. The sentiment of that convention was 
in favor of the reopening of the slave-trade. The result of re- 
opening the trade would be a reduction in the price of cotton by 
over-production. Freights would rise, and the ship-owners of 
the North would make the profits. Two years ago the people of 
Texas abused him for his vote against the Kansas-Nebraska Bill ; 
but he still maintained the correctness of that vote. In 1856, he 
voted against President Buchanan, because he did not approve of 
the Cincinnati platform; but he had since supported him, and 
should continue to do so, regarding him as an honest man and a 
patriot. 

He was triumphantly elected, showing that the Texans still 
cling to their old leader and liberator. ^' Houston,*' said Ben- 
ton, in 1836, " is the pupil of Jackson j and he is the first self- 
made general since the time of Mark Antony and the King 
Antigonus who has taken the general of the army and the head 
of the Government captive in battle. DiiFerent from Antony, he 
has spared the life of his captive, though forfeited by every law, 
human and divine.'' 



R. M. T. HUNTER. 329 



R. M. T. HUNTER, 

OF VIRGINIA. 

This eminent statesman was born in the county of Essex, 
Virginia, on the 21st of April, 1809. He was educated at the 
University of his native State, and graduated with distinction. 
He afterward studied law with Judge Henry St. George Tucker, 
at Winchester, and joined the bar of his native county in the 
year 1830, where he continued in successful practice for several 
years. 

Mr. Hunter's first vote in a Presidential election was cast for 
Andrew Jackson, in 1832; but he was opposed to the doctrines 
of the Proclamation and Force Bill, and on this issue was 
elected to the Lower House of the Virginia Legislature in 1834, 
on the very day on which he became eligible. In this body, 
composed of some of the first men of the State, he soon attained 
a high position, and enjoyed in an eminent degree the confidence 
and respect, not only of his associates, but of the jniblic at large. 
At that early day, his speeches upon the great questions of State 
policy which engaged the attention of the Legislature, and espe- 
cially those relating to finance and banking, exhibited strong indi- 
cations of that extended historical research and profound political 
philosophy which have so pre-eminently distinguished his later 
efforts upon the broader theatre of the National Councils. He 
remained in the Legislature three years ; during which period, 
while he opposed the Proclamations and the Expunging Eesolu- 
tions, he supported the veto of the United States Bank, and was 
against Distribution and for Free-Trade. 

In 1836 he voted for Judge White for the Presidency, and in 
the following year was elected to the National House of Repre- 
sentatives by the States-Rights Whigs. 

When Mr. Hunter entered Congress, all the great interests of 
the country were sujfering under the blighting influence of pecu- 

28* 



330 LIVING REPRKSKNTATIVi: Ml.X. 

niary pressure, resultiug from a derangement of the currency 
consequent upon an undue expansion of the credit system. 
Distress and ruin pervaded every class of society and paralyzed 
every department of industrial pursuit. The great question 
which agitated the public mind, and engaged the earnest atten- 
tion of patriots, was, what measures, within the constitutional 
powers of Congress, were best calculated to afford relief and 
guard most effectively against a recurrence of the evil. 

In considering this question, Mr. Hunter deemed it best first 
to examine into the causes which had produced the evil, when 
he would be better prepared to apply the remedy. In a speech 
delivered by him on the 10th of October, 1837, in the House of 
Representatives, on the bill '^ imposing additional duties, as depo- 
sitaries in certain cases, on public officers," he traces those causes 
in a masterly manner. I present a couple of brief extracts, because 
the one is referred to by his friends as indicating the elevated tone 
of patriotic feeling which has so strongly marked his entire pub- 
lic life, lifting him above mere party considerations upon all ques- 
tions involving the vital interests of the country; and because the 
other presents the true causes of the then existing distress. 

''I feci, sir," he said, *'a most painful sense of the responsibility of 
my position. On the one hand, I know that he cannot be justified on the 
plea of ignorance who lightly tampers with the important interests now 
concerned in our action ; and, on the other, if personal or party consi- 
derations were to deter me from doing whatever may be done for the 
relief of the country, I feel that my name would deserve to be pursued 
through all posterity with execrations. I might, perhaps, escape respon- 
sibility by declaring that, as I had nothing to do in producing the 
present distress, so I was bound to do nothing toward restoring things 
to a sounder condition. Sir, I scorn the excuse. I think I see some- 
thing which may be done for the good of the country, and I am willing 
to share the responsibility with those who will attempt it. In taking 
my course I form no new connections, I make no alliances: I act as I 
was sent here to act. I legislate not for party, but for the good of our 
common country. I tread all personal and party considerations into the 
dust, when they present themselves in competition with the most im- 
portant interests of the people." 

After showing that the Government had no constitutional 
power to extend immediate relief, and that a resort to the expe- 
dient of a United States Bank would only aggravate the evil, 
he says, "But I pass from the consideration of the means of 



R. M. T. HUNTER. 331 

immediate relief, real or imaginary, which are not within our 
reach, to those which may be. And here I beg leave to pause 
upon our fiscal policy, and its incidental efi'ects upon currency 
and trade. If it has introduced causes which disturb the natural 
level of circulating capital, and furnished a false excitement to 
currency and credit, that policy ought to be changed. Public 
convenience may require that the change should be gradual, but 
important interests demand that it shall be ultimately made." 
After much consideration, he arrived at the conclusion that the 
commercial distresses had been mainly produced by the American 
banking-system, — a system which precipitated its own downfall ; 
and this catastrophe, he believed, was hastened by the connection 
between the system and the Government. He demonstrated these 
propositions by a vigor of argument and force of illustration which 
placed him at once in the front rank of parliamentary debaters. 

On the 8th of January, 1839, Mr. Hunter introduced a series 
of resolutions having for their object the extension of some relief 
to the country at large, and on the 6th of February following, as 
chairman of the select committee to which said resolutions were 
referred, presented an able report, accompanied by a bill (No. 
1133) to carry out the purposes indicated, to wit: First, to leave 
the public money in the hands of the public debtor until actually 
wanted by the Grovernment, and thus give that portion of the 
capital of the country to the uses of trade, and at the same time 
secure interest to the public as the consideration of its use. 

Secondly, to set off periodically the liabilities to and from the 
Government, by fixing certain days, at intervals of three months, 
for receipts and disbursements, so as to concentrate as many 
demands to and from the United States as might be practicable 
at the same time and place. 

Thirdly, to diminish the risk of peculation and default on the 
part of public officers : first, by this exchange of credit, which, 
so far as it could be efi'ected, would accomplish at the same 
time the collection and disbursement of the revenue without 
affording a temptation to theft; and, next, by providing for cash 
transactions, so that the money which passed through the hands 
of the public officers should be limited in quantity to the actual 
demands to be made upon them within a period of twenty days. 

Fourthly, to introduce greater order and facility in the adminis- 



332 LivixNG representativp: men. 

tration of the Treasury Department, by fixing these stated 
periods for receipt and disbursement, so as to enable the Secre- 
tary to obtain adequate notice not only of the sums due from 
the Grovernment and of the time and place of demand, but aho 
of the sums due to the Government and of the time and place 
of receipt. 

Throughout the Administration of President Van Buren, Mr. 
Hunter occupied an independent position, as a member of the 
strict States-Eights school of Virginia, opposed to the Clay- Web- 
ster policy and party, and only acting in opposition to the 
Administration so far as it coincided with that policy. 

At the regular election of members by Virginia to the Twenty- 
Sixth Congress, Mr. Hunter was chosen a second time. The 
organization of the body was delayed by the acrimonious contest 
in regard to the contested seats for New Jersey. Parties in the 
House were nearly evenly divided, and the balloting for Speaker 
was protracted. On the eleventh ballot Mr. Hunter received 119 
votes, and was duly elected. He returned thanks in an address 
declaring his purpose to administer the duties with strict impar- 
tiality; and the general concurrence of the House in his decisions 
is a sufficient evidence of his success during a Congress noted for 
its partisan heat and excitement, and from the fact that at the 
close of his term of. service a resolution of thanks, offered by 
Mr. Briggs, of Massachusetts, for the "able, dignified, and im- 
partial manner in which he discharged the duties of the Chair,'' 
was passed by a unanimous vote. This was the first instance in 
which a member has been chosen presiding officer at his second 
term of service. 

At the election of members to the Twenty-Seventh Congress, 
Mr. Hunter was a third time chosen. He took his seat at the 
extra session which had been called by President Harrison to 
meet on the 31st of May, 1841. At the preceding Presidential 
election the opposition to the Democracy had triumphed by a 
large majority. They had also secured overwhelming majorities 
in both branches of Congress. Flushed with their triumph, they 
forthwith repealed the Independent Treasury Act, and, under 
the lead of Mr. Clay, proceeded to enact the favorite measures of 
his political system. Among these were a bank, the distribution 
of the proceeds of the public lands, the Loan Bill; the Bankrupt 



R. M. T. HUNTER. 8^3 

Law, and a protective Tariff. These measures were sternly re- 
sisted by the Democracy; and in this work Mr. Hunter took a 
prominent and efficient part. It need scarcely be stated that 
both Bank bills were nullified by the veto of President Tyler. 
On the 10th of July, 1841, Mr. Hunter spoke in opposition to 
the Loan Bill. This bill was an essential part of the Whig- 
scheme of policy, and to strike at it was to strike at the whole 
system of class-legislation. The whole question of Government 
taxation and expenditure was brought into review in the debates 
upon this measure. The tenor of Mr. Hunter's speech may be 
gathered from the following extracts : — 

"Who does not see that there is a necessary connection between this 
and the question of unequal taxation and disbursement? and hence have 
arisen the great contests which have disturbed the social condition of 
man, not only here, but elsewhere. It is not, as lias been said, a contest 
between capital and labor, or between property and numbers, but between 
the tax-consuming and the tax-paying parties. By the tax-consuming 
party, I mean those who receive more money from the Government than 
they contribute to it, and by the tax-paying, those who contribute more 
than they receive ; the one looking to Government for the means of living, 
the other viewing it as a necessary but expensive instrument for the pro- 
tection of persons and property ; the one interested to have the revenues 
as large and the disbursements as unequal as possible, the other inte- 
rested in equal disbursements and in paying as little as may be con- 
sistent with the attainment of the great moral ends for which alone they 
value their Government. In proportion as the former prevail, the incen- 
tives to industry diminish and the moral feeling of the people is depressed. 
The few who administer the Government and lay taxes for the mere 
purpose of consuming them divide the great mass of those opposed to 
them by leading one class, or one section of the country, to plunder 
another. But, when they have thus rendered the honest returns of labor 
and the rights of property insecure, the people, forsaking the arts of 
industry, use the ballot-box for the means of living, and, sinking under 
indolence and depravity, either fall before the pressure of invasion from 
without, or seek relief from the oppressions of the few by submitting to 
the despotism of one. These parties have existed, and will exist, in all 
Governments. 

"It may seem, at the first view, that the tax-payers outnumber them 
so far that there could be no possibility of their ascendency. They 
would, therefore, resort to art and management; they would look first 
for the means of bribing one class of the community, or one section of 
the Confederacy, by plundering some other. A fit measure for such a 
purpose would be a protective Tariff; a scheme to tax the whole for the 



334 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

benefit of a part, — the many for tbe few. Tliey miglit thus secure the 
assistance of the privileged and protected class, not only in this, but, it 
may be, in other schemes to plunder the less favored classes in the com- 
munity. Let us suppose now, sir, that having gained this assistance and 
collected a large revenue, they still felt their phalanx too weak for the 
odds opposed to them: what next would they do? They would seek a 
mode of dividing the different sections of the Confederacy, and of calling 
some one of them to their assistance, by holding out to them the prospect 
of plundering the others. They would set on foot some grand plan for 
expending large sums of money upon works of internal improvement, — 
upon the construction of artificial harbors, the removal of obstructions 
in rivers, the erection of piers, breakwaters, and sea-walls, — and so con- 
trive it that the benefits of these works should be distributed as unequally 
as possible. And now, having secured new allies, by disbursing upon a 
part the taxes which were raised from the whole, they would have accom- 
plished much. But one thing would still be wanting. They would desire 
some instrument which would enable them to depress the value of pro- 
perty to-day and elevate it to-morrow ; to increase the profits of one class 
of producers and diminish those of another ; to transfer trade from one 
section of the community for the benefit of some other; to silence popular 
clamor, when they wished it, by raising prices; and to produce it, if it 
better suited their purposes, by depi-essing them; to distribute, in short, 
the profits of trade and labor as they pleased, and by means so secret, 
and machinery so invisible, that none but the initiated could know by 
whom and how it was done. Where could so admirable, so efficient an 
instrument be found? The refinements of modern ingenuity have fur- 
nished it in a 'National Bank.' I care not for the name, sir. It is a 
matter of indifference to me whether it comes in the flaunting scarlet of 
the Babylonian harlot, with 'Bank of the United States' written on its 
forehead, or whether, reformed in name, but not in spirit, it comes in 
Magdalene attire and calls itself a 'Fiscal Agent.' 

"Mr. Chairman, there ia yet another measure which would be emi- 
nently conducive to this general design : I mean, sir, a distribution bill, — 
just such as we have lately passed. A bill passed under circumstances 
and upon principles which virtually affirm the power of Congress to dis- 
tribute the revenue, no matter how raised, and in any manner, no matter 
how unequal. A bill not only unequal upon its face, in the distribution 
between the different sections of this Confederacy, but which contains 
the deadly seeds of future strife and division between the various classes 
of society." 

These extracts unveil the whole scheme of Whig policy, con- 
cocted by Mr. Clay and supported by all the force of the Whig 
press and organization. Against this policy the Democracy 
were unable to do more than offer their protest and to expose 



R. M. T. HUNTER. 335 

the dangerous consequences. With the exception of the Bank 
bills, which were vetoed, these measures became laws, in despite 
of Democratic opposition; but the stand then taken and the 
arguments made by Democratic statesmen were not without 
their due effect. They rallied the party from an almost hope- 
less minority, commanded the attention of all thinking men, 
and, finally, led to the defeat of Mr. Clay, in 1844, and the 
overthrow of his policy. In the debates of the time Mr. Hun- 
ter took an early and a prominent part. No man in the House 
of Representatives contributed more to the vindication of Demo- 
cratic and States-Rights principles. We discover in his speeches 
not the temper of the mere partisan, but the spirit of one who 
feels that he is pleading the cause of truth itself We find, 
throughout, unfaltering trust in the ultimate triumph of the 
true principles of the Constitution, — a confidence based upon a 
profound study of the laws of political economy, which has been 
amply justified by subsequent events. 

Mr. Hunter addressed the House, at the same session, in oppo- 
sition to the Senate bill for the charter of a Fiscal Bank of the 
United States, presenting at length his objections upon the 
grounds both of its unconstitutionality and inexpediency. 

At the ensuing session of 1841—42, the leading topics were 
the Protective policy, the distribution of the proceeds of the 
public lands, and the veto power. The President had vetoed 
the Temporary Tariff Bill, which combined the Protective and 
Distribution policies. Mr. Hunter defended this veto upon the 
principles already given, and spoke with much earnestness iu 
support of the veto power, which had naturally become odious 
to the Whigs, and was bitterly assailed by them. In fact, it 
was proposed by them to strike this power from the Consti- 
tution. 

The leading measure of the session, however, was the Tariff 
Bill of 1842, which was opposed by Mr. Hunter in a speech of 
unusual power and eloquence. 

In the third and last session of the Twenty-Seventh Con- 
gress the repeal of the Bankrupt Law was passed by the Whigs 
at the extra session of 1841. For this repeal Mr. Hunter voted, 
and thus aided to overthrow a favorite, and that not the least 
objectionable, measure of Federal policy. 



336 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

At the election for members of the Twenty-Eighth Congress, 
Mr. Hunter was defeated by his competitor, Mr. Willoughby 
Newton, by a small majority. The number of representatives 
from Virginia had been reduced by the preceding apportionment 
from tw^enty-one to fifteen. This had, of course, changed in part 
the counties of the district; and " Mr. Newton also used against 
Mr. Hunter with some effect his views upon the Currency ques- 
tion, and charged that they were the cause of the pecuniary" 
embarrassments of the country." The most prominent mea- 
sures before this Congress were the resolution for refunding 
the fine imposed by Judge Hall upon General Jackson, the bill 
for the reduction of duties, and the project for the annexation 
of Texas. It is w ell known that Mr. Hunter warmly advocated 
all of these measures. 

Though absent from the House of Representatives, he was by 
no means an idle spectator of the political strife preceding the 
Presidential election of 1844. He was actively engaged in the 
advocacy of Mr. Polk; and so successful were his efforts, that 
as the latter gentleman came into power in 1845, so did Mr. 
Hunter re-enter Congress, having triumphantly redeemed his 
district for the Democracy. 

The session of 1845-46 w^as noted for its discussion upon the 
most important points of foreign and domestic policy. The 
settlement of the Oregon Boundary question, which had occupied 
the attention of Mr. Polk's and the preceding Administration, 
threatened to involve the United States and Great Britain in 
war. A protracted correspondence and negotiation with the 
British Government had ended without bringing the two parties 
to any agreement. The whole subject was brought to the notice 
of Congress, and was there elaborately discussed. Mr. Hunter 
was one of those who were desirous to preserve the peace of the 
country, and w^ho thought the subject a proper one for negotia- 
tion, and advocated a compromise of conflicting claims. These 
views he maintained in his speech before the House on the 10th 
of January, 1846. The party favoring this policy acquired a 
large ascendency in Congress and before the country. The dis- 
pute was finally settled by the Treaty of Washington, concluded 
June 15, 1846, and ratified by the Senate by a vote of three to 
one. 



R. M. T. HUNTER. 337 

The relations of our country with Mexico had, after a suspen- 
sion of diplomatic intercourse, and a refusal by that Power to 
receive our minister, finally ended in war. It is scarcely neces- 
sary to say that Mr. Hunter rendered cordial and efficient sup- 
port to all measures essential to a vigorous prosecution of the 
war. 

This session is memorable for the establishment of the Inde- 
pendent Treasury, the passage of the Revenue Tariff of 1846, 
and the establishment of the Warehousing system. Each of 
these measures is largely indebted to Mr. Hunter's aid. He 
addressed the House at length in favor of the second measure 
and in support of the principles of Free Trade. At the same 
session he took an active part in promoting the retrocession of 
Alexandria to the State of Virginia, — a measure which has 
greatly inured to the benefit of that town. 

The second session of the Twenty-Ninth Congress was marked 
by a renewal of the Slavery agitation. It had become evident 
that the war with Mexico would result in a large acquisition of 
territory from that country. California and New Mexico were 
already in our possession. But while our troops were still en- 
countering the bullets of the Mexicans, or falling under the 
deadly diseases incident to the climate, the Free-Soil party en- 
deavored to press their peculiar views, and to make it a condition 
precedent to the passage of the Three-Million Bill that slavery 
should be forever interdicted in the territory to be acquired. 
Mr. Wilmot offered his celebrated Proviso, and at one time it 
passed the House by a considerable majority. The National 
Democracy, however, afterward succeeded in striking out this ob-V^ 
noxious provision. The Oregon Bill also led to a discussion upon 
the question of Slavery, in which the purpose of the "Abolition 
and Free-Soil Party" to grasp all future territorial acquisitions 
was distinctly avowed. 

Mr. Hunter's character as a leading mind of the Southern 
Democracy was now unquestioned; and the fact received addi- 
tional and honorable testimony th 1846 by his elevation to a seat 
in the United States Senate, to which position he has since been 
twice re-elected. 

To the leading questions of the nation Senator Hunter has 
ever addressed himself with consummate skill and force, seeking 
W 29 



838 J.IMM; ilEl'UESE:NTATlVE -MEN. 

to raise the standard of sound common sense rather than to ex- 
ercise the craft of the poHtician in matters of legislation and 
diplomacy. 

Mr. Hunter took his seat in the Senate at its meeting in De- 
cember, 1847, and was placed upon the Committee of Finance, — 
the most important committee of that body. At this session, he 
addressed the Senate upon the Mexican War, and, while advo- 
cating its prosecution, objected strongly to any project for the 
incorporation of the whole of Mexico into the United States, as 
had been proposed. He also spoke upon the bill providing for 
the Territorial Government of Oregon, opposing the doctrines 
and propositions of the Free-Soil party. He also, with the 
body of the Democratic Senators, voted for the Clayton Com- 
promise. 

The session of 1848-49 ended without any definitive dispo- 
sition of the controversy in regard to slavery in the new Ter- 
ritories. No bill was passed for the Territorial Government of 
California and New Mexico. The Presidential election had re- 
sulted in the choice of General Taylor; but his policy in respect 
to the question had not been disclosed before his election, and 
thus this subject went over to the next Congress as a bone of 
contention. 

In the debate on the resolutions introduced by Senator Cass 
on the 24th of December, 1849, recommending an inquiry 
into the expediency of suspending our diplomatic relations 
with Austria, for the avowed purpose of expressing our indigna- 
tion at the conduct of that Government in the then recent Hun- 
garian struggle, Senator Hunter took opposing grounds. He 
thought the resolution was founded on an utter misconception 
of the nature of diplomatic institutions. He could not find in 
history any precedent showing that they had ever been used to 
punish other Governments. They were designed as convenient 
means to settle disputes and preserve peace. Then, again, its 
application in this case was unequal and unjust, for there were 
as good reasons to punish Russia, France, and Rome in the 
manner proposed as Austria. A third reason for his opposition 
was that the resolution reflected on our past conduct toward 
foreign Governments. If it were our duty to chastise other 
Governments in acts of oppression toward their own citizens, or 



11. M. T. HUNTER. 339 

for violations of what we considered the rights of man, then, he 
held, we had grievously failed in our obligations. With how 
many Governments should we not have suspended diplomatic 
relations upon the partition of Poland ? With how many during 
the aggressive wars of Napoleon ? Which of the European 
nations would have escaped after the Treaty of Vienna and 
during the existence of the Holy Alliance? '^Why," said he, 
''we could not have recalled ministers fast enough about that 
period to have signalized our abhorrence of the daily violation 
of the rights of man, in the arbitrary disruption of territories 
long united together, and the forced connection of people to 
Governments to which they were averse." 

In discussing the great issue pending between North and 
South in 1850, and with an earnest desire that it should be 
settled, — not by any half-way compromise, which would cover 
up the difficulty without removing it, but upon principles of 
justice and in accordance with the Constitution, — Senator 
Hunter made a thorough review of the Territorial question. 
Founding his argument on the postulate that the action of Con- 
gress in the Territories was to be governed by the Constitution, 
he came to the conclusion " that if a slave be carried from a 
slave State to the territory of the United States, he is property 
still, — certainly, if there be no law prohibiting it, and not so cer- 
tainly, but clearly, in my opinion, even if Congress had passed 
such a law, for it would be manifestly unconstitutional." In 
continuation, he remarked, "There is an opinion that Con- 
gress is omnipotent in the Territories, and under no constitu- 
tional restraints there; but it has been shown that this would 
admit their power to do things actually forbidden by the Consti- 
tution and contrary to our whole system." Another class of 
minds seemed to suppose that the power of government rested in 
the people of the Territory. " This, too," said Senator Hunter, 
"would lead to the same extreme conclusions, and admit their 
right to do things forbidden by the Constitution and contrary 
to its spirit." 

At the ensuing session of 1850-51, Mr. Hunter was made 
Chairman of the Finance Committee,^a position which he has 
held to the present time, and in which no man has performed a 



340 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

larger amount of labor or enjoyed in a higher degree the confi- 
dence of the Senate. 

In May of the following year, some two hundred of the 
wealthiest and most influential merchants of the city of New 
York — in appreciation of Senator Hunter's ''active intelligence 
and unsectional spirit as Chairman of the Committee of Finance/' 
and more especially in regard to his liberal spirit in advocating 
the establishment of a branch mint in New York — invited him 
to a public dinner. No personal compliment could have been 
more acceptable; but he was constrained to decline — which he 
did in a suitable letter."^ Speaking of the struggle through 
which the country had passed, and of the men who had rallied 
for union, the " Democratic Review" awards a just tribute to 
the subject of this sketch for "that nationality of character 
which comprehensively grasps the future and the present, — 
which divests itself of local and sectional prejudices,'' and 
views with pride the improvement of every section of the 
Union. 

The Thirty-Second Congress was much more of a business 
body than the preceding one. We find Mr. Hunter taking an 
active part in the work of the session. Among his prominent 
eff"orts may be mentioned his speech upon the public-land 
policy, his speech of the 16th of April, 1852, upon the organi- 
zation of the Departments and the settlement of accounts, and 
his report upon the coinage and the means of keeping the silver 
currency in the country. 

In the Presidential canvass of 1852, Senator Hunter eloquently 
advocated the claims of the Democratic candidate. 

He had now served six years in the Senate. His first elec- 
tion — like that of Senator Mason — had been the result of a union 
of Whigs and Democrats, — the majority of the latter voting 
for a different candidate. On the present occasion, he received 
-in caucus, as a candidate for re-election, the vote of every Demo- 
crat, with a single exception. The Democrats had a large 
majority in the Legislature; and on the following day he was 



* Tbo invitation and reply may be found in the "Democratic Review," July, 
1851, vol. xxix. 



R. M. T. HUNTER. 341 

again clioscu Seuator, receiving the same vote as in caucus^ and 
about one-lialf of the Whig vote of that body. 

In 1853, Senator Hunter voted against the bill for the protec- 
tion of the emigrant-route, and the establishment of a telegraphic 
line, and of an overland mail, between the Missouri River and the 
settlements in California and Oregon. He thought it one of the 
'most extraordinary bills which ever emanated from a committee 
of the Senate. It in eifect provided that the President of the 
United States should be the President of the Pacific Railroad. 
He was to let out contracts, determine the route, the aauoe, and 
to have control of the disbursing of the money : in short, he 
was to have not only the power which Congress ought to exer- 
cise, but the power of the President of the United States and 
the power of the President of a railroad-company besides. 
What party was prepared to relinquish the legislative power 
and transfer it to the Executive? Was it the Whig party, 
which was organized solely upon the idea of resisting Executive 
patronage? Was it the Democratic party, whose fundamental 
maxim was to preserve all the power it could, compatible with 
good government, in the hands of the States and the people, 
and which has been ever scrupulous in insisting upon the pro- 
per distribution of power between the Executive, Judicial, and 
Legislative Departments? Senator Hunter thought that even 
centralized France would hesitate to bestow such powers upon 
its emperor. He w^ould never consent to vest such power in the 
President. 

In 1854, Senator Hunter regarded the Kansas-Nebraska Bill 
as ''a great measure of peace" and of "national strength, '^ and 
complimented Senator Douglas upon having "manfully taken 
upon himself the responsibility of introducing" it. His views 
on the bill, and his reasons for supporting it, may be succinctly 
stated in his own words. 

The bill provides that the Legislatures of these Territories 
shall have power to legislate over all rightful subjects of legisla- 
tion, consistently with the Constitution. And if they should 
assume powers which are thought to be inconsistent with the 
Constitution, the courts will decide that question whenever it may 
be raised. There is a difference of opinion nmong the friends 

29* 



342 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

of this measure as to the extent of the limits which the Consti- 
tution imposes upon the Territorial Legislatures. This bill 
proposes to leave these differences to the decision of the courts. 
This mode of settlement was once before proposed by the 
celebrated Compromise of the Senator from Delaware, (Mr. 
Clayton,) — a measure which, Senator Hunter thought, was the 
best compromise which was offered upon this subject of slavery; 
and he was now perfectly willing to abide by it. 

The protracted discussions in Congress and the press, how- 
ever, resulted in the removal of many of the misconceptions and 
misrepresentations made by the Abolitionists as to the true cha- 
racter of the measure; and the bill finally passed, after one of the 
most arduous contests in our political history. Mr. Hunter sup- 
ported this measure by his speech and his vote, upon the ground 
that justice to the South required the repeal of the Missouri 
restriction. During this and the succeeding session, he took 
his customary part in laborious attention to the business of 
the Senate, and, among other subjects, spoke upon the bills 
to increase the efficiency of the army and navy, and to esta- 
blish a court to investigate claims against the United States 
Grovernment. 

In 1855, during the great campaign in Virginia, Senator 
Hunter made one of the very ablest speeches against " Know- 
Nothingism." He considered the dogmas of the new party, so 
far as known, dangerous and mischievous. "They propose," 
he said, ^-to destroy the liberty of conscience itself, by pro- 
scribing the members of the Roman Catholic religion from all 
offices, whether high or low." He warned Virginia against 
"the blandishments of this nev/ seducer." Far up on the Mis- 
souri, near Fort Benton, upon a high cliff, which commands 
an extensive view of the surrounding country, it is said that a 
Blackfoot Indian chief directed himself to be buried on horse- 
back, with his face turned toward the mouth of the stream, to 
look out, as he said, for the white man — the destroyer of his 
race — when he should come up the river. " If you," said Hun- 
ter, "would look out for the destroyer of your free institutions 
and popular form of government, fix your eye upon the door of 
the secret political association : from that door the worst enemy 



R. M. T. HUNTER. 343 

of all will come.'' In an liistorieal and political point of view, 
this speech was a splendid eifort."^ 

The discussions upon Kansas during the Thirty-Fourth Con- 
gress were varied somewhat by speeches on the Presidential 
issues. At the session of 1856-57, Senator Hunter took a leading 
part in the passage of the TariiF Bill known as that of 1857. 

In 1858, the Senator from Virginia was in favor of the admis- 
sion of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, and in a 
brief but lucid argument discussed the merits of the pending 
(juestion in connection with the general relations and destiny 
of slavery. After rapidly reviewing the events which resulted 
in the Lecompton instrument, he classed the objectors to it 
under two heads, — the one denying the legality of all the steps 
which had led to its formation, the other questioning its validity 
on the ground that it had not been framed under the sanction of 
an enabling act and had not been submitted to popular ratifica- 
tion in its entirety. 

To the first ho replied by arguing that, even if it were true that 
Missourians had usurped the first Legislature of Kansas, it would 
still remain an incontestable fact that the Government thus esta- 
blished was the only one under which the people of that Terri- 
tory had been organized as a political community, and therefore 
was at least a Government de facto, entitled to recognition by 
Congress. To the second he replied by denying the necessity, 
or even expediency, of enabling acts, whose only effect was to 
pledge in advance the assent of Congress to the admission of a 
State. The argument directed against the Lecompton Constitu- 
tion, on the ground that it had not been ratified by the people in 
mass, was based upon a negation of the principles of representa- 
tive government, and, if carried out to its legitimate consequences, 
would be as impracticable in fact as it was unsound in theory. 

He defended the substitute of the Conference Committee, and 
earnestly invoked the Senate to adopt it, as its passage would at 
least bring a truce to the pending sectional agitation, which he 
hoped would result in a permanent peace. 

Senator Hunter's position on the Finance Committee forces 

* It may be seeu in Hambleton's " Collection of Virginia Politics in 1855." 



344 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

upon him the consideration of the important questions touching 
the Tariff and Finances, and makes him familiar with the work- 
ing of the great springs by which the Government is moved. 
Upon liim devolves the always arduous labor of carrying the 
Appropriation Bills through the Senate, which he does with a 
directness, persistency, and patience which make him almost 
invincible. In every Congress in which he occupied the 
position of chairman on that committee, he has taken the lead 
on all subjects affecting the revenue and its expenditure, and 
has ever been in favor of keeping the latter within judicious 
bounds. In introducing and advocating the Fifteen-Million 
Loan Bill, in May, 1858, he defended his position in an elabo- 
rate speech, showing the Government necessities which called 
for the loan, and the considerations which induced the hope 
that it would meet the existing exigencies. A glance at his 
extended argument on the question of Tariff revision — Febru- 
ary 14, 1859 — will present Senator Hunter's views on that 
question. 

Believing the pending issue to be one between the friends of 
low taxation and reduced expenditures, on the one hand, and the 
friends of high taxation and profuse expenditures, on the other, 
he sided at once with the former. The part he had borne in 
the enactment of the present Tariff was his apology for vindi- 
cating it against the charge of having disappointed the expecta- 
tions of its framers. At the time of its passage, it was thought 
that a revenue of fifty millions was ample to meet the necessary 
expenditures of the Government. He thought so still, and 
believed that the present Tariff would raise that sum. If our 
expenditures were to be continued at the present rate of eighty 
millions, neither the Tariff of 1846 nor that of 1842 would suffice 
to produce a revenue adequate to defra}^ them. Reviewing the 
working of our postal system, he invoked Congress to check its 
extravagance, and restrain the discretionary power now in the 
hands of the Postmaster-General, who had under his control a 
vast machine, worked by agents more numerous than the personnel 
composing the army and navy of the whole country. He thought, 
moreover, that the rates of postage on letters, and especially on 
printed matter, should be increased. He analyzed the relative 



R. M. T. HUNTER. 345 

working and eiFect of specific and ad valorem duties, and gave 
the preference to the latter on every consideration of theoreti- 
cal propriety and practical wisdom, closing with an eloquent 
tribute to the dignity of the American laborer, whose interests 
he sought to promote by cheapening the necessaries of daily life 
as well as the implements of daily toil. He desired to secure to 
honest industry its full reward, as a preservative against those 
vagrant schemes of territorial acquisition which seemed to render 
the American as fierce and as exacting as the Phoenician or the 
viking, who scrupled not to employ artifice and force in order 
to enlarge their landed possessions. 

A third time Virginia has sent him to the United States 
Senate. 

Besides his efforts in that body, he has occasionally addressed 
societies of a literary and political nature on appropriate subjects. 
In the Buchanan canvass he made a famous speech at Pough- 
keepsie. New York. Among his other efforts, a discourse de- 
livered before the Virginia Historical Society on the history of 
his native State, in December, 1854, and the oration at the inau- 
guration of the Washington statue in Richmond, February 22, 
1858, are particularly noticeable. The latter is a noble pro- 
duction, and was at the time characterized as "almost miracu- 
lous," being "on a threadbare topic, and one which seemingly 
had been utterly exhausted by the orator of Massachusetts." 
(Everett.) The same writer,* contrasting his appearance with 
his ability, says, "But any man who reads Hunter's speeches 
would declare that he adds to the scholastic learning of Everett 
the Cabinet genius of Hamilton and the philosophic scope of 
Madison. Hunter has this decisive mark of a great man : — he is 
always adequate to the occasion." His personal appearance, and 
the strength of almost indolent repose characteristic of his look, 
are well described by another hand, thus : — " I should imagine the 
blood of Pocahontas enriched the veins of Hunter; for his com- 
plexion, though faded, is tinted with the warm coloring of the 
native race. He is of middle size, solidly built, and black-haired. 
His features are neither prominent nor expressive, though his 



*" In the "New Orleans Crescent." 



346 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

nose is slightly — very sliglitly — aquiline. His physique would 
attract no inspection in public from either sex; and his quietness 
of demeanor on the floor of the Senate would not designate to 
the stranger the leading Senator of Virginia and the triarch of 
the Slavery party in Congress. The pervading expression of his 
countenance is that of exhaustion, repose, indolence, indifference. 
But his ordinary apathy and immobility give the measure of his 
force on extraordinary occasions. It requires a strong impulse 
to move him ; but when the motive power is adequate his mo- 
mentum is great.'' 



1 



ANDREW JOHNSON. o47 



ANDREW JOHNSON, 

OF TENNESSEE. 

Andrew Johnson was born at Raleigh, North Carolina, on 
the 29th of December, 1808. His father died from exhaustion 
after saving Colonel Thomas Plenderson, editor of the " Raleigh 
Gazette," from drowning, leaving his son on the world while yet 
under the age of five years. The want of pecuniary means on 
the part of his parents prevented him from receiving the benefit 
of even the rudiments of an English education. At the time of 
his father's death he could neither read nor write, and the neces- 
sity of bread then put it out of his power to go to school. All 
his energies were needed, and a trade was his only resource. The 
boy was therefore apprenticed to a tailor in Raleigh, with whom 
he worked until the term of his indentures expired. We next 
find him as a journeyman at work in the vicinity of Lawrence 
Courthouse, South Carolina. Several romantic stories are afloat 
of his falling in love here with an estimable young lady. The 
cause of his non-success and passionate flight from the town — 
away from cold hearts and the pitying smiles which his sensi- 
tiveness could brook less patiently than open sneers — was his 
being a stranger, and the want of pecuniary means. He returned 
to Raleigh in the spring of 1826 ; and in the fall of that year, 
taking his mother and stepfather with him, he bent his steps 
toward Greenville, Tennessee, where he stopped and counted his 
eighteenth year. 

His good star had led him thither. In Greenville the youth 
found a wife who became his Egeria. What material for the^ 
romancist might be found in the history of those days of the 
future Senator, when his wife, fondly leaning by the side of the 
youth who was earning bread for her, taught him to read, and 
decked with the fair flowers of a healthy education the hitherto 
neglected garden of his brain ! What a group ! what a study I — 



348 LlVlxNG RKPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

the youth's fingers mechanically plying the needle, his brain 
alive, following the instructions of his wife-teacher, or with a 
bright, almost childish, satisfaction meeting her approval of his 
correct answers ! After work-hours she taught him to write. 
What a living, ennobling romance was there being enacted in 
the wilds of Tennessee thirty years ago ! But we must hurry 
over this chapter of our hero's history with a mere suggestive 
sentence. Young Johnson and his wife started " out West to 
seek their fortune," but at the earnest solicitation of a good 
friend — still living, I believe — he was induced to return. He 
worked at his trade with great industry and attention, extend- 
ing, meanwhile, the advantages which his capacity for know- 
ledge presented. The shop-board was the school where he 
received the rudiments of his education, which he afterwards, 
in leisure moments and in the deep silence of the midnight 
hours, applied to the attainment of a more perfect system. 

The disadvantages of his position would have discouraged 
almost any other man, certainly with any other kind of a wife. 
But, cheered by his excellent companion and prompted by his 
own desire for self-improvement, young Johnson brought an 
energy to the difficulties before him which nothing could re- 
press or conquer. It is not a matter of surprise that he was 
hostile to every proposition that would give power to the few at 
the expense of the many ; that his hard and yet bright experi- 
ences made him the exponent of the wants and power of the 
working-class. He soon gave voice to the feelings of the work- 
ing-men in Greenville. He made them conscious of their 
strength and feel proud of it, in opposition to the aristocratic 
coterie which had until then ruled the community, so that no 
man who worked for his livelihood could be elected even an 
alderman. Johnson, with the dawning vision of intellect and 
self-reliance, saw that all this was wrong, and he determined, 
with the aid of his fellow-workers, to right it. Meetings were 
held in every part of the town, and the result was the election 
of the young tailor to the ofiice of alderman by a triumphant 
majority. How proud must the good wife have felt ! 

His triumph over the aristocracy took place in 1830. From 
time to time Mr. Johnson was re-elected, and, whenever he 
would consent to act, was chosen by the board as mayor. Invi- 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 349 

gorated by success^ the working-men became a power^ and tlie 
old parties, wearying of the strife, admitted the representatives 
of the mechanics to their proper share of influence in the Coun- 
cils. The reforms thus initiated by Mr. Johnson are apparent 
in admirable results in Greenville to this day. Office now waited 
upon him. He was soon elected by the County Court a trustee 
of Pthea Academy, and held the office until he entered the lower 
House of the State Legislature. In 1834, Mr. Johnson exerted 
himself influentially to secure the adoption of the new Constitu- 
tion, — an instrument which greatl}^ enlarged the liberties of the 
masses and guaranteed the freedom of speech and of the press. 
In 1835, he was elected to the Legislature from Washington 
and Grreene Counties, and at once became prominent by his op- 
position to a vast scheme of internal improvements, which was 
projected and carried into a law without the knowledge or appro- 
bation of the people. Before the evil results of the measure were 
manifest, Mr. Johnson was defeated for the next Legislature; 
but, his prognostications having been fulfilled, he was returned 
in 1839, after a fierce and bitter contest. Mr. Johnson is no 
enemy to internal improvement upon a fair basis ; but the law he 
so energetically opposed he regarded as a system of wholesale fraud. 

In the famous Presidential campaign of 1840 between Harrison 
and Van Buren, Mr. Johnson took an active part, being chosen, 
in consequence of his telling power as a speaker, to canvass East- 
ern Tennessee in favor of the Democratic candidate. In 1841, 
he was elected to the State Senate from Hawkins and Greene 
Counties by a majority of two thousand, and, during his term of 
service, brought forward judicious measures of internal improve- 
ments in the eastern division of the State. In 1843, he was 
nominated for Congress from the First District, embracing seven 
counties. He was opposed by Colonel John A. Asken, a United 
States Bank Democrat, and a gentleman of talent and eloquence. 
Johnson was elected, and took his seat in the National House of 
Representatives in December, 1843. 

His debut in Congress was a brief but forcible argument in 
support of the resolution to restore the fine imposed upon General 
Jackson for having placed New Orleans under martial law. He 
followed this up by a reply to John Quincy Adams on the right 
of petition, which was characterized as a highly creditable eff'ort, 

30 



o50 LIVING KE1'KE8ENTAT1\ t: MEN. 

and by an argument on the Tariff, in which he enforced the De- 
mocratic doctrine that it was a departure from the principles of 
justice and equality to tax the many for the benefit of the few, 
under the plea of protecting American labor, as was done by the 
TariflF of 1842, He insisted upon it that, while Congress was 
consulting the interests of the manufacturer, it had no right to 
forget or neglect those of the farmer and planter, as high-protec- 
tionists were notoriously too apt to do, and replied to Mr. An- 
drew Stewart, of Pennsylvania, by a series of circumstantial details 
showing that so far as protection applies to protecting mechanics 
proper, there is no reality in it ; for if all are protected alike, the 
protection paralyzes itself, and results in no protection at all. 
"Protection operates" — said he — "beneficially to none, except 
those who can manufacture in large quantities, and vend their 
manufactured articles beyond the limits of the immediate manu- 
facturing sphere." 

At the second session of the Twenty-Eighth Congress, Mr. 
Johnson warmly co-operated with the friends of Texan Annexa- 
tion, and on the 21st of January, 1845, delivered an able speech 
on the subject. One of the Ohio delegation having alluded to 
General Jackson in an uncalled-for manner, Mr. Johnson gal- 
lantly defended the character of Jackson — then living in retire- 
ment in the forests of Tennessee — from the unkind allusions, 
which seemed to him strange coming from the quarter whence 
they had emanated. In the course of the exciting debate upon 
the annexation of Texas, Mr. Clingman intimated that British 
gold had been used to carry the election of Polk. Mr. Johnson 
denounced the suggestion as a vile slander, without the shadow of 
a foundation, and called on the gentleman from North Carolina for 
his proof, relying on the fact that if there were no authority for 
the assertion, it was a slander. In the course of Mr. Clingman's 
remarks, he said that " had the foreign Catholics been divided in 
the late election, as other sects and classes generally were, Mr. 
Clay would have carried, by a large majority, the State of New 
York, as also the States of Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and proba- 
bly some others in the Northwest.'' There were but few Catho- 
lics in Mr. Johnson's district, and he was not called upon to do 
battle with the prejudices that might or did exist against them; 
but he protested against the doctrine advanced by Mr. Clingman. 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 351 

He wished to know if the latter desired to arouse a spirit of per- 
secution, — to sweep away or divide all those who dared to differ 
from the Whig party. " But, for the purpose of showing the 
country how ignorant the gentleman was of the fact, and how 
reckless he was in bold statements, he would read from a pamphlet 
he held in his hand, which was written by a Whig in the city of 
Nashville, Tennessee, and dedicated to the Hon. John Bell, a 
late member of General Harrison's Cabinet, which shows conclu- 
sively that the Whig party had the benefit of the Catholic 
influence in the late Presidential contest. The charge had been 
made, in his section of the country, that the Catholics were all 
Democrats; and he now availed himself (as the door had been 
opened) of the opportunity of setting this matter right upon good 
Whig authority." 

Alluding to the great capabilities of Texas, he thought it 
probable that it would "prove to be the gateway out of which 
the sable sons of Africa are to pass from bondage to freedom and 
become merged in a population congenial with themselves." The 
annexation would give the Union all the valuable cotton soil, or 
nearly so, upon the habitable globe. Cotton was destined to 
clothe more human beings than any other article that had ever 
been discovered. The factories of England would be compelled 
to stand still, were it not for cotton. Without it, her operatives 
would starve in the street, and, if this Government had the com- 
mand of the raw material, it was the same as putting Great 
Britain under bonds to keep the peace for all time to come. He 
was willing — when he glanced at the historic page giving an 
account of their rise and progress, the privations they had under- 
gone, the money and toil they had expended, the valor and 
patriotism they had displayed — to extend to the Texaus the right 
hand of fellowship. 

In the summer of 1845, jMr. Johnson was re-elected to the 
House of Representatives. The Twenty-Ninth Congress was 
for several reasons one of the most important in our political his- 
tory. A bitter contention was going on between this country 
and Great Britain in regard to the line which divided the posses- 
sions of the two countries in Oregon. Upon this question, Mr. 
Johnson assumed a decided position, maintaining our right to 
the line of 54° 40', yet insisting that the real contest was for the 



352 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

territory between 4G° and 49°, as that embraced tbe Columbia 
River, which Grreat Britain was anxious to acquire on account of 
the invaluable advantages it afforded for both military and com- 
mercial purposes. To pursue a different course would, in his 
opinion, be abandoning the substance and running after the 
shadow. He therefore sustained President Polk in his adjust- 
ment of the question. 

In this session, Mr. Johnson denounced, as oppressive, the pro- 
posed contingent tax of ten per cent, on tea and coffee, laying it 
down as a fundamental principle that the expenses of the Govern- 
ment — especially those incurred in time of war — should be de- 
frayed by those who enjoyed the largest share of its protection. 
He thought it a monstrous injustice that the poor man should 
not only shed his blood in defence of the rights and honor of his 
country, but also be overburdened with taxes. Having aided 
in demolishing the proposed tax, he introduced and carried 
through a bill providing a tax to a certain amount of percentage 
upon all bank. State, and Government stock, and other capital. 
In the debate on the River and Harbor Improvement Bill of the 
same session, he took general grounds against the insane policy 
of indiscriminate expenditure of public money for internal im- 
provement of an entirely local nature. In the second session, 
he supported with great ability the raising of men and money 
for the prosecution of the war with Mexico. 

In 1847, Mr. Johnson was re-elected to Congress by an over- 
whelming majority. At this time he made an exceedingly able 
and eloquent argument in fivor of the veto power. Apart even 
from its political bearing, this speech was interesting. He gave 
an historical outline of the veto power, which runs back to 
the times of the Roman Republic, — the Tribunes of the people 
having had the right to approve or disapprove any law passed by 
the Senate, inscribing upon the parchment, in case they resolved 
to adopt the latter alternative, the word "veto." He traced this 
power, through the various stages of its progress, from the days 
of Augustus, and showed that since the establishment of this 
Government to the time at which he spoke, the veto power had 
been exercised twenty-five times: thus: — by Washington, twice; 
by Madison, six times; by Monroe, once; by Jackson, nine times; 
by Tyler, four times; by Polk, thrice. In this session also he 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 353 

continued his advocacy of the Mexican War, in opposition to 
those who denounced it as unconstitutional and unjust. 

Mr. Johnson was the prime mover in Congress of the Home- 
stead Bill; — to give to every man who is the head of a family, 
and a citizen of the United States, a homestead of one hundred 
and sixty acres of land out of the public domain, upon the con- 
dition that he should occupy and cultivate the same for five 
years. As early as 1847 he commenced the agitation of this 
question, and has been the forcible and untiring advocate of it, 
not only in the Capitol, but everywhere, and on every occasion. 

Mr. Johnson was a member of Congress from the Twenty- 
Eighth to the Thirty-Second sessions. During all this period, 
he labored as few men have ever labored, to improve the condition 
of the people. He can look back upon his Congressional career 
as one devoted to the service of his country and of humanity. 

At the outset of his Congressional career, it was predicted that 
his ultra notions would bury him fathom-deep, and that he would 
go back to Tennessee and prey upon a broken heart till carried 
to his grave. But, as John W. Forney truly observes, "any one 
who gazed into his dark eyes, and perused his pale face, would 
have seen there an unquenchable spirit and an almost fanatic 
obstinacy that spoke another language.^' In 1853, he was elected 
Governor of the State of Tennessee, and on the 17th of October 
of that year, delivered his inaugural address. This document 
has been severely censured " not only by the conservative states- 
men of this country, but by the aristocratic press of England 
and France;" but the "Western Democratic Review" Hked it 
better than almost any thing else from Governor Johnson's pen. 
He was re-elected in 1855, and served as Governor until the fall 
of 1857, when he was elected to the United States Senate for 
the term which ends in 1863. 

In April, 1855, Governor Johnson made a very able speech at 
. Murfreesborough, Tennessee, against " Know-Nothingism/' in 
the course of which he said, — 

"The 'Know-Nothings' were opposed to the Catholic religion because 
it was of foreign origin and many of its members in this country were 
foreigners also. He iiaid that if it was a valid objection to tolerating the 
Catholic religion in this country because it was of foreign origin and 
many of its members were foreigners, we would be compelled to expel 



354 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

most of the other religions of the country for the same reason. Who, he 
asked, was John Wesley, and where did the Methodist religion have its 
origin ? It was in old England, and John Wesley was an Englishman. 
But, if John Wesley were alive to-day, and here in this country, Know- 
Nothingism would drive him and his religion back to England, whence 
they came, because they were foreign. Who, he asked, was John Calvin, 
and where did Calvinism take its rise ? Was it not Geneva? And were 
Calvin alive, this new order would send him and his doctrines back whence 
they came. Who, he asked, was Roger Williams ? And would not Roger 
Williams and the Baptists share the same fate ? And so with Martin 
Luther, the great Reformer. He would have been subjected to the same 
proscriptive test.'" 

In the Thirty-Fifth Congress, Senator Johnson was prominent 
in his advocacy of his favorite project, — the Homestead Bill, — 
and on other leading domestic and financial questions of the day. 
He offered a substitute for the Army Bill, reported by the 
Military Committee, — proposing to employ a force of four thou- 
sand volunteers, who should be engaged for the specific purpose 
of quelling the rebellion in Utah, and who should be disbanded 
at the completion of the campaign. He protested against the 
existence of standing armies; and the time, in his opinion, was 
most inopportune to propose any permanent addition to the mili- 
tary establishment. Instead of increasing we should seek to cur- 
tail expenditure. The Democratic party was held responsible for 
any extravagance; and these appropriations had already increased 
to an alarming extent, and greatly beyond the proportion de- 
manded by the increasing expansion of the country. If our 
expenses should increase according to the ratio which had 
hitherto prevailed, the amount required for the ordinary purposes 
of the Government, in 18G0, would be one hundred and twenty- 
five millions of dollars. Since the organization of the Govern- 
ment, the appropriations made for its support had amounted to 
thirteen hundred and thirteen millions of dollars, of which eight 
hundred and sixty-seven millions had been applied to the main- 
tenance of the army and navy of the United States, leaving only 
four hundred and forty-six millions for all other objects. He 
was opposed to further progress in this direction, and warned the 
Democracy of the danger to which their political ascendency 
would be exposed by a persistence in this path of extravagance. 
On January 4, 1859, Senator Johnson introduced a resolu- 



ANDREW JOHNSON. 355 

tion of scrutiny into the expenses of the Government in all its 
Departments, which led to a lengthy and spirited debate between 
Senators Hunter, Fessenden, Toombs, Shields, Mason, Stuart, 
and others, and which was continued at other periods, result- 
ing in the reference — on motion of Senator Gwin, January 
17 — of the whole subject to a select committee. On the 25th 
of the same month, Senator Johnson, in a speech of great length, 
opposed the adoption of any bill having for its object to aid in 
the construction of a railroad to the Pacific. He denied the 
constitutional power of Congress to co-operate in such a work, 
which, he thought, should be left to private enterprise. He then 
proceeded to discuss the political aspects of the present times, 
which witnessed, he thought, a serious departure from the 
maxims of the Constitution and the wise precepts of the fathers 
and founders of the Republic. In this degeneracy the Demo- 
cratic party had shared; and he could not recognise the right of 
its Presidential Conventions to expound periodically, beyond all 
appeal, the tenets which constituted a true Democrat. As to 
the Union of the States, he was not one of those who sang paeans 
in its praise, because he was one of those who believed that the 
Union had never yet been, and was not likely ever to be, in any 
danger. 

On the Slavery question. Senator Johnson's position is — as he 
stated in 1849 — ^'that Congress has no power to interfere with 
the subject of slavery; that it is an institution local in its cha- 
racter, and peculiar to the States where it exists; and no other 
power has the right to control it." In 1850, he introduced into 
the House, before the bills embracing the Compromise measures 
were reported to the Senate, a series of resolutions containing 
substantially the same provisions, and requiring, among other 
things, the Committee on Territories to report a bill providing 
for "a more efficient mode for the recapture and return of fugi- 
tive slaves to the slave States." On the 9th of June, 1850, while 
his resolutions were under discussion, he trusted that Whigs and 
Democrats, the reflecting and patriotic of all sides, would — in 
view of the amount of public prosperity, tranquillity, and happi- 
ness, as well as the great value of property, involved in the adjust- 
ment of the pending difficulties — feel that the preservation of 
the Union was paramount to all other considerations. "I be- 



356 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

lieve/' said Mr. Johnson, ^Hliat slavery has its foundation and 
will find its perpetuity in the Union, and the Union its continu- 
ance by a non-interference with the institution of slavery.'' He 
voted for the Compromise measures, and supported, in like 
manner, the Lecompton side of the Kansas question in 1858. 

In December, 1859, Senator Johnson made a speech on Sena- 
tor Mason's " Harper's Ferry Resolution," in which he replied 
to Senators Seward, Trumbull, and Doolittle. He showed con- 
clusively the fallacy of the doctrine contended for by the Repub- 
lican party in regard to the equality of the white and black races. 
He also showed, in a clear and satisfactory manner, that there 
was no conflict between the free-labor of the North and the 
slave-labor of the South, — that they were in fjict fortunate in- 
gredients and operated as mutual benefits to each other, and, if 
let alone, would move on harmoniously, and in the end carry out 
and develop the great design of our fathers who framed the Con- 
stitution and fulfil our important destiny. 

A friend who served with him in the Legislature, messed with 
him, and knew him intimately, writes, that "Johnson is bold and 
indomitable. His distinguishing characteristic is energy. He 
tires at nothing; and if he cannot succeed one way he tries 
another, and another, until he accomplishes his purposes. He 
is rather slow and circumspect in taking his positions; but when 
taken nothing can drive him from them. . . . He seldom 
fights his battles through his friends, but relies mainly upon his 
own fearless energy to carry him through; and it is never found 
wanting. As a citizen, he is a quiet, orderly, not to say difiident, 
gentleman. He is a warm friend and a bitter enemy. Em- 
phatically of the people himself, he is the people's friend in 
public and private life. His best efi"orts, throughout his whole 
life, have been to ameliorate their condition ; and every sympathy 
of his hearty I am certain, is with them." 



JOSEPH LANE. 357 



JOSEPH LANE, 



OF OllEGON. 



Joseph Lane, the second son of Jolin Lane and Elizabeth 
Street, was born in North CaroUna, on the 14th of December, 
180L In 1804, the father emigrated to Kentucky and settled 
in Henderson County. He had the benefit of having sprung 
from Revolutionary stock, and, if he learned little else, imbibed 
many stirring lessons of patriotism and its glorious results from 
the elders who surrounded the hearthstone of his boyhood. At 
an early age he shifted for himself, and entered the employ of 
Nathaniel Hart, Clerk of the County Court. In 1816, he went 
into Warwick County, Indiana, became a clerk in a mercantile 
house, married, in 1820, a young girl of French and Irish ex- 
traction, and settled on 'the banks of the Ohio, in Yanderburg 
County. 

Young Lane soon became the man of the people among whom 
he had cast his lot. In 1822, then barely eligible, he was 
elected to the Indiana Legislature, and took his seat, to the 
astonishment of many older worthies. Hon. Oliver H. Smith, 
a new member likewise, and since a United States Senator from 
1837 to 1843, describes, in a work recently published, the ap- 
pearance of Lane on the occasion. ^'The roll-calling progressed 
as I stood by the side of the clerk. 'The county of Yanderburg 
and AVarwick!' said the clerk. I saw advancing a slender, 
freckle-faced boy, in appearance eighteen or twenty years of age. 
I marked his step as he came up to my side, and have often 
noticed his air since: it was General Joseph Lane, of Mexican 
and Oregon fame in after-years." 

On the Ohio, Lane became extremely popular as a good 
neighbor and a man of enlarged hospitality. Near his dwelling, 
the river has a bar, which never fails at low- water to detain a 
small fleet of boats. Lane's farm-house had ever its doors open; 



o58 livi:ng KEriii:sE2>;TATivE men. 

an invitation was extended to all to come and help themselves, 
the host never consenting to receive remuneration, though 
hundreds have partaken of his store. Any boatman on the 
river, says a reliable informant, felt himself at liberty to take 
any of his boats for temporary use, without asking. Such was 
Joseph Lane on his homestead. Acquaintance with river-life 
made him a good pilot of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, — 
which gained him an additional meed of respect from the 
"rivermen." 

As farmer, produce-dealer, and legislator, many years rolled 
over his head, — every year adding to his popularity as a man, 
both in his private and public capacity. He was frequently re- 
elected by the people, and continued to serve them, at short 
intervals, in either branch of the Legislature, for a period of 
twenty-four years. 

Mr. Lane was a fearless legislator, always acting from a con 
scientious belief in the truth of his views, and following them 
up with spirit and undeviating vigilance. Those who are best 
acquainted with this portion of his career delight to dwell upon 
the zeal and tenacity with which he upheld the trusts confided 
to him and denounced the wrongs which threatened to thwart 
his designs for good. He is, however, a man of deeds rather 
than words, — though he does not lack the power to express his 
views clearly and forcibly. 

Never in favor of expediency, he was always for what seemed 
right to him. When it was thought that Indiana, overburdened 
with debt, would be compelled to repudiate, the prospect of the 
disgrace which would thereby result to the State aroused all his 
indignant energies. He would not hear of such a thing. He 
felt it would be a disgrace to him, as a working-man with the 
will and the strength to labor, to repudiate a debt. What was 
it, then, to a State of which he was one of the representatives ? 
He toiled untiringly to avert it, and had the satisfaction of seeing 
his efforts successful. 

A gentleman who served in the Legislature of Indiana during 
a portion of the time referred to has given me several anecdotes 
illustrating the moral courage, the strong sense of justice, and 
the love of fair play, which have ever characterized General 
Lane's conduct in all the relations of life, public or private. 



I 



JOSEPH LANE. 859 

'^ While some meu/' lie writes, "espouse the cause of truth more 
through accident, or the force of circumstances, than from an in- 
nate love of justice for justice's sake. Lane's mind was so happily 
constituted that it was almost impossible for him to err in refer- 
ence to any question which had a right and a wrong side to it. 
At the time of which I speak, there had assembled a large De- 
mocratic Convention in the State Capitol of Indiana; and among 
other subjects claiming the consideration of the delegates in that 
body was the propriety of subjecting the nomination of two 
Judges of the Supreme Court to the test of 2, 'party nomination. 
The offices were filled — and ably filled — by Charles Dewey and 
Jeremiah Sullivan; and Greneral Lane, though a strong party 
man, opposed, with his accustomed earnestness, the attempt to 
bring the Judiciary of the State within the vortex of party, or to 
make the politics of either the incumbents or the aspirants a test 
of party action. Judge Dewey was a gentleman of fine educa- 
tion, of great legal ability, and, in the discharge of the duties of 
his high trust, held the scales of justice with so even a hand 
that not a word could be said against him, except that his poli- 
tical proclivities were of the Whig school. Judge Sullivan, 
though not so able as a jurist, was far above mediocrity, and 
challenged universal respect by his amiable character and spot- 
less integrity. Among the delegates in the Convention from 
Floyd County was a young gentleman who was born, raised, 
and educated in the State of New York, and who, having resided 
only a year in the State of his adoption, could not, in view of 
the political dogmas of the Tammany school, see the propriety 
of tolerating a Whig official of any kind while a Democrat could 
be found able and willing to fill his place. No sooner had this 
young man (now the able Governor of the State) commenced 
advocating his peculiar views in the Convention, than the ma- 
jority of that body, to whom he was a total stranger, positively 
refused to give him even a hearing, and, by shouts and all sorts 
of noises, drowned his voice every time he attempted to advance 
his (to them) distasteful and unpalatable notions. Colonel Lane, 
though foremost among those who favored the reappointment of 
the old judges, became indignant at this treatment of the young 
delegate, and made several ineffectual attempts to command for 
him a hearing. Losing all patience with what he considered the 



360 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

injustice of the majority, lie at length mounted a table, and, 
addressing the presiding officer, remarked that no member of 
the Convention was more radically opposed to the views of the 
young gentleman from Floyd County than himself; but, as he came 
there clothed with the power and authority to represent a portion 
of the people of Indiana, he insisted, in justice to his constituents 
if not to himself, that the courtesy of a hearing should be given 
to him. As an advocate of the right of free discussion, he, for 
one, could not, by his silence, acquiesce in applying the gag to 
any member of that body; and therefore, until the delegate from 
Floyd was heard, he pledged himself to oppose, with all his ener- 
gies, the transaction of any other business. Claiming to be the 
friends of liberty and of right, it would, he continued, inflict 
indelible disgrace upon the Convention to stifle, by brute force 
or riotous clamor, the opinions of the humblest member of the 
body, merely because they were different from those entertained 
by the majority. Such was the emphatic and earnest manner 
of the colonel's delivery, and such the justice and the noble 
spirit of his views, that the young delegate was finally, by common 
consent, permitted to proceed until he had finished his speech. 

" This imperfect sketch can give but a faint idea of the moral 
grandeur of the scene, which neither time nor distance can efface 
from the memories of those who witnessed it." 

In politics General Lane has always been of the Jefi"ersoQ 
and Jackson school. Possessing a strong intellect, and a me- 
mory retentive of facts and quick to use them, he has become 
thoroughly acquainted with the history and politics of the coun- 
try. Mr. Yulee well observes, " He has written with his plough 
and sword, and spoken by his deeds; and, though unused to the 
ornaments of rhetoric and literature, he is, nevertheless, powerful 
in debate, and especially well qualified in political and Presi- 
dential conflicts on the stump to overwhelm the opponents of 
Democracy." He supported Jackson in 1824, '28, and '32, gave 
bis voice and energies for Van Buren, in 1836 and '40, "as long 
as the latter followed ' in the footsteps of his illustrious predeces- 
sor,' " and went for Polk in 1844. His activity and earnestness 
were contagious, and could not but infuse into those about him, 
and into the public men of the State generally, the spirit which, 
had led him to so honorable a prominence. 



JOSEPH LANE. 361 

In the spring of 1846, the war commenced between the United 
States and Mexico, and a call was made upon Indiana for volun- 
teers. Lane, then a member of the State Senate, immediately 
resigned, and entered Captain Walker's company as a private. 
He chose Walker as his commander, having a high opinion 
of his bravery, — an opinion which that gallant officer's conduct 
and death at Buena Vista completely justified. When the regi- 
ment met at the rendezvous, — New Albany, — Joseph Lane was 
taken from the ranks by the unanimous voice of the men, and 
placed at the head as colonel; and in a very few days afterward 
he received — unsought and unexpected by him — a commission 
from President Polk as brigadier-general. On the 9th of July 
he wrote a letter of acceptance, and entered on the command of 
the three regiments forming his brigade. Two weeks after, (24th 
of July,) he was at the Brazos, with all his men, and concluded 
the report announcing his arrival to General Taylor in these 
words: — ''The brigade I have the honor to command is generally 
in good health and fine spirits, anxious to engage in active 
service." On the 20th of August, he wrote to Major-General 
Butler, claiming active service. His brigade did not relish 
being left in the rear to garrison towns or to guard provisions 
and military stores, while the regular army, and the volunteers 
already ordered on to Camargo, would have the honor of being 
actively engaged. "It was understood," wrote Lane, "when we 
arrived at the Brazos, that the regiments of volunteers would be 
moved on toward the enemy in the order in which they arrived. 
Such orders have been observed, with two exceptions, both 
operating to the prejudice of this brigade," &c. 

Lane had an idea that the Indiana men were raised to do some 
fighting, and he was impatient of delay. The second day after 
his letter to Butler, he wrote again to General Taylor, complain- 
ing of the advance of troops out of their order of precedence. 
Without being disrespectful, he demanded for his command a 
share in the dangers and honors of the active service. He re- 
quested that, if the whole volunteer corps was not needed on 
the scene of action, a part of each State's troops be selected. 
Despite his anxiety to go on, he had to remain several months, in 
a most irksome mood, on the swampy banks of the Eio Grande, 
where his troops, sufi'ering under the sweltering sun, were deci- 

31 



862 LlVlN(i KEl'RESENTATJVE iMEN. 

mated by the pestilential diseases of the cliiiia!. He was 
almost the only man of the brigade who was not [i )strated at 
some time. 

At length he was ordered to Saltillo, and was made civil and 
military commandant of that post by iMajor-General Butler. 
Here he established a vigilant police, protecting life and property, 
and built a strong fortification to provide against the threatened 
descent by Santa Anna. It was owing to the watchful care of 
his confidential scouts and spies, secured by liberal pay out of 
his own pocket, that he was enabled to communicate the first 
intelligence of the capture of Major Gaines's command. While 
in command at Saltillo, General Lane personally visited each 
picket-guard nightly, thus presenting to his men a fruitful ex- 
ample of vigilance. After the battle of jNIonterey, Lane was 
ordered to join General Taylor. 

The famous battle of Buena Yista was fought on the 22d and 
23d of February, 1847. General Lane was third in command, 
and served on the lefl wing. From the beginning to the end 
he was in the hottest of the fight. On the morning of the 2od, 
Lane had the- honor of opening the continuation of the battle, on 
the plain, where he was attacked by a force of from four to five 
thousand infantry, artillery, and lancers, under General Am- 
pudia. At this crisis, Lane's force was reduced to four hundred 
men; and with this phalanx he received the Mexican onset. 
''Nothing," writes an eye-witness, ''' could exceed the imposing 
and fearful appearance of the torrent of assailants which at this 
moment swept along toward the little band of Lane. The long- 
lines of infantry presented a continued and unbroken sheet of 
fire. But their opponents, though few in number, were undis- 
mayed, and defended their position with a gallantry worthy of 
the highest praise. Several times I observed the Mexican lines, 
galled by the American musketry and shattered by the fearful 
discharges from O'Brien's battery, break and fall back ; but their 
successive formations beyond the ridge enabled them to force 
the men back to their position and quickly replace those who 
were slain." All the printed authorities on this great fight, as 
well as parties who served with the gallant brigadier from Indiana, 
unite in extolling his conduct in glowing terms. 

As Lane commenced the fight on the 2od, so was he in "at 



JOSEPH LANE. 363 

the death." The Illinois and Kentucky regiments, suffering 
sorel}^, were falling back under a terrible charge by the collected 
infantry of 8anta Anna, when Lane, though wounded, came 
up with the Indiana men, and with the Mississippi regiment, 
under Colonel Jefferson Davis, opened a destructive fire upon the 
Mexicans, checked their advance, and enabled the retreatina- 
regiments to form and return to the contest. Failing to pierce 
the American centre, Santa Anna retired from the field. 

In this battle, wdiere all were heroes, it is the more honorable 
to find Lane, with four or five others, particularly noticed. Here 
is a picture of him : — "When the grape and musket-shot flew as 
thick as hail over and through the lines of our volunteers, who 
began to waver before the fiery storm, their brave general could 
be seen fifty yards in advance of the line, waving his sword with 
an arm already shattered by a musket-ball, streaming with blood, 
and mounted on a noble charger, which was gradually sinking 
under the loss of blood from five distinct wounds. A brave sight 
indeed was this !"* 

Major-General Wool, writing to Lane, May 23, regrets that he 
is about to lose his valuable services, and testifies to his readi- 
ness to do honor to his coiumand, his country, and himself. Again, 
July 7, Wool writes, " I have seen you in all situations, — at the 
head of your brigade in the drill, and in the great battle of the 
22d and 23d of February; and in the course of my experience 
I have seen few, very few, who behaved with more zeal, ability, 
and gallantry in the hour of danger." And General Taylor, in 
his report, says, "Brigadier-General Lane (slightly wounded) 
w^as active and zealous throughout the day, and displayed great 
coolness and gallantry before the enemy." 

Remaining encamped near the battle-field until June, he was 
ordered, wdth his brigade, to New Orleans, where the latter was 
disbanded, its term of service having expired. On his return 
home, public festivals at New Albany and Evansville greeted 
him, while his appearance everywhere commanded and elicited 
the most enthusiastic admiration. An order to join Taylor's line, 
however, allowed him but a short season of repose in the bosom 
of his family. 



■New Orleans Polta." Mov 2. 1817. 



8f)4 JIVING RKPRESENTATIVF. MKV. 

Having been transferred to General Scott's line of operations, 
be reached Vera Cruz Avitb bis command on tbe 16tb of Septem- 
ber, 1847. On tbe 20tb, be set out for tbe city of Mexico, 
at tbe bead of two tbousand five bundred men. At Jalapa tbis 
force was increased by Major Lally's column of one tbousand 
men, and at Perote by a company of mounted riflemen, two of 
volunteer infantry, and two pieces of artillery. At tbis time 
Colonel Cbilds, of tbe regular army, was besieged in Puebla by 
a large force under Santa Anna. Cbilds, knowing tbe import- 
ance of tbe post, nobly beld out; and bis officers and soldiers, 
animated by a like spirit, exbibited tbe most beroic fortitude 
under numerous privations. Tbcy knew tbat to gain time was to 
gain victory; for Lane was marcbing to tbcir relief. Santa Anna, 
also aware of *Lano's approach, used every exertion to carry tbe 
place by storm. Failing in tbis, be cautiously withdrew tbe 
main body of bis troops toward Huamantla, intending to attack 
General Lane in tbe rear wben be bad passed tbat point, wbile 
anotber force would assault bim from tbe direction of Puebla. 
Laije's scouts, bowever, were neitbcr deaf nor blind. He divined 
tbe Mexican's plan, and frustrated it. 

Leaving bis train at San Antonio Tamaris witb a suitable de- 
fence, Lane marcbed against Huamantla witb over two tbousand 
men. On tbe morning of tbe Otb of October, tbe people were 
startled by tbe approach of tbe soldiers. Wbite flags were imme- 
diately displayed ; but no sooner bad tbe advanced guard, under 
Captain Walker, entered tbe town, tban volley after volley as- 
sailed it. A deadly combat ensued. Walker gallantly charged 
upon a body of Ave hundred lancers and two pieces of artillery 
on tbe plaza. General Lane, advancing at the head of bis 
column, encountered tbe heavy reinforcement of Santa Anna, who 
bad arrived witb bis full force. Soon the roar of battle re- 
sounded from street to street. For a short time tbe Mexicans 
confronted their assailants with the energy of despair; but tbe 
terrible decision of tbe Americans prevailed, and their flag soon 
vraved over tbe treacherous town. A large quantity of ammuni- 
tion vvas captured, and some prisoners, — one of whom was Major 
Iturbide, son of tbe former Emperor of Mexico. This was the 
last field on which Santa Anna appeared in arms against the 



JOSEPH LANTE. 365 

United States. For this victory Lane was brevetted major- 
general. 

Having rejoined his train, General Lane arrived at Puebla on 
the 12th of October. Compelling General Rea to retire, he 
raised the siege. Of the besieged, Jenkins"^' writes, " Their 
emotions can be more easily conceived than expressed, when 
they caught sight of the glistening sabres, the flashing bayonets, 
and the victorious banners of General Lane, as his columns 
wound through the now almost deserted streets; and when his 
trumpets sounded their shrill notes of defiance, every man 
breathed freer and deeper, and felt prouder of his country, her 
honor, and her fame." 

On the 19th, Lane was in pursuit of Eea, under a burning 
sun. At Santa Isabella, about thirteen miles from Puebla, he 
met the Mexican advance-guards. A running fight was kept 
up for four miles, when, discovering the enemy strongly posted 
on a hill within a mile and a half of Atlixco, a severe fight 
took place. The Mexicans were driven into the town. Not 
wishing to enter a strange place at night. Lane commanded the 
approaches and opened a telling cannonade. The Aijuntamkntos 
caine out and begged that the town might be spared. Lane 
spared it, but took and destroyed large quantities of arms and 
munitions. On his return to Puebla, he set out for Guexocingo, 
and destroyed the enemy's resources there. On the 29th he 
fousht the first battle of Tlascala, and on the 10th of November 
encountered Generals Rea and Torrejon at the same place, 
and recaptured a train of thirty-six laden wagons belong- 
ing to merchants in Puebla and Mexico. In thanks for this 
service, the merchants presented a splendid sword to General 
Lane. On the 22d, taking with him Colonel Hays, Captain 
Lewis, and Lieutenant Field, with one hundred and fifty horse 
and one gun. Lane started to surprise Matamoras, where were 
collected a large amount of Mexican supplies, and one thousand 
men strongly posted in a fort mounted with artillery. Forming 
secretly, he gives the word ; the mounted men are at the base 
of the wall : in an instant they leap from the saddle and spring 
upon the fort, losing but one man, and putting the Mexicans to 



* See " History of the War with Mexico," by .Tohn S. Jenkins. 
31- 



866 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

flight, with a loss of eighty before Lane coukl stay the havoc. 
Assuredly he did surprise Matamoras, as well as the twenty-five 
American prisoners he liberated therefrom. On his return, (the 
24th,) the enemy, emboldened by the small number of Lane's 
troops, being in the ratio of about eight to one, made a stand 
at Galaxa. The Americans were faltering under the terrible 
fire, when Lane, leaping from his horse, unlimbered a gun, turned 
it on the enemy, and fired it with his lighted cigar. The gun, 
loaded with grape, checked the enemy, and, being quickly served 
by Lieutenants Field and ^McDonald, settled the affair, and our 
troops returned to Puebla in triumph at noon of the following 
day. 

Lane's campaign, from the departure from Vera Cruz up to 
this point, was a scries of brilliant movements and victories. 
A surgeon attached to his command wrote home, about this 
period, that no writers — only the soldiers — could tell with what 
ingenuity and bravery Lane conducted his handful of men. 
'^I never" — he adds — "before could understand how cowards 
were transformed into brave men as by miracle." 

Reporting himself, by order, to the commanding general on 
the 18th of December, at the city of Mexico, General Lane was 
received with marked emotion by General Scott. It was the 
intention of the latter to send Lane, at the head of a brigade, on 
a forward movement. Waiting impatiently for four weeks. Lane 
asked and obtained leave to take three hundred mounted men, 
with Hays, Polk, and Walker, and chase the guerillas under the 
notorious Zenobia. In this expedition he almost succeeded in 
capturing Santa Anna at Tehuacan. All he got of him, how- 
ever, was his swords. On the 23d of January, LS48, as he 
marched into Orizaba — a city of twenty thousand inhabitants — 
at one side, the enemy marched out at the other. A large quan- 
tity of Government property was confiscated for the benefit of 
the United States, He next took Cordova, confiscated more 
property, and released a number of American prisoners. Pie- 
cruiting his men at Puebla, he is wandering through the moun- 
tains in search of the enemy. On the third day he meets and 
disperses the command of Colonel Falcon, and, not falling in 
with any other detachment of the 3Iexicans, returns to the capi 



JOSEPH LANE. 3G7 

tal on the 10th of February, having been absent but twenty- 
four days. 

A few days after his return, he turns out again with the same 
brave and hardy comrades, to arrest and punish Jarauta, a noted 
robber-chief, who had been perpetrating such atrocities as not 
paying over much — or very httle — respect to the person of the 
courier belonging to the British embassy, and other more really 
atrocious doings against Americans. Leaving the City of Mexico 
on the 17th of February, he surprised Tulancingo on the dawn 
of the 21st. General Paredes escaped from his bed. Jarauta, 
who, Lane learned, was at Tehualtaplan, was a wily rogue. Lane, 
desiring to throw him off his guard, remained a day and a night 
at Tulancingo, gave out that he was returning to Mexico, set off 
in that direction, but about dark changed his course, and arrived 
at a ranch on the road to, and eighteen miles distant from, 
Tehualtaplan in thirty-six hours after leaving Tulancingo. On 
the 24th he was at the former. There were one thousand lancers 
and guerillas under Colonel Montano and Jarauta; and, as the 
Americans entered Tehualtaplan at sunrise of the 25th, the esco- 
peta-balls came whistling about their heads from every house. 
Jenkins, in his history, p. 496, says, — 

"Headed by General Lane, Colonel Hays, and Major Polk, the rangers 
and dragoons dashed upon the enemy, fighting their way hand to hand 
into the houses, cutting down every man who refused to surrender. A 
portion of the Mexicans rallied and formed outside the town ; but a vigor- 
ous charge, led by General Lane and Colonel Hays, quickly put them to 
rout. Jarauta, -who was wounded in the conflict, again escaped. One 
hundred of the enemy were killed, however, among whom were Colonel 
Montano, and the bosom-friend of Jarauta, Padre Martinez. A still 
greater number were wounded, and there were fifty taken prisoners. 
General Lane lost but one man killed and four wounded. Quiet was soon 
restored in the town after the fighting had ceased; and the Americans 
returned to the capital, taking -with them their prisoners, and a quantity 
of recovered property that had been plundered from different trains." 

The battle of Tehualtaplan was the last fought in Mexico. 
Peace was soon declared; but Greneral Lane — who, not inappro- 
priately, says Jenkins, was styled by his brother officers and 
soldiers '' the Marion of the army" — remained some months 
directing the movements consequent upon the return of our 
troops. On evacuating the conquered land, Lane remarked to a 



368 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

friend, ^'I left my ploiigli to take (lie sword with a thrill of 
pleasure \ for my country called mc L now go home to resume 
the plough w^ith as sincere joy." 

About the 1st of August, 1848, General Lane reached Indiana. 
His fellow-citizens were rejoiced to see him; but he had not time 
to respond to the favors extended to him, for on the 18th he — 
without any solicitation on his part — was appointed Governor 
of Oregon.* On the 28th his commission reached him, and on 
the next day he set out for his post. He reached Fort Leaven- 
worth on the 4th of September and left it on the 10th, with 
twenty-two men, including guides, &c. This was the year in 
which Colonel Fremont, who followed Governor Lane in a few 
weeks, lost almost his entire party in the mountains. The jour- 
ney to Oregon, at all times arduous, is of course peculiarly so in 
the winter season. After reaching the llio Grande, thi-ough 
snow-storms of eight days' continuance, and when neither grass 
nor timber for fuel were to be had. Lane and his guide differed 
as to the route that should be followed. The Governor wanted 
to strike south; the guide insisted on keeping the old route. 
They parted; Governor Lane undertook to pilot himself, and his 
guide returned, foreboding evil. Had the Governor followed the 
guide's advice, the party would have met the same fate as did 
that of Fremont. For more than twenty days he made south- 
ward, and finally came to the Mexican village of Santa Cruz, in 
Sonora, where he took the regular trail. On reaching the Gila, 
seven men deserted, who killed two of the men that were sent 
back after them; and, shortly after, five others, with a corporal, 
deserted, fearful of starvation if they proceeded. 

On the 2d of March, 1849, about six months after his de- 
parture from home, he arrived safely in Oregon City. This 
journey cost the Government nothing, — General Laije not 
making any charge for his expenses; besides which, he aided 
largely in subsisting the troops, the greater part of the time, with 
the product of his rifle, as he was both the pilot and the hunter 
for the party. "j" 



* General Shields was appointed on the 14th of August, and declined. 

■f In this connection it may be stated that during the Mexican AVar he sub- 
sisted his troops with less cost than that of any others in the service. His trea- 
ties and ''talks" with the Indians in Oregon were all conducted without expense 



JOSEPH LANE. o69 

The Indians of Oregon — of whom there were between fifty 
and sixty tribes — kept the whites in a constant state of jeopardy. 
The progress and settlement of the Territory were greatly impeded 
by their depredations. In 1850, a formidable outbreak took 
place on Rogue River, in the southern part of Oregon. Grover- 
nor Lane took the field in person, collected a force of settlers, 
miners, a few ofiicers and men of the regular army, attacked 
the Indians at Table Rock, and, after a desperate conflict, in 
which he was severely wounded, drove them from their posi- 
tion. Following this success up with his accustomed vigor, he so 
severely chastised them that they were glad to accept any terms 
of peace. On several occasions, nothing but Governor Lane's 
force of character and coolness could have saved the handful of 
men which accompanied him on his Indian expeditions. He 
furnished the Department with a lengthy report, which, in Mr. 
Schoolcraft's opinion, is the only accurate account of the Oregon 
Indians. The Legislative Assembly of the Territory of Oregon 
passed resolutions conveying the thanks of the people, and giving 
their fullest approbation to his "extraordinary energy" as Super- 
intendent of Indian Affairs. "Few" — says one of the resolu- 
tions — "could have accomplished so successfully what his kind- 
ness, integrity, and firmness have done to secure the bonds of a 
lasting peace with the tribes surrounding us.'^ The Assembly 
also expressed their belief that while Governor he acted for the 
best interests of the whole people; and they regretted that upon 
the accession of General Taylor he was superseded. The people, 
however, in testimony of his worth, sent him to Congress as 
Delegate, in which position he remained until the admission of 
Oregon into the Union, when he took his seat as a United States 
Senator, having been previously elected to that eminence. 

As Delegate from Oregon, General Lane was unremitting in 
his advocacy of the interests of the Territory, and untiring in his 
efforts for her admission into the Union. The Oregon Bill being 
under debate in the House on the 10th of February, »1859, 
Governor Lane contended that there was a population in the 
Territory sufficient to entitle her to admission. On the 12th, a 



to Government. See pamphlet ''Biographj' of Joseph Lane," written by ''West- 
ern," (Mr. Yulee,) of which spirited publication I have made frequent nf^e. 
Y 



370 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Massachusetts Representative liaving inquired whether, if Ore- 
gon should be admitted, and he, Lane, had a voice in the other 
end of the Capitol, would he vote to relieve Kansas of the eflfect 
of the English Bill. 

Lane replied that he had not come there to make any bargain. 
He Avas an honei^t man; and, if he should be permitted to go 
into the Senate, he would exercise a sound judgment prompted 
by a strong desire to promote the general prosperity and welfare 
of the country. He hoped that his official action might be 
the guarantee that he would do in all matters what he believed 
to be right. He then proceeded to urge the admission of Oregon, 
briefly reviewing its history from the time of the first settlemeutvs 
to the formation of its Constitution. He contended that it was 
but an act of justice, and appealed to the House to vote down 
every amendment and let the vote be taken on the naked bill. 

That day (Jregon was admitted to the sisterhood of States, and 
that night the Federal City was alive with festivity in honor of 
the event. A band serenaded the President, Vice-President, 
Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, General Lane, and others. In re- 
sponse to a call. Governor Stevens introduced General Lane — 
now Senator elect from the State of Oregon — to the people. He 
made a brief speech, in which he said that a bulwark had been 
raised that day on the shores of the Pacific against foreign in- 
vaders, and a fresh assurance given of the perpetuity of the 
Union. 

While Governor ]jane was in Oi'egon, he was named for the 
Presidency by the convention assembled at Indianapolis to 
revise the State Constitution of Indiana. The Democratic 
State Convention, which met February 24, 1852, formally pre- 
sented his claims for the Chief Magistracy, pledging the vote of 
the State to him. On his arrival in Indiana from Oregon, he 
had a public reception, at which, in the course of an address of 
welcome. Governor Wright thus briefly reviewed the career of 
the guest of the day : — 

"He has been the artificer of his own fortunes; and, in his progress 
from the farmer on the banks of the Ohio and the commandant of a flat- 
boat to posts of honorable distinction, — to a seat in the House of Repre- 
sentatives and in the Senate of Indiana, — to the command of a brigade 
upon the fiehls of Buena Vista, Huamantla, and Atlixco, — to the Gover- 



JUSEPll LA.NE. o7l 

norship of Oregon, and thence to a seat in Congress, — be Las displayed 
the same high characteristics, perseverance and energy. The annals of 
our country present no parallel for these facts. You entered the army a 
volunteer in the ranks, looking forward only to the career of a common 
soldier. You left it a major-general, closing your ardent and brilliant 
services in that memorable campaign by fighting its last battle and cap- 
turing the last enemy." 

I cannot better conclude this outline of Senator Lane's bril- 
liant public career than by quoting from a communication 
made to me by the gentleman already alluded to in the earlier 
portion of this sketch.* He writes, — 

Jefferson remarked that some men were by nature so consti- 
tuted as to be the worshippers of power and the fit instruments 
in the hands of tyrants and usurpers; while others, made of 
sterner stuff, are ever found the firm advocates of liberty and the 
inexorable haters of tyranny and oppression. To the latter class 
the Senator from Oregon belongs ; and, if the cause of popular 
liberty was ever assailed, he would defend it from encroachment 
at all hazards. 

As a consequence of the natural turn of his mind, he is not 
the man to be led off from the paths of duty by every wind of 
doctrine or by plausible theories in morals, religion, or politics. 
For a mind so constituted the ephemeral expedients of parties 
of the day have no charms ; and hence it is that he is emphatic- 
ally and truly a National Democrat, embracing, in the scope of 
his affections, the people of the whole Union, from the Capes of 
Florida to the Aroostook, from the shores of the Atlantic to those 
of the Pacific. In no instance has he ever swerved from the 
principles so eloquently enunciated in the Farewell Address of 
the Father of his Country, or dwarfed his affections or feelings 
into the mere sectional patriot. Inflexibly just in the discharge 
of every social, moral, and political duty, happy will it be for his 
country when such men are called upon, by the public voice, to 
fill its high trusts ! 

In addition to all this, the general, notwithstanding his early 
struggles with poverty, is one of the most unselfish men in the 
world in reference to money or wealth. Instead of looking upon 
money as an end to be accomplished and attained by the strug- 

* John Bowling, Esq., formerly member of the Indiana Legislature. 



372 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

gles of life, he has never coveted it but as a means of doing 
good, for which no sacrifice of principle or duty should ever be 
made. This is well illustrated in his positive refusal to accept 
the double or constructive mileage to which, under the practice 
of the Government, he was entitled as Senator from Oregon. 
The sum w^as a large one, but its acquisition had no charms for 
the general when he reflected upon the injustice of drawing it 
from the Treasury to defray his expenses for the mileage and 
jper diem of a trip which he had never performed. 



JOHN M'^LEAN. S73 



JOHN M'^LEAN, 

OF OHIO. 

John McLean was born in Morris County, New Jersey, of 
humble but respectable parentage, his father being a worthy 
emigrant from Ireland and a weaver by trade, which business 
he followed in his adopted State and also in Kentucky. During 
the infancy of the subject of this sketch, the family — quite a 
large one — removed to the "Western country, and, after seeking 
a settlement first at Morganstown, Virginia, afterward in Jessa- 
mine, near Nicholasville, Kentucky, and, in 1793, in the vicinity 
of Mayslick, finally went, in 1799, to the territory northwest of 
the Ohio River which now forms Warren County, Ohio. Here 
the elder McLean cleared a farm, and for forty years, until his 
death, resided upon it. The homestead afterward became the 
property, and for many years was the residence, of the son. 
Neither the resources of the father nor of the country in which 
he had settled afforded the means of education ; but, having 
been sent to school at quite an early age, the boy attained con- 
siderable proficiency in the elementary branches. In his six- 
teenth year he became acquainted with the languages through 
the careful instruction of Rev. Matthew Wallace and Mr. Stubbs 
and by his own diligent study. He had meanwhile labored on 
the farm ; and, in evidence of that independence of spirit ever 
a leading trait in the self-made man, it may be said, to this 
youth's honor, that he refused to allow his father to defray the 
expenses of his instruction. The same healthy firmness of 
character has guided and attended him throughout his important 
career. 

Knowledge but fed the aspirations which had already begun 
to throb the heart of the young farm-hand; and, determining to 
overcome the obstacles which the limited means of his family 
presented, he succeeded in getting employment — when eighteen 

32 



374 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

years old — in the Clerk's office of Hamilton County, in Cincin- 
nati. With the salary of this position he was enabled to sup- 
port himself while studying the law under the auspices of 
Arthur St. Clair, an eminent counsellor and gentleman of pro- 
minence, son of the famous Revolutionary general of the same 
name, and who had been Governor and Judge of the Northwest 
Territory. No arrangement could have been better calculated for 
the youth's benefit; for, while honorably and industriously sup- 
porting himself, he was enabled to study the theory, and become 
well acquainted with the practical routine, of the profession. 

Before Mr. McLean was admitted to the bar, he fell a willing 
victim to the Supreme Court of Cupid, and was married in the 
spring of 1807 to Miss Rebecca Edwards, daughter of Dr. Ed- 
wards, formerly of South Carolina. In the fall of the same 
year, he, being then over twenty-two years old, was admitted 
and entered on his independent professional career at Lebanon, 
Warren County. His practical experience soon gained public 
confidence, and led to the possession of ample means. With the 
increase of business, his usefulness became so paramount that in 
1812 he was brought forward to represent the city of Cincinnati 
in Congress, and had the good fortune to be elected after a very 
spirited contest with two competitors. Here commenced that 
able career which has led him to one of the highest and most 
responsible positions in the country. The political principles 
held by Mr. McLean on his entrance to the great national arena, 
and his course during the earlier portion of his career there, 
have been thus authentically stated : — '' From his first entrance 
upon public life, John McLean was identified with the Demo-, 
cratic party. He was an ardent supporter of the war and of the 
Administration of Mr. Madison, yet not a blind advocate of every 
measure proposed by the party, as the journals of that period will 
show. His votes were all given in reference to jDrinciple. The 
idea of supporting a dominant party merely because it was domi- 
nant did not influence his judgment or withdraw him from the 
high path of duty which he marked out for himself He was 
well aware that the association of individuals into parties was 
sometimes absolutely necessary to the prosecution and accom- 
plishment of any great public measure. This, he supposed, was 
sufficient to induce the members composing them, on any little 



JOHN MCLEAN. 375 

difference with tlie majority^ to sacrifice their own judgment to 
that of the greater number, and to distrust their own opinions 
when they were in contradiction to the general views of the 
party. But as party was thus to be regarded as itself only an 
instrument for the attainment of some great public good, the 
instrument should not be raised into greater importance than 
the end, nor any clear and undoubted principle of morality be 
violated for the sake of adherence to party. Mr. McLean often 
voted against political friends ; yet so highly were both his inte- 
grity and judgment estimated that no one of the Democratic party 
separated himself from him on that account. Nor did his inde- 
pendent course in the smallest degree diminish the weight he 
had acquired among his own constituents." Livingston adds that 
^' Among the measures supported by him were the tax-bills of 
the extra session at which he entered. He originated the law 
to indemnify individuals for property lost in the public service. 
He introduced the resolution on the expediency of pensioning 
the widows of the officers and soldiers who had fallen in their 
country's service, which was afterward sanctioned by Congress. 
He spoke ably in defence of the war-measures, and by his atten- 
tion to the interests of the people continued to rise in public 
estimation.^' 

He was re-elected in 1814, when a display was made in his 
favor which is of rare occurrence in political history, receiving 
every vote cast in his district. His career on two most import- 
ant committees — Foreign Kelations and Public Lands — is a suf- 
ficient index to the breadth as well as the sagacity of his views 
and his attention to the business duties of his position. Indeed, 
so high were his ideas of responsibility and trust in connection 
with the duties of a Representative in the popular branch of the 
National Legislature, that he declined to become a candidate for 
the United States Senate when his election was considered a 
certainty. He nearly served out his term, until 1816, when, 
having been unaniniously elected by the Ohio Legislature to the 
Supreme Bench of that State, he resigned, and was succeeded in 
Congress by General Harrison. Just previous to his resignation 
he was on the committee that reported and supported the bill 
granting fifteen hundred dollars a year to members of Congress, 
instead of the per dirm allowance of the time. He believed 



876 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

that under the law the business of Congress would be facilitated 
by direct attention. Having been "perverted and its effects 
misrepresented by selfish aspirants," it was repealed the follow- 
ing session, and the law giving eight dollars per day and eight 
dollars for every twenty miles' travel was instituted."^ 

After dignifying the Supreme Bench of Ohio for six years. 
President Monroe appointed Judge McLean — in the summer of 
1822 — Commissioner of the Land Ofiice ; and, in the next year, 
he was elevated to the position of Postmaster-General. Here he 
distinguished himself in a highly admirable manner and drew 
forth the highest encomiums. lie ignored the idea of placing 
men in oflBce for their political opinions, or because they had 
served party purposes. He sought out the most suitable men 
among the applicants, and these he intrusted with the duties of 
office. They were accepted for their capacity to do duty, and 
had to do it. Business was attended to, and a most gratifying 
success was the result. Judge McLean personally superintended 
the details, and arrived as nearly at perfection as was possible. In 
consequence the salary attaching to the office was almost unani- 
mously raised by the Senate and House of Representatives from 
four to six thousand dollars per annum. Those who rigidly fol- 
lowed party discipline, and opposed the motion, did so reluctantly. 
As an evidence of the estimation in which Judge McLean's 
arduous and successful labors were held, the fact may be in- 
stanced that John liandolph said the salary was for the officer, 
and not for the office, and that he would vote for the bill if it 
should be made to expire when Judge McLean left the office. 
Charles J. IngersoU has said he was " the very best Postmaster 



*■ Tbis law remained in force until Augu.'^t 16, lSo6, when an annual salary 
of three thousand dollars, with mileage, was adopted. This was again amended 
by joint resolution of December 23, 1S57, introduced by Mr, George Taylor, of 
New York, enacting that " on the first day of the first session of each Congress, 
or as soon thereafter as he may be in attendance and apply, each Senator, 
Representative, and Delegate shall receive his mileage, as now provided by law, 
and all his compensation fi'om the beginning of his term, to be computed at the 
rate of two hundred and fifty dollars per month, and during the session com- 
pensation at the same rate. And on the first day of the second or any subse- 
quent session he shall receive his mileage, as now allowed by law, and all com- 
pensation which has accrued during the adjournment at the rate aforesaid, and 
during said session compensation at the same rate," Ac. 



JOHN M'^LEAN. oTT 

that the country ever had : he discharged the office with indus- 
try, punctuaHty, and economy, and displayed great ability in the 
arrangements. Judge McLean employed many females in various 
small towns, and found the postmistresses quite as efficient as the 
postmasters." And another writer fills out a sketch of his official 
career in charge of the post, by characterizing it as marked by 
the greatest wisdom and moderation. The writers of all sides 
rival each other to do him honor. 

Upon the accession of Jackson to the Presidency, in 1829, he 
appointed McLean to a seat in the Supreme Court of the United 
States, which he has held with so much dignity, for a period of 
thirty years. In Livingston's Memoir it is stated that he was 
tendered the Army and Navy Departments, but declined them; 
and another writer gives this account of the circumstances leading 
to his appointment on the Supreme Bench, which are the more 
interesting from the fact that upon several principles of public 
policy he differed with the President. The story goes : — 

When Jackson was about selecting his Cabinet, McLean was 
sent for, to ascertain whether he w^as willing to remain in Wash- 
ington. The object of the interview having been stated. Judge 
McLean remarked that he wished to explain the line of conduct 
he had hitherto pursued, — observing that the general might 
have received the impression from some of the public prints that 
the Postmaster-General had used the patronage of his office for 
the purpose of advancing the general's election. He desired 
Jackson to understand that no such thing had been done, and 
that had he pursued such a course he would deem himself un- 
worthy of the President's confidence or that of any other honor- 
able man. But, he was bound in candor to say, should he remain 
in office, he would not deviate from the course he had pursued 
under Mr. Adams ; that iii all he had done he had looked with a 
single eye to the public interest, and that he would be governed 
by the same motive in future; that no power which could be 
brought to bear upon him would change his purpose. Jackson 
replied with warm expressions of regard and confidence, and 
wished him to retain the Post-Office Department, regretting, at 
the same time, that circumstances would not permit him to offer 
McLean the Treasury. The judge replied that, having held 
office under the late Administration, he was delicately situated: 

- 32-? 



378 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

he required no distinction in the new organization,* but would 
remain in his old ojBice on the terms stated, or retire. It being 
subsequently feared that his course might not harmonize with 
Jackson's Cabinet, and he being found determined to follow his 
own way, he was offered the seat on the Supreme Bench, which 
he accepted, and entered upon his new duties in the Januaiy 
Term, 1830. 

It is conceded that there is perhaps no station which calls 
into exercise to a greater extent the highest faculties of the human 
intellect; and Senator Benjamin but gave expression to the 
general feeling when he said, " From my earliest childhood I 
have been taught to revere the judges of the highest court in the 
land, as men selected to render justice between litigants, not more 
by reason of their eminent legal acquirements than because of 
a spotless purity of character, an undimmed lustre of reputation, 
which removed them far, far beyond even a doubt of their in- 
tegrity." Judge McLean's early habits of labor and industry 
trained his brain as well as his body to meet fatigue, and to 
triumph over the exhaustion consequent upon the faithful fulfil- 
ment of the duties of a tribunal where the most important 
questions of art, science, commerce, the theory and practice of 
constitutional government, and the basis on which the fabric of 
the Union stands, are discussed, expounded, and decided upon. 
During his long career as a leading member of that tribunal, the 
jurisprudence of the country has been enriched by the diligent 
labors of his energetic and cultivated mind.^ His courtesy to 
counsel, his dignity, and the uprightness of his character in public 
and private, are dwelt upon with enthusiastic respect and affec- 
tion by the intelligence of the bar and the jury-box, as well as 
by unprofessional friends. Some of his charges to grand juries 
while on circuit are classed among the most able and eloquent 
expositions of the rights and duties of American citizens among 
themselves and toward other nations. One of his most memora- 
ble charges was delivered in December, 1838, in regard to aiding 
or favoring unlawful military combinations by our citizens against 



*" Until Jackson's time, the Postmaster-General was not a member of tb© 
Cabinet. 

f See Livingston's " Eminent Americans," Sac. 



JOHN M^'LEAN. 379 

any foreign Government or people with wliom we are at peace. 
It was during the Canadian excitement ; and a brief extract will 
give the pith of the learned judge's conclusions : — 

" If there be any one line of policy in which all political parties agree, 
it is that we should keep aloof from the agitations of other Governments, 
— that we shall not intermingle our national concerns with theirs. And 
much more, that our citizens shall abstain from acts which lead the sub- 
jects of other Governments to violence and bloodshed. . . . 

" A Government is justly held responsible for the acts of its citizens. 
And if this Government be unable or unwilling to restrain our citizens 
from acts of hostility against a friendly Power, such Power may hold 
this nation answerable and declare war against it. Every citizen is 
therefore bound, by the regard he has for his country, by his reverence 
for its laws, and by the calamitous consequences of war, to exert his 
influence in suppressing the unlawful enterprises of our citizens against 
any foreign and friendly Power." 

In December, 1840, Judge McLean suffered a severe affliction 
in the demise of his wife, who was an amiable and admirable 
woman. He remained a widower until 1843, when he was united 
to Mrs. Sarah Bella Grarrard, daughter of Israel Ludlow, one of 
the founders of Cincinnati. 

The author of '^American Statesmen in 1846,"* speaking of 
Judge McLean, says, ''Residing in the free State of Ohio, 
separated from the slave State of Kentucky only by the Ohio 
River, the opinions of this calm and disinterested statesman, 
founded as they are upon personal observation, must have great 
value in the question of the abolition of slavery. I was curious 
to learn them. 'If you touch slavery,' replied he, 'you risk a 
separation of the Union.' These words were oracular, and were 
uttered by a man whom no Abolitionist can surpass in the genuine 
love of freedom and right." 

As to the power of Congress over the Territories, Judge McLean 
holds that "the true construction of the Constitution is, that 
implied powers can only be exercised in carrying into effect a 
specified power, and this implication is limited to measures ap- 
propriate to the object.'' This safe rule is the only one he believes 
to be sanctioned by jurists and statesmen, and holds that there 
is no specific power in the Constitution which authorizes the or- 

* Sarah Mytton Maury. London, 1847. 



380 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

ganization of Territorial Governments. "If the power i.s implied 
from the specific power given to regulate the disposition of the 
public lands, it must be limited to the ends in view. If Congress 
exceed this in the organization of a Territory, they go beyond 
the limitation, and may establish a monarchy. Admit that they 
may organize a Government which shall protect the laud pur- 
chased and provide for the administration of justice among the 
settlers, it does by no means follow that they may establish 
slavery. This is a relation which must be created by the local 
sovereignty. It is a municipal regulation of limited extent, and 
necessarily of an equally limited origin. It is a domestic relation, 
over which the Federal Government can exercise no control." 
Upon these views. General Cass said, ''Judge McLean lays 
down the proper boundary of Congressional interposition." 

In the Dred Scott case. Judge McLean dissented from the de- 
cision of the court as given by Chief-Justice Taney. Elaborately 
arguing the case, Judge McLean was of opinion that the Supreme 
Court of Missouri had disregarded an Act of Congress, and the 
Constitution of the sovereign State of Illinois, under which Dred 
Scott, his wife and children, claimed that they were entitled to 
freedom, — both of which laws it had not only regarded, but 
carried into effect for twenty-eight years. In the course of his 
argument, he gave the following opinions on matters which are 
still leading topics : — 

"• It is said the Territories are common property of the States, and that 
every man lias a right to go there with his property. This is not contro- 
verted. But the court say a slave is not property beyond the operation 
of the local law which makes him such. Never was a truth more authori- 
tatively and justly uttered by man. Suppose a master of a slave in a 
British island owned a million of property in England : would that 
authorize him to take his slaves with him to England ? The Constitution, 
in express terms, recognises the status of slavery as founded on the muni- 
cipal law : ' No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws 
thereof, escaping into another, shall,' &c. Now, unless the fugitive 
escape from a place where by the municipal law he is held to labor, this 
provision affords no remedy to the master. What can be more conclusive 
than this ? Suppose a slave escape from a Territory where slavery is not 
authorized by law : can he be reclaimed ? 

" In this case, a majority of the court have said that a slave may be 
taken by his master into a Territory of the United States, the same as a 
horse or any other kind of property. Jt is true, this was said by the 



JOHN MCLEAN. 381 

court, as also many other things, which are of no autliority. Nothing 
that has been said by them which has not a direct bearing on the jm-is- 
diction of the court against which they decided can be considered as 
authority, I shall certainly not regard it as such. The question of 
jurisdiction, being before the court, was decided by them authoritatively, 
but nothing beyond that question, A slave is not a mere chattel. He 
bears the impi-ess of his Maker, and is amenable to the laws of God and 
man; and he is destined to an endless existence," 

Judge McLean, called by a leading Whig the " guardian of 
the Constitution," was understood to be the second choice of 
the Republican party for the Presidency in 1856. Apart from 
his judicial and political character, he is lauded for the cheerful- 
ness of his temper, the aflfable frankness of his manners, and the 
force and eloquence of his conversation. He has received the 
honorary degree of LL,D, from Cambridge University, the Wes- 
leyan University, and several other colleges and educational in- 
stitutions in the Western and Southwestern States, 



382 LIVIN(i REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



JAMES L. ORR, 

OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Among the most prominent Soutlicrn men in public life, and 
especially prominent as a national Southern man, is the gentle- 
man who })rcsided as Speaker over the House of Kepresentatives 
during the Thirty-Fifth Congress. While essentially a popular 
man, from the genial dignity of his presence, the affability of his 
manner, and his ready talents, he is entitled to much higher 
acknowledgment for the knowledge and power that support his 
more showy acquirements. His career has been a singularly 
successful one, and but another evidence that while ability, 
without directness of purpose, may startle with fitful brilliancy, 
with industry and force of character it will certainly succeed in 
commanding the heads as well as the hearts of men. 

James L. Orr was born at Craytonville, Anderson District, 
South Carolina, on the 12th of May, 1822. His father, Christo- 
pher Orr, acquired, through mercantile pursuits, a competency, 
and gave a thorough education to his three sons and two daugh- 
ters. His grandfather, John Orr, was a native of Wake County, 
North Carolina, and, as a gallant Whig soldier, participated in 
the Revolutionary War. His feeling against British domina- 
tion on this continent was not probably diminished from his 
having Irish blood in his veins. The paternal ancestor of the 
Orrs emigrated from Ireland and settled originally in Pennsyl- 
vania, about the year 1730. On his mother's side the subject 
of this sketch is also of Irish descent, — her ancestor having 
arrived in this country from Ireland in 1786. 

Having, at an early age, acquired the rudiments of an English 
education in a country school, James L, Orr commenced the study 
of Latin and Grreek at an academy in Anderson, and occupied his 
leisure time by acting as salesman and book-keeper for his father. 
In his seventeenth year, he was transferred to the University of 



JAMES L. ORR. 383 

Virginia, and diligently applied himself to complete his studies 
and prepare himself for the profession of the law. So assidu- 
ous was his application during the first year that, we are told, 
"he made himself proficient in mental and moral philosophy, 
political economy, logic, rhetoric, belles-lettres, medical juris- 
prudence, and also all the elements of international and constitu- 
tional law." He followed up these branches with an almost 
complete devotion to the study of the law, and left the university 
in 1840. Young Orr's favorite author was Coke upon Littleton; 
and he has often declared that his knowledge of the principles 
of English common law, especially those governing real estate, 
was derived from this quaint but profound jurist. During the 
year 1841, he mingled more than heretofore in society, ''im- 
proving his knowledge of human nature;" still, the greater por- 
tion of his time was devoted to books, adding to his legal re- 
sources the expansive views which the study of ancient and 
modern history opens to a philosophic mind. 

In January, 1842, Mr. Orr, thus prepared by theories, entered 
the office of Judge Whitner, then Solicitor of the Western Cir- 
cuit, to learn the practice of the profession. He perfected him- 
self in the course prescribed by the Court of Appeals of South 
Carolina; and, passing a strict examination before all the judges, 
was admitted May, 1843, having then just arrived at his majority. 

Having his head pretty well stored with literature as well as 
law, and law naturally leading all American youth to politics, Mr. 
Orr almost simultaneously opened an office for the reception of 
clients at law, and established a newspaper for the direction 
of the town in politics. He succeeded with both enterprises. 
They kept him tolerably busy; but it is evidence of his suc- 
cess that as a lawyer he got a very respectable practice very 
soon, and as a politician he entered the State Legislature before 
he was twenty-three years old. His industry and talent in the 
"Anderson Gazette," as well as his personal blandishments out 
of it, recommended him to the people in such an unmistakable 
manner, that, in 1844, he was elected from Pendleton District, 
having received a higher vote than any other man in the State, 
and in a district which in 1840 had given a decided Whig ma- 
jority. Eobust in body as in brain, Orr made a most arduous 
campaign, discussing the leading topics at issue between the 



384 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Whig and Democratic parties. He overcame the distrust of old 
politicians, and, naturally enough, inspired confidence in men of 
his own age; and the result was a very strong evidence of the spirit 
with which he conducted the canvass, and of his dawning capacity 
as a popular speaker. At the next election he was again returned. 

It is remarked that Mr. Orr's career in the Legislature was- 
distinguished not so much by brilliant elocution as by sound 
sense and discriminating judgment. He participated frequently 
in the debates ; but, as there were no reporters of the proceedings 
at that time, none of his speeches have been preserved. His 
first efi"ort was in 1844, in opposition to what was known as the 
Bluifton Movement, which was to have again committed South 
Carolina to a nullification of the Tariff of 1842. 

This speech at once gave Mr. Orr reputation and position in 
the Legislature. It was generally well received, and one of the 
principal journals characterized it as "one of the boldest, plainest, 
and most sensible speeches of the whole discussion." He was an 
earnest and energetic advocate of the measure giving the election 
of Presidential Electors to the people, (South Carolina elects her 
Electors by the Legislature,) and delivered an able speech in 
favor of it. The bill was carried in the House, but defeated in 
the Senate. Among other measures which enlisted his sympa- 
thies and advocacy were a liberal and enlarged system of inter- 
nal improvements, and a general reform of the free-school policy. 
Thus, at the outset of his career, Mr. Orr became the forward 
champion of popular rights, despite the deep-rooted prejudices 
growing oat of usage. 

In 1848, Mr. Orr became a candidate for Congress. His 
opponent was a lawyer of extensive reputation, like himself a 
DemoGi-at, and had the advantage of having taken the field some 
months in advance. The campaign was quite exciting, and the 
result — the election of Mr. Orr by seven hundred majority — a 
most flattering tribute from the people to his youthful legislative 
career. From that time to the present, Mr. Orr has retained the 
esteem and confidence of his constituents, and has been re-elected 
to Congress without opposition. 

On Mr. Orr's entrance to the National Councils there were 
men of great power in the Senate, and in the House men destined 
to become so. LTpon the immediate field of action into which 



JAMES L. UHK. 885 

he was thrown were men like Alexander H. Stephens and 
Robert Toombs^ of Greorgia, the one with an intellectual keen- 
ness of incisive power, the other with a blunt frenzy almost as 
effective; Robert C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, with phraseo- 
logy complete and elegant; James McDowell, of Virginia, with 
a stirring eloquence; Henry W. Hilliard, of Alabama, decking 
the war of politics with the flowers of literature; William B. 
Maclay, whose love of quiet has since proved stronger than even 
his great cultivation; Thomas L. Clingman, of North Carolina, 
ready and anxious to prove that the wide world is but an exten- 
sive illustration of his own State, or that it is an epitome of the 
world. These and many other notable and prominent men were 
in the House when the young lawyer-editor of the "Anderson 
Gazette" made his appearance. During his first term his ears 
were much more open than was his mouth. He listened much 
and lectured little. His principal speech was upon the agitation 
of the Slavery question, and its dangerous consequences against 
the perpetuity of the Union, and embracing his views against 
the admission of California as a State before she had passed " the 
usual Territorial pupilage." He strongly enforced the doctrine 
of non-intervention, and insisted that whether slavery be a sin or 
not, Congress has nothing whatever to do with it. It was recog- 
nised by the Constitution — protected by it; and it was his opinion 
that any one who felt a moral duty devolving on himself to fur- 
ther its extirpation should candidly avow himself a disunionist. 
If, on the contrary, he is ready to abide by the Constitution in 
letter and spirit, he must cease to agitate. Of the Nashville 
Convention, Mr. Orr said its ends were high and holy. " It was 
called to protect the Constitution — to save the Union — by taking 
such steps as might prevent, if possible, the consummation of 
measures which would probably lead to the destruction of both. 
Had the purpose been disunion, those who called that conven- 
tion would have waited until the irretrievable step had been 
taken, and nothing left to the South but submission or secession." 
Mr. Orr opposed and voted against most of the Compromise 
measures. He believed that the arrangement did not do justice 
to his section ; that Congress had no constitutional right to pur- 
chase part of a sovereign State — Texas — and place the population 
thereof under a Territorial Government. He argued that if the 
Z 33 



iJSG LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

land was the property of Texas, the Federal Government had no 
right to purchase; if it belonged to the United States, then it 
was wrong to take ten millions of dollars from the public treasury 
to pay for that which was already their property; and, lastly, 
that California was admitted with excessive territory, without on 
enumeration of her inhabitants, having framed her Constitution 
without authority from Congress, and against all the precedents 
of our political existence. 

On his return home, in March, 1851, Mr. Orr found a formid- 
able party organized for the secession of South Carolina alone 
from the Union. The Compromise was generally condemned. 
The Legislature called a Constitutional Convention. Delegates 
were elected who, with few exceptions, were pledged to secession. 
Orr had originally advised against holding the convention, on 
the ground that if a wrong had been done the South, it was as 
oppressive upon all the Southern States as upon South Carolina, 
and that neither patriotism nor sound policy required one State 
to redress that wrong. His own Congressional district had elected 
two delegates to one in favor of secession. Notwithstanding that 
he was in a great minority, 31r. Orr fearlessly opposed the seces- 
sion policy. In a public speech to his constituents at Pickens, a 
few days after his return home, he earnestly and eloquently 
warned them of the disasters which would follow the proposed 
project. He admitted the right of a State to secede, but did not 
deem the policy wise. The Southern llights Associations — which 
had been organized in the preceding winter — held a general 
convention at Charleston in May, 1851. The body, numbering 
some four hundred and fifty members, was distinguished for its 
intelligence and integrity, and represented the extreme party of 
the State, which was believed to be largely, if not overwhelmingly, 
in the ascendant. Mr. Orr attended as a delegate from Anderson, 
and introduced the resolution upon which the minority based 
their report, as a counter-proposition to the address of the majority 
of the committee. About thirty members sustained Orr. His 
repudiation by the convention, however, was more than over- 
balanced by the support given him when the same question came 
before the people. His speech in the convention was fully equal 
to the trying and important occasion. It was bold and manly, 
and indicated a moral courage worthy of the patriotic purpose it 



JAMES L. ORE. o87 

was intended to propitiate, and which it ultimately did evoke. 
Published by the Executive Committee of the Co-operationists, 
it was circulated in every corner of the State, and read by every 
voter. 

So lamentably beaten in the Convention, the future of the 
Co-operation party in the coming campaign looked dim and un- 
propitious. At the time, but one public journal opposed the 
Secession policy. 

The same Legislature which ordered the Constitutional Con- 
vention provided for the election (in October) of two deputies 
from each Congressional district to a Southern congress. As 
this was the only popular election to occur until the probable 
meeting and action of the Constitutional Convention, the Co-opera- 
tion party determined to test their strength, and brought forward 
Mr. Orr and Colonel Irby as candidates in the Second district. 
The Secessionists nominated Hon. R. F. Simpson and Hon. H. 
C. Young, both personally quite popular. "With the exception 
of two speeches made by Colonel Irby, Mr. Orr conducted the 
whole campaign, which was one of peculiar interest to, and ex- 
citement in, the State. The result was the election of Orr and 
Irby by 3204 majority; Orr having the still greater satisfaction 
of seeing his party triumph in the whole State by 8000 majority. 
Few, very few, of our public men have e\'inced more true cou- 
rage, nerve, and firm resolve than Mr. Orr did in this contest. 
With a political grave threatening him in case of failure, he did 
not hesitate for a moment to follow that course which his head 
and heart told him was best for his constituents, his section, and 
his country. " Had his political career closed here, the glory of 
his unbounded success would have gilded his name in our politi- 
cal history and challenged the admiration and applause of every 
lover of the Union and the States." 

While on the House Committee on Public Lands, Mr. Orr 
paid great attention to the duties of the position, and the reports 
emanating from him evince his zeal and industry. He spoke 
elaborately in favor of the bill to grant alternate sections of land 
to the State of Missouri for railroad purposes, from Hannibal to 
St. Joseph's and from St. Louis to the western line of Missouri. 
He argued that the Constitution conferred ample power on Con- 
gress to make donations such as were contemplated in the bill, 



t? 



3:!!S J,1VING REPRESENTATIVE MEN'. 

and, showing that the principle had been sustained by all the 
leading statesmen of the Democratic party, including Calhoun, 
said, " Government has the right to give away one-half of the 
public lands located along the line of railroads, that the remain- 
ing half may be enhanced in value and be speedily brought into 
market." The bill passed. On the same bases and conditions 
he reported a bill for Arkansas, which passed, and another for 
Florida, which w^as defeated by the Speaker's vote. 

During the same session (the first of the Thirty-Second Con- 
gress) the Baltimore Convention met and nominated Pierce and 
King. South Carolina was not represented in convention, but 
Mr. Orr, the following week, made an earnest speech in the 
House in support of its action. The service he rendered the 
Democratic party was very highly esteemed, and the speech was 
widely circulated in all sections. Prior to the Presidential 
election in 1852, he followed up this effort in Congress by seve- 
ral addresses to the people in various places. 

At the next session, Mr. Orr, for the first time, was called 
upon to preside over the House as Chairman of the Committee 
of the Whole upon the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation Bill, 
and discharged his duties wnth promptness and impartiality. He 
was appointed Chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs of 
the Thirty-Third Congress, and early in the session made an 
elaborate report on a bill introduced by himself. He proposed 
to domesticate the semi-civilized Indians by giving each head of 
a family a quarter-section of land, the same to be inalienable and 
exempt from levy and sale under execution, — their annuities to 
be paid in agricultural implements and articles of comfort instead 
of in money; and their tribal organizations to be totally abro- 
gated by the extension of the Iav,'s of the whites over them. This 
measure has accomplished much in changing the policy of Go- 
vernment toward these Indians; and the report was deemed so 
valuable by IMr. Schoolcraft, the great Indian historian and anti- 
quary, that he incorporated it in his splendid work.* In the 
bill reported by Mr. Orr for the domestication of the Chippewas 
and the extinguishment of their title to the lands in Minnesota 



* See fifth volume of Schoolcraft's " History of the Condition and Prospects 
of the Indian Tribes of North America." <S;c. 



JAMES L. ORR, 389 

and Wisconsin, lie embodied the features of liis proposed reform. 
The bill went through the House almost unanimously, subse- 
quently became a law, and the Chippewa treaty made conform- 
able thereto. A few years, and the result of his reform will be 
seen. Even now the red man offers prayers to the Great Spirit 
for his preservation. His remarks in the casual debates on In- 
dian affairs abound in valuable suggestions, and show that he 
has made the subject one of close study and observation. 

In company with Senator Douglas and Hon, John L. Dawson, 
of Pennsylvania, Mr. Orr, by invitation of the Democracy, visited 
Philadelphia and addressed them an the Fourth of July, 1854. 
Fourth-of-July orations are counted by the thousand every year, 
and generally attract little attention. The speeches on the day 
and in the city in question have an historical importance, the 
reason of which is given by a w^riter in the " National Demo- 
cratic Review" for 1856.* 

The Mayor's election in the preceding month had unfolded to 
the public a knowledge of the existence of a new and powerful 
political organization, then known by no other name than that of 
the '' Know-Nothings." The principles of this party were the 
subject of much speculation, its meetings being private and clan- 
destine. There was a suspicion, almost amounting to a certainty, 
that its members recognised each other by signs, grips, and pass- 
words, and that the objects of the exploded Native-American 
party v/ere embraced as a part of the programme of this new 
organization, together with the proscription of all who professed 
the Catholic religion. That it was formidable could not be 
doubted, since in a recent election it had overwhelmed a Demo- 
Tcratic city by a majority of more than eight thousand votes. 
Some of our public men doubted, hesitated, vravered before this 
rolling tide. Not so, however, did Mr. Orr. Let it be remem- 
bered, to the lasting credit of Senator Douglas and Mr. Orr, that 
they were the first public men in the Union who made a bold 
and fearless assault upon its seductive and insidious principles. 
The spcccli made by Mr. Orr was listened to by delighted thou- 
sands, aiul, being copied very generally, its arguments are thought 



«- The late W. H. Topping, Esq., to whom in the preparation of this sketch 

I have been much indebted. 

33* 



390 IJVING REPRESENTATIVE JIEN. 

to have saved mauy honest Democrats from being entangled in 
the meshes of tlie new party. After reminding his auditory 
that Jefferson, according to the epitaph written for his own 
grave, considered the establishment of religious freedom an 
achievement worthy to be placed by the side of the Declaration 
of Independence, he protested, in the name of our ancestors, — 
who were all foreigners,— in the name of the Constitution, in 
the name of liberty itself, against a secret political organization. 

Mr. Orr warmly supported the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and co- 
operated with the friends of the measure in securing its passage. 
His views on this bill, which has been made the subject of so 
much discussion since, are clearly and boldly enunciated in a 
speech delivered in Congress in December, 1856 : — 

"The great object sought to be accomplished in the introduction and 
passage of that bill was this : the continual agitation of the Slavery ques- 
tion upon the floors of Congress had produced discord and dissension 
here ; it had alienated the difi'erent parties of the Confederacy from each 
other, and was threatening the existence of the Government itself; and 
hence it was thought best, by a majority of the members of Congress in 
1854, to transfer, as far as possible, this agitation from the halls of Con- 
gress to the Territories themselves. Hence, the great and leading feature 
\x\ that bill was to transfer the legislation and power of Congress on the 
Slavery and all other subjects to the Territorial Legislatures, and let the 
popular will there shape and form the laws for their own government 
without restriction, save the proviso that such legislation should be con- 
sistent with the Constitution and general laws of the United States." 

Mr. Orr did not believe that the Kansas-Nebraska Bill esta- 
blished or recognised squatter sovereignty within the limits of 
the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska ; and the process of rea- 
soning by which he reached that result was that he saw no 
authority in the Constitution of the United States authorizing 
Congress to pass the Wilmot Proviso or any anti-slavery restric- 
tions in the Territories. Congress, not having the power itself, 
could not create an authority and invest a creature with greater 
power and authority than it possesses itself. 

"Although (said Mr. Orr, in continuation) I deny that squatter sove- 
reignty exists in the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska by virtue of this 
bill, it is a matter practically of little consequence whether it does or not ; 
and I think I shall be able to satisfj'' the gentleman of that. The gentle- 
man know^s that in ever}^ slayeholding community of this Union we have 
local legislation and local police regulations np;^ertainiug to that institur 



JAMES L. ORR. 391 

tiou, without -which the institution would not only be valueless, but a 
curse to the community ; without them, the slaveholder could not enforce 
his rights when invaded by others ; and, if you had no local legislation 
for the purpose of giving protection, the institution would be of no value. 
I can appeal to every gentleman upon this floor who represents a slave- 
holding constituency to attest the truth of what I have stated upon that 
point. 

"Now, the legislative authoi-ity of a Territory is invested with a dis- 
cretion to vote for or against laws. We think they ought to pass laws in 
every Territory, when the Territory is open to settlement and slaveholders 
go there, to protect slave-property. But, if they decline to pass such laws, 
what is the remedy ? None, sir. If the majority of the people are op- 
posed to the institution, and if they do not desire it ingrafted upon their 
Territory, all they have to do is simply to decline to pass laws in the Ter- 
ritorial Legislature for its protection, and then it is as well excluded as if 
the power was invested in the Territorial Legislature to prohibit it. Now, 
I ask the gentleman, what is the practical importance to result from the 
agitation and discussion of this question as to whether squatter sovereignty 
does or does not exist ? Practically, it is a matter of little moment."* 

Mr. Orr made strenuous opposition to the French Spoliation 
Claims,! and also reviewed the Florida Claims with such force 
in opposition to the bill reported by the Judiciary Committee in 
i'avor of their payment as to defeat its passage, although the 
predilections of the House were considered unmistakably in its 
favor. During the famous contest for Speaker which resulted 
in the election of Mr. Banks, Mr. Orr was brought forward, and 
received the votes of the Democracy through many ballotings, 
and then withdrew in favor of Governor Aiken. 

In November, 1855, Mr. Orr addressed a letter to Hon. C. W. 
Dudley on the propriety of having the State of South Carolina 
represented in the Democratic National Convention to be held 
in Cincinnati. It is known that South Carolina had never sent 
delegates to the National Conventions, though the Democracy 
had uniformly, for fifteen years, adopted this method of finding- 
out the popular opinion touching the Presidential succession. 
Mr. Orr made a sound and spirited appeal to his State in favor 
of sending delegates. Never was it so necessary that the Demo- 
cracy should hold together and prevent the election of a Presi- 

* Speech In the House of Representatives. See " Congressional Globe" for 
the third session of the Thirty-Fourth Congress. 

I See speech in the second session of the Thirty-Third Congress, 



892 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

dent from falling into the hands of the House of Representatives, 
which at that time, as he stated, had a majority of "Know- 
Nothing," Fusion, and Whig members. "Can we hesitate," he 
asked, " to meet the true men of the North and co-operate with 
them, when the dust of the fray in many hard-fought battles 
against Fusionists and Black Republicans is still settled on their 
garments? They have for more than twelve months been 
fighting for the Constitution and for the maintenance of your 
rights." Then, again, would South Carolina hesitate to meet 
her Southern friends at Cincinnati ? On this point he wrote : — 

" Sooner or later we must learn the important truth that the 
fate and destiny of the entire South is identical. Isolation will 
give neither security nor concert. When we meet Virginia and 
Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, in consultation, as at Cincin- 
nati, it is the supremacy of pharisaism to flippantly denounce 
such association as either dangerous or degrading. North Caro- 
lina, Missouri, Florida, and Texas will be there represented; and 
are we too exalted or conceited to meet them at the same council- 
board ?" Suffice it to sa}^, South Carolina took Orr's advice, and 
sent delegates to the National Convention. 

In the Thirty-Fourth Congress, Mr. Orr took an active part 
on the committee raised to investigate the charges of corruption 
made by the press against the House, and which resulted in the 
resignation of Mr. Gilbert, Mr. Edwards, and jMr. Mattesou, of 
New York. 

Preceding the organization of the Thirty-Fifth Congress, (De- 
cember 7, 1857,) Mr. Orr was nominated for Speaker in the 
Democratic caucus by acclamation and without opposition, and 
elected on the first ballot, receiving 128 votes, — 113 being neces- 
sary to a choice. Hon. Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, re- 
ceived 84 votes. On taking the chair, the Speaker briefly 
returned thanks for the honor conferred upon him, and reminded 
the House that the great interests confided to its charge admo- 
nished every member to cultivate a patriotism as expansive ns 
the Republic itself. He cherished the ardent hope that the 
public duties would be discharged so as to uphold the Constitu- 
tion, preserve the Union of the States, quicken their prosperity, 
and build up the greatness and the glory of our common 
country. 



JAMES L. ORR. o98 

The elevation of Mr. Orr to the high dignity of Speaker gave 
great satisfaction to the Democratic i^arty. When the news 
reached his more immediate constituents in Anderson, an enthu- 
siastic meeting was held at the court-house in his honor. In the 
afternoon, banners were displayed, with suitable inscriptions, from 
the public buildings and private residences ; mottoes compliment- 
ary to their distinguished fellow-citizen were displayed, amid 
the firing of artillery and the inspiring strains of music. Reso- 
lutions endorsing Mr. Orr's past and present career with entire 
and unqualified approval were passed, for one of which we make 
room : — 

''Resolved, That the singular degree of unanimity with which this 
distinguished honor has been conferred upon him by the Democratic 
party — the only constitutional party in the Union — is peculiarly grati- 
fying to his immediate constituency, and is but a just tribute to the 
merits of one who has proved himself a wise and comprehensive legislator, 
a bold and sagacious statesman, as well as an independent and fearless 
patriot." 

The Thirty-Fifth Congress — especially the first session — was a 
continuous scene of unusual excitement. The complications of 
debate growing out of party exigencies, personal antipathies ema- 
nating from the wildness of sectional sympathies, the desire of 
either party to confound action when it could not defeat it, the 
white-heat to which passion had been wrought during the long 
sittings and wearying entanglements caused by the fuglemen of 
all sides in the exciting days and nights of the Lecompton- 
Kansas discussions, rendered the Speaker's position one of an 
extremely responsible nature. If he had failed, through want 
of presence of mind or a quick knowledge of the rules of the 
House, at any moment to decide uprightly between the combat- 
ants on the floor, or to see through the expedients set forth to 
thwart or stay the systematic course of the measures under discus- 
sion, legislation might have taken a course as tedious as it would 
have been turbulent. Throughout the records of some of those 
scenes of excitement, which have in part become historic, the 
Speaker's name appears as frequently as that of any of the gen- 
tlemen addressing him, settling points of dispute, replying to 
inquiries as to? the course to be pursued, determining the stage 
at which resolutions, substitutes, amendments, and motions were 



394 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

at the moment, and keeping together and directing with cabu 
persistency and impartiality the whole legislative machinery. On 
some occasions nothing less than Mr. Orr's presence and energy 
could have restrained the infuriate feelings conjured up in hot 
debate, or liave restored to order those who had lost control of 
themselves. None of the decisions made by Mr. Orr during his 
administration of the Speakership were overruled by the House. 
The closing scenes of a session are always noisy : those attend- 
ing the close of the Thirty-Fifth Congress were especially so. 
The large new hall of the House was crowded on the morning of 
March 4, 1859. The galleries were jammed, and the entrances 
beset with groups anxious to take a last look at the Congress 
whose deliberations had so excited the nation. The sitting had 
been prolonged all through the night in vain attempts to get all 
the appropriation bills through The Post-Office bill was left in 
the lurch, also the bills providing for the redemption of Treasury 
Notes and a change in the Tariff. The opposition were killing 
time by calling for the yeas and nays, and the hour of uoon was 
fast approaching. Members were lounging about, now and then 
looking toward the clock ; some were tying up their papers, or 
bidding each other " Good-bye." A dozen buzzing groups were 
deaf to the occasional raps of the Speaker's hammer. At one 
end of the hall, William Smith O'Brien — escorted by General 
Shields and Alexander H. Stephens, and to whom was extended 
the courtesy of the floor — was receiving the congratulations of 
a perfect stream of Senators and Representatives, which attracted 
the eyes and inquiries of the galleries, when — the Clerk still 
calling the yeas and nays — Mr. Speaker Orr announced the hour 
of twelve, and made a brief and very suitable address, in which 
he said, — 

"The vote of thanks which you have offered me gives me assurance 
that my administration has been acceptable to you ; and for that I thank 
you. I have throughout my term sought most earnestly to do exact and 
equal justice to individuals, parties, and sections; and if I have failed in 
the purpose through error or prejudice, I now crave your pardon. 

" Trusting, gentlemen, that our deliberations here may realize for this 
great Republic the most prosperous development of all its immense re- 
sources, and invoking upon you through life the richest blessings of kind 
Heaven, I bid you farewell, and perform my last official act by declaring 
the Thirty-Fifth Congress at an end." 



JAMES L. ORR. 395 

Mr. OiT had announced his design of retiring from public life 
during the first session ; and men of all parties agreed with Mr. 
S. Kingman that the determination was '^much to be regretted, 
not only as a social, but as a great political, loss to Congress. 
Such men as Colonel Orr give grace and dignity to the legisla- 
tive body and to the circles in which they move." 

In the recess between .the sessions he took farewell of his con- 
stituents at Craytonville, in a speech which attracted, and, for 
particular reasons, will attract, attention. In addition to the 
views with which the readers of this sketch are familiar, Mr. Orr 
came very boldly out in opposition to the opening of the slave- 
trade. When Grovernor Adams mooted this subject in his mes- 
sage to the South Carolina Legislature, Mr. Orr introduced a 
resolution into the House of Representatives declaring " that it 
was unwise, inexpedient, and contrary to the settled policy of the 
United States, to repeal the laws prohibiting the African slave- 
trade." This resolution was passed with but eight dissentient 
votes, — seven of whom subsequently avowed themselves opposed 
to reopening the trade. The resolution, coming from so promi- 
nent a Southern man as Mr. Orr, becomes of great importance, — 
the more so from the manner in which he has illustrated its text 
since. 

In his speech at Craytonville, he condemned the idea as im- 
practicable, and impolitic if practicable. If Northern or English 
manufacturers were to advocate the scheme, he could understand 
it; but that Southern planters should be urged to adopt a policy 
which would depreciate their productions for the benefit of the 
consumers, was to him incomprehensible. The agitation of such 
a scheme could, in his mind, eifect nothing, save the division 
and disruption of the South. The laws against the trade are 
Federal; and Mr. Orr, in view of the effect of his resolution, 
may well ask, — 

"Who believes that the laws prohibiting that trade will ever be repealed 
so long as this Government exists ? Who is so credulous as to believe 
that a majority of the Representatives of the South will ever vote for their 
repeal? Does it not take a sanguine man to persuade himself that a 
single county in any State would elect a Representative to the State 
Legislature on such an issue? Why agitate, then? Is it to furnish Black 
Republicans with material to keep up a counter-agitation in their section 
of the Union ? 



396 LIVING KErilESENTATlVE MEN. 

"A few years since, when we were opposing the Wilmot Proviso, one 
of the dangers most to be apprehended, we were told, was that our slave 
population would soon become so numerous by natural increase that they 
would become valueless ; now that event is sought to be hastened by 
pouring in upon us a horde of wild Africans." 

The doctrines and principles upon which it is sought to reopen 
the trade have, in Mr. Orr's opinion, no foundation in humanity, 
philosophy, morality, or religion. 

He is also opposed to a slave-code for the Territories, believing 
it a violation by the South of her plighted faith to the principles 
of the Washington, Utah, New Mexico, Kansas, and Nebraska 
Acts, — non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the Terri- 
tories. He is for maintaining Southern faith in this as in all 
other cases with honorable exactness. He believes the majority 
of the Southern people are opposed to, and will repudiate, any 
and all Congressional interference with the matter. The Dred 
Scott decision protects the rights of property in the Territories; 
the police legislation regulating it cannot be safely or wisely 
committed by the South to Congress. 

Such is an epitome of Mr. Orr's political career and views. 
As a thinker he is clear and logical, and as a speaker direct and 
full of striking force. He enjoys very high professional reputa- 
tion as a lawyer, and during the recesses has devoted much of his 
time to the active duties of the bar. Skilful, well versed in 
common law, a strict constructionist of the Constitution, and 
guided by the intelligence of the framers of our Government, his 
opinions are justly regarded with great deference. In addition 
to his political and professional duties, Mr. Orr delivered, among 
other addresses, the anniversary oration at Erskine College, in 
1846, on General Education; an oration at Mercer University, 
of Georgia, in 1851 ; and the anniversary oration at Furman 
University, South Carolina, 1855; also the inaugural at the 
opening of the hall of the South Carolina Institute, Charleston. 
In all the relations of life in which Mr. Orr has appeared, he has 
won the esteem of good and great men as well as the popular 
applause; and he will carry with him into — it is to be hoped 
temporary — retirement the best wishes of his associates and late 
constituents. 



JOHN M. READ. 397 



JOHN M. READ, 

OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

This eminent Pennsylvauiao is descended from a Ilevolutionaiy 
stock of great distinction and prominence. His grandfather, 
George Read, (grandson of a wealthy citizen of Dublin, Ireland,) 
was a man of distinguished ability, a signer of the Declaration 
of Independence, a member of the convention that framed the 
Constitution of the United States, a Judge of the Court of Ap- 
peals in Admiralty under the Confederation, a Senator in the 
First Congress, and, lastly. Chief -Justice of the State of Delaware. 
His grand-uncle, Greorge Ross, of Lancaster, was also a signer of 
the Declaration of Independence. Two of the brothers of George 
Read were actively engaged and rendered valuable service in the 
Revolutionary contest. Thomas was a captain in the Continental 
navy, and James an officer in the army. Both fought under 
Washington at Trenton and Princeton, and James served as 
major at Brandywine and Germantown. Lieutenant-Colonel 
dunning Bedford, who belonged to the Delaware regiment, and 
was Governor of Delaware after the war, was a brother-in-law. 

His father, John Read, was educated to the bar, and admitted 
to practice in 1792. He settled in Philadelphia, where he mar- 
ried, in 1796, a daughter of Samuel Meredith, an active patriot 
of the Revolution, and the first Treasurer of the United States, 
of whose father General Washington was an intimate friend and 
frequent guest. The brother-in-law of Mr. Meredith, George 
Clymer, was a signer of the Declaration of Independence and a 
framer of the Constitution of the United States; and Mrs. Mere- 
dith was a sister of General John Cadwalader and of Colonel 
Lambert Cadwalader : her brother-in-law. General Philemon 
Dickinson, of Trenton, commanded at the Millstone, and also the 
Jersey militia at the battle of Monmouth ; and her cousin, John 
Dickinson, was the author of the celebrated "Farmer's Letters." 

34 



898 I.IVINU UKI>UK8ENTAT1VJ-: MEN. 

John Read was a man of influence and talent. lie served for 
two sessions in the Legislature of Pennsylvania as a Representa- 
tive from Philadelphia, and an unexpired term of four years in 
the Senate, was for some years City Solicitor, and in 1819 was 
made President of the Philadelphia Bank. He resigned that 
post in 1841, and died, about five years ago, at an advanced age. 

John Meredith Read, the subject of this communication, is 
the eldest son of John Read. lie was educated at the University 
of Pennsylvania, and graduated very young. Students, at that 
period, often left the university, crowned with its honors, with no 
more Latin and less Greek than is now required for admission to 
Yale or Princeton; and it is not likely that Mr. Read was an 
exception to the ordinary rule. 

He was admitted to the bar in 1818, and at that period looked 
as little like one given to the wasting of midnight oil in recondite 
studies as those least troubled with ambitious dreams. He was 
tall of stature, and with a face fresh, ruddy, and animated. He, 
however, read much, and had a strong propensity for literature; 
but he was no student in the proper sense of the term, and par- 
took, with a zest natural to the young, of social enjoyments. 
Life had not yet presented itself to him in its serious aspects, 
and he thought little of the honors of the profession for which 
he was ere long to compete. AYithin a year, however, of his 
admission to the bar, he was appointed Solicitor for the Phila- 
delphia Bank, and in that capacity became concerned in some 
important cases, in the management of which he exhibited a 
remarkable aptitude for legal practice. As business increased, a 
sense of its responsibilities compelled him to labor in order to 
acquire the learning necessary for the full performance of his 
duties, and he soon became distinguished for the diligence with 
which he prepared his cases, as well as for the ability with which 
he tried them. By degrees he acquired a rooted attachment to 
his profession, and studied the law as a science. He habitually 
came into court armed at all points, and gave his client the 
advantage of a masterly manipulation of the facts, and the utmost 
support of authority of which his cause was capable. He was 
not liable to be confused, disconcerted, or flurried, betrayed no 
surprise at an unexpected development of the facts, but went 
through his case steadily and without excitement, master of it 



JOHN >:. READ. 399 

and of himself, never forgetting for a moment the decorum due 
to the administration of justice, nor the courtesies becoming the 
practice of an honorable profession. He partook largely of the 
chivalric spirit of the bar of the olden time, — was fair and gene- 
rous to an opponent, and shared liberally with a colleague the 
fruits of his own laborious preparation. Though early noted as 
a rising man, his upward course was necessarily slow and toil- 
some. There were giants in those days at the bar, and they 
monopolized the heavy practice, leaving but the gleanings of the 
field to their youthful co-laborers. 

In the fall of 1823, Mr. Read was elected a member of the 
House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, and during the ses- 
sion of the following winter took an active part in the debates of 
that body, and proved himself an able and influential member. 
He was re-elected the next year, and had for his colleagues 
Judges Kane and Stroud, and Mr. Meredith, late Secretary of 
the Treasury under General Taylor, constituting the strongest 
delegation ever sent by Philadelphia. 

Declining further service in the Legislature, he applied him- 
self with increased diligence to his profession. He was appointed 
City Solicitor, and became counsel for a number of large mercan- 
tile firms. Having been elected a member of the City Select 
Council, he thought it his duty to investigate the condition of 
the finances, and to understand the sources of its revenues and 
the subjects of its expenditures. His habits of exhaustive re- 
search qualified him for a species of labor which to most minds 
is, of all others, the most repulsive; and it was not long till he 
presented, in a forcible and luminous speech, — which was subse- 
quently published in ^'Hazard's Register," — the first connected 
view ever given to the public of the operations of the financial 
department of the city government. An ordinance drawn by 
him, providing for quarterly and annual accounts in a special 
shape, was passed by the Councils; and by its means the commu- 
nity, for the first time, were enabled to understand the manage- 
ment of their municipal afijiirs. 

When the proposition for the amendment of the Constitution 
of Pennsylvania was first promulgated, he hesitated to join in 
the movement, although he was satisfied that certain alterations 
could be made which would prove beneficial. Having studied 



4U0 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

the subject with his usual care, he prepared an address to the 
people of Pennsylvania, which was adopted at a town-meeting 
held in Philadelphia, and, having been circulated throughout the 
State, furnished the basis of the scheme of reform which was 
subsequently worked out by the convention and ratified by the 
people. 

Soon after the accession of Martin Van Buren to the Presi- 
dency, Mr. Read was appointed United States District Attorney 
for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, and held the office till 
8d of March, 1841. After his resignation, Mr. Kead was retained 
as the special counsel of the Government by the Solicitor of the 
Treasury, notwithstanding his adverse political position, — a com- 
pliment to his professional standing not less honorable to the 
appointing power than to him. 

While officiating as District Attorney, he was appointed, by 
the Secretary of War, Judge Advocate of the Court of Inquiry 
upon Commodore Elliot, and was afterwards appointed to the 
same position in the court-martial constituted for the trial of that 
distinguished officer. Although much bitterness of feeling was 
manifested between the accusers and accused, and the feeling 
affected in no small degree the friends of the respective parties, 
every one paid tribute to the fairness, candor, and ability of the 
Judge Advocate ; and the voluminous proceedings, embracing some 
fourteen hundred pages, exhibit not a single exception taken to 
his ruling by the very able counsel engaged in the defence. 

Standing now in the foremost rank of his profession, eminent 
as well for the depth and variety of his learning as for his talents, 
he was designated by public opinion as the proper successor to 
Judge Baldwin. He was accordingly nominated, in 1845, to 
the Senate as a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States. 
The nomination thus made, however, was not acted upon by the 
Senate. "There was" — says a biographer of Mr. Head — "an 
adverse influence in that body prescient of the future, and a 
Northern man with Southern principles was demanded for the 
position. To that influence, Mr. Read's unswerving fidelity to 
the law and the Constitution — which, it was well known, could 
not be made in his hands flexible instruments of a power in the 
State greater than the State itself — constituted an insuperable 
objection." 



JOHN M. READ. 401 

In 1846. Mr. Read was appointed Attorn ey-Greneral of Penn- 
sylvania, and held the office about six months, when he resigned. 

For the twelve years that intervened between his relinquishing 
the office of Attorney-General and his election as Judge of the 
Supreme Court of Pennsylvania he pursued the practice of the 
law with unabated diligence, and prosecuted his studies with an 
ardor that would have done credit to a youthful aspirant to the 
honors of the profession. He made himself acquainted with all 
branches of the law, civil and criminal, municipal and federal, 
equity and admiralty, constitutional and international, and with 
all of them acquired a scientific familiarity. During the inter- 
val referred to, he was engaged in many important trials, — among 
the rest, in that of the United States vs. Ilanway, in 1851, for 
treason. His speech, which was the closing one in the case on 
the part of the defence, and occupied the court during three 
days of its session, was a most masterly effi^rt. In his prepara- 
tion for trial he had studied thoroughly the English law of trea- 
son and our own, made himself familiar with the slave-codes 
of all the Southern States and the decisions of the courts under 
them, and was ready to answer any suggestion that might come 
from the opposite side. His speech was never fully reported. 
If it had been, — says a competent authority, — it would have 
settled the law of treason in the United States for the present 
century. 

But, although now in the busiest part of his life, he found 
time to pay some attention to politics, and in 1849 attended as a 
delegate the Democratic Convention at Pittsburg, and success' 
fully advocated the adoption of a resolution offered by Samuel 
W. Black, now Governor of Nebraska Territory, against the ex- 
tension of slavery into the Territories of the United States. The 
resolution reads thus : — 

^^ Resolved^ That the Democratic party adheres now, as it ever has done, 
to the Constitution of the country. Its letter and spirit they will neither 
weaken nor destroy ; and they redeclare that slavery is a domestic, local 
institution of the South, subject to .State law alone, and with which the 
General Govei^nment has nothing to do : wherever the State law extends 
its jurisdiction the local institutions can continue to exist. Esteeming it 
a violation of State rights to carry it beyond State limits, we deny the 
power of any citizen to extend the area of bondage bej-ond its present 
dominion; nor do we consider it a part of the Con^;titution that slavei-y 
2 A 34* 



402 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

should forever travel with the advaucing column of our tei'ritorial 
progress." 

In March following, Mr. Read, at a public meeting, made an 
elaborate speecli in favor of the immediate admission of Califor- 
nia into the Union as a Free State, and responsive to the Pitts- 
burg resolution. In that speech " there is the breathing of the 
same spirit, and a strong avowal of the same doctrine, that si^ 
years later found sympathy and accord in the ranks of the new 
party organized under Republican leaders, and laid down in the 
celebrated platform on which the contest of 1856 was waged." 
Mr. Read, having disapproved of the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise Act, took an active part in the animated contest of 
that year ; and one of his speeches, — a calm and complete expo- 
sition of the claims of free white labor, — delivered in Philadel- 
phia on the 30th of September, was printed and circulated as a 
campaign document. 

In 1858, he consented to be a candidate for Judge of the Su- 
preme Court of Pennsylvania, and, under the united support, 
most willingly concentrated upon him, of all the branches of the 
Opposition, he was elected by a triumphant majority of about 
twenty-seven thousand votes. 

Of the character of John M. Read as a judge it may be pro- 
perly said that his demeanor on the bench is highly satisfactory 
to the bar ; and there can be scarcely the shadow of a doubt that 
his earnest desire to discharge honorably the duties of his high 
trust, aided by talents and acquirements of a superior order, will 
procure for him an enviable judicial reputation. He has fine 
health, a vigorous constitution, strong working powers, and, 
although about sixty years of age, has a fair prospect of full fif- 
teen years of good service in any line of effort in which his mind 
may be employed. 

Summing up Judge Read's position, a gentleman who has care- 
fully studied the subject says, — 

His opinions on the Slavery question, though temperately ex- 
pressed, have been long consistently and firmly maintained, and 
his views as to the policy and necessity of encouraging and pro- 
tecting American industry are the result of profound reflection and 
careful observation upon every branch of political science. His 
character is unassailable ; there is no weak point in it that invites 



JOHN M. READ. 403 

attack or requires defence. His private and his public life have 
been, beyond suspicion, pure. Though he has never been in 
Congress, or served in the Cabinet, or represented the country 
in the Courts of Europe, he is better acquainted with the relative 
rights, duties, and interests of the nation, with our internal re- 
sources, our foreign and domestic commerce, with the mysteries 
of finance and the tidal movements of the currency, than many 
who have spent years in the halls of legislation or long worn the 
robes of office in high public positions. He possesses great dis- 
cretion as well as firmness and courage, and caution in deciding 
as well as vigor in executing. He is not afraid to do right, nor 
can he be seduced to do wrono;. 



404 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD, 

OF NEW YORK. 

William Henry Seward was born in the village of Florida, 
Orange County, New York, May 16, 1801. At the age of nine 
years he was sent to an academy in Goshen, which had num- 
bered among its pupils Noah Webster and Aaron Burr. With a 
strong aptitude for knowledge, he rapidly advanced in his stu- 
dies, so that before he was fifteen he was ready to enter college. 
In 1816^ he wns received into Union College, from which he was 
graduated with high honors. He studied law with John Anthon, 
in New York, and afterward with Ogden Hoffman and John 
Duer, at Goshen, and was admitted to the bar in 1822. In the 
following year he removed to Auburn, where he formed a part- 
nership with Judge Miller, whose daughter he married in 1824. 
As a lawyer he soon became distinguished for originality of 
thought, independence of action, and an industrious devotion to 
his profession that brought him a large practice and a high 
reputation. 

The attention of Mr. Seward was early called to political sub- 
jects. His father was an eminent Jeffersonian Republican, and 
the natural instincts as well as the early education of the son led 
him to adopt the same principles. In 1824, he was selected by 
a Eepublican county convention to prepare the usual address, 
although scarcely old enough at the time to be a voter. In seve- 
ral orations at this early period of his life we find the same fer- 
vent devotion to the cause of liberty that has ever since marked 
his public career. In 1827, he appeared as the champion of the 
struggling Greeks, and by his youthful eloquence secured large 
contributions to the fund raised in this country for their defence. 

One of the largest political conventions that had ever assem- 
bled in the State of New York was held at Utica in 1828, com- 
posed of young men favorable to the election of John Quincy 



WILLIAM 11. SZWARD. 4C5 

Adaiiis to tlic Presidency. ]\Ir. Seward was called to preside 
over this couveution ; and the distinguished ability which he 
theu manifested plainly indicated him as the future leader of 
the great party at that time rising into notice. The same yeai 
he was offered a nomination as a member of Congress, which he 
declined. The Anti-Masonic party, professing, a.s it did, to be 
engaged in vindicating "the supremacy of the laws," enlisted 
the sympathies and support of Mr. Seward at an early period. 
The repugnance he then imbibed against secret political action 
has never abated. 

In 1830 he was elected a Senator of the State Legislature by 
a majority of two thousand, although his district had the pre- 
ceding year given a large majority the other way. Not yet 
thirty years old, he entered the Senate, and, at the same time, 
became ex officio a judge in the highest court of the State, and 
the peer of men venerable in years and distinguished for talent 
and experience. He was politically in a small minority in the 
Legislature, at a time when party lines were strongly marked. 
The record of his career as a Senator and a judge, nevertheless, 
compares favorably with that of any of his associates. The abo- 
lition of imprisonment for debt, the melioration of prison-dis- 
cipline, reforms in the militia system, opposition to corporate 
monopolies, the extension of popular franchises, the great cause 
of education, and the work of internal improvement, received a 
cordial and effective support from him during his term of four 
years. In some of the reported opinions pronounced by him as a 
judge, we find that he did not hesitate to vindicate the claims of 
justice even when opposed by the arbitrary and time-honored 
rules of law. 

Mr. Seward found time during the recess of the Senate to 
make a hurried visit to Europe in the summer of 1833. His 
letters, upward of eighty in number, written during his few 
weeks' travel in Great Britain and portions of the continent, were 
published at the time, adding much to his growing reputation. 

In 1834, Mr. Seward was nominated for Governor, but was 
defeated by Governor ]Marcy, — although in every county he ran 
ahead of his ticket. Among the charges brought against him in 
this and the subsequent successful canvass was ''the atrocious 
crime" of being "a young man." But little over thirty, he had 



406 LIVING IlErRE.SKNTATIVE MKX. 

dared to aspire to an office liouorcd by isucli men as Clinton, Jay, 
Tompkins, and Lewis. He was, however, elected in 1838 over 
the veteran Marcy by more than ten thousand majority; and was 
re-elected in 1840, — an honor not conferred upon any of his suc- 
cessors of either party. 

The Administration of Governor Seward was, in many respects, 
the most remarkable of any in the history of the Empire State, 
as well as the most important era in his public life; and many 
persons regard it a,s more influential in shaping the political issues 
which have since grown up in the country than any event of the 
last twenty-five years. But our limits will allow only a brief 
notice of some of its more important points.* 

The untoward circumstances which met him at the entrance 
of his office — the unparalleled monetary pressure, the immense 
undertakings just assumed by the State in the enlargement and 
extension of the public works, the large number of applicants for 
office consequent alike upon the accession to power of a new 
party, and the revulsion of trade, which had thrown so many out 
of employment — altogether were enough to task the abilities of a 
much older and more experienced statesman. 

Education, internal improvements, agriculture, the establish- 
ment and improvement of asylums, reforms in the courts and in 
the banking-laws and the militia system, the entire extinguish- 
ment of laws for imprisonment for debt, the settlement of the 
Anti-Rent troubles, the extension of political franchises to all 
classes of people, the encouragement of foreign emigration, and 
the repeal of several lingering statutes favoring slavery, as well as 
the enactment of new ones in opposition to it, were all subjects 
of Governor Seward's attention during his administration. 

As early as 1820, during the discussion which arose on the 
" Missouri question," Mr. Seward, then yet in his '- teens," began 
to discover, as he thought, an undue subserviency in the domi- 
nant party to slavery, its interests, and its power. When he 
became Governor, it was reasonably to be expected that, as a 
leader of the opposition to that party, he would, as far as he was 
able, give effect to the views he had adopted on that subject. 
Besides his instrumentality in securing the repeal of all laws in 

* See vol. ii. "Works of W. H. Seward, Erlited by Geo. E. Baker." 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 407 

any manner upholding slavery, already alluded to, lie procured 
the passage of acts giving fugitive slaves a trial by jury, and 
counsel to defend them at the expense of the State. A law was 
also passed empowering the Grovernor to send an agent into the 
Southern States to reclaim kidnapped colored men who had been 
freemen in New York. 

During his Administration an important controversy arose 
between Governor Seward and the Governors of Virginia and 
Georgia. From both of these States it was alleged that slaves 
had been abducted by colored seamen belonging to New York, 
and carried to free States and set at liberty. The sailors charged 
with this offence against the laws of Virginia and Georgia were 
demanded of Governor Seward on requisitions issued by the 
Executives of those States. The abductors were arrested in the 
city of New York, to be taken to the State where the offence was 
committed, as soon as Governor Seward should grant the requi- 
sitions. 

But he refused to deliver them up, on grounds clearly and 
ably stated in a series of letters to the Executives of Virginia 
and Georgia. The correspondence was protracted and earnest. 
Governor Seward, in his letters, maintained that the crimes 
contemplated by the Constitution, in its provisions requiring the 
rendition of fugitives from justice, were not such as depended on 
the legislation of a particular State, but such as were determined 
by some common standard to be crimes, — such as were mala in 
se. No State, he argued, could force a requisition on another 
State, founded on an act which was only criminal through its 
own legislation, but which, compared with general standards, was 
not only innocent, but humane and praiseworthy. A reference 
to the correspondence, as published in the Works of Mr. Seward, 
will show the arguments adduced on both sides. This contro- 
versy attracted the attention not only of the Legislatures of the 
several States, but of the whole country. North and South. The 
Legislature of New York, while it remained Whig in politics, 
sustained Governor Seward in the matter; but upon the accession 
of the Democrats to power they passed resolutions denouncing 
his course, and requested him to transmit the resolutions to the 
Governor of Virginia, which he declined to do. Virginia, and 
other States in sympathy with her, threatened retaliatory mea- 



A{f% LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

sures, designed to injure the commerce of New York. But this 
produced no change in the decision of Governor Seward. 

A similar instance of his firmness and sagacity was exhibited 
in the " McLeod case." Alexander McLeod, a British Loyalist, 
charged with burning the American steamer Caroline during the 
Canadian Rebellion in 1837, was arrested and committed to jail 
in the State of New York to await his trial for the offence. The 
British Minister alleged that the act was one of war, for which 
his Government should be held responsible. He therefore de- 
manded the release of 3IcLeod, menacing hostilities in case of a 
refusal. President Tyler's Administration — Mr. Webster being 
Secretary of State — counselled compliance, and urged Governor 
Seward to surrender the accused. Many of Governor Seward's 
friends also advised him to the same course. But he resolutely 
resisted the demand of the British Government, and refused to 
adopt the timid policy of President Tyler. His bold and inde- 
pendent stand sustained the honor of his country • and the for- 
tunate conclusion of the matter restored public tranquillity and 
strengthened Governor Seward's Administration in the hearts of 
the people. 

His recommendations of various reforms were conceived in the 
same original and independent spirit. None, probably, encountered 
more obloquy and prejudice than his i)lan for affording education 
to children of foreign parentage. He was most unjustly charged 
with political designs in endeavoring to secure the privileges of 
the common school to all classes and conditions of the people. 
So, also, were his efforts to surround the foreign immigrant, on 
his landing upon our shores, with the safeguards of legal protec- 
tion, imputed to the same sinister motives. But he has lived to 
see both of these measures adopted, and acquiesced in by the 
whole people. 

His messages to the Legislature are regarded as model state 
papers, abounding in lofty views and original conceptions. He 
rarely used the veto ; but on one or two occasions he did not 
hesitate to object to legislation originating with and ])assed by 
his own political friends. In his appointments to office he exer- 
cised an independence of judgment that in some cases engendered 
personal hostilities not yet subdued. In the use of the pardoning 
power he sometimes denied applications supported by personal 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 409 

and political friends, while lie granted those which he could not 
but foresee would bring upon him a flood of abuse and mis- 
representation. 

Mr. Seward, declining a nomination for another term, returned 
to Auburn in January, 1843, to resume the practice of law. 

During the ensuing six years he devoted himself, with untiring 
assiduity, to his profession, rapidly repairing the neglect it had 
suflfered during his public service. His practice was varied and 
extensive, but a peculiar aptitude for mechanical science gave 
him a large and lucrative share of patent-cases. At the same 
time, his generous and humane disposition led him often to 
engage in the defence of persons unjustly accused of crime or 
entirely destitute of money and friends. A number of remark- 
able cases, in which he not only gave his professional services, 
but contributed largely from his purse in behalf of friendless 
clients, are to be found in the criminal reports of the New York 
courts. In the case of William Freeman, a crazy, idiotic negro, 
who killed a whole family in Mr. Seward's own county, he not 
only sacrificed much valuable time and expended a large sum of 
money in procuring the testimony of the ablest physicians and 
superintendents of insane-asylums to be found in the United 
States, but encountered the threats and contumely of the excited 
populace, who were determined that no plea of insanity or other 
defence should save the wretched negro from the gallows. But 
Mr. Seward, convinced from the first that Freeman was wholly 
irresponsible, determined to undertake his defence, notwith- 
standing his personal friends were unanimous in dissuading him 
from such a course and in his absence had promised the enraged 
people that he would not engage in it. Mr. Seward never for- 
sook the case until the death of his client, caused by a disease of 
the brain, satisfied even the most prejudiced that his course had 
been as wise as it confessedly was humane and generous. 

In 1847, a number of persons in Cincinnati solicited Mr. 
Seward to appear as counsel for John Van Zandt, charged with 
aiding fugitive slaves to escape from Kentucky. The case was 
tried in the United States Circuit Court, and Mr. Seward's argu- 
ment has been pronounced " a masterly exposition of the inhu- 
manity and unconstitutionality of the Fugitive-Slave Act." 

In 1851, he went to Detroit to defend a number of persons 

35 



410 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

charged with a conspiracy, ctnl}^ one hiwyer in Michigan being 
willing to act as their counsel. The trial lasted four months, 
during which he examined over four hundred witnesses, and, in 
a speech which occupies one hundred pages of the report, com- 
mended the case to the jury with such effect as to secure the 
acquittal of thirty-eight of the fifty men on trial. Mr. Seward 
also, in several instances, was counsel for editors charged with 
libel. His defence of the liberty of the press in these cases is 
worthy of his reputation as a man and as a lawyer.'^ 

Besides all this professional labor, Mr. Sew^ard's services in 
various political campaigns, and especially in the Presidential 
election of 1844, were often in requisition, both at home and 
abroad. His speeches in favor of a tariff and against the annex- 
ation of Texas w'ere among the most profound and effective argu- 
ments of that disastrous contest. It was mainly owing to Mr. 
Seward's efforts that the defection in the western part of New 
York from the support of Mr. Clay w^as not much greater than 
it was, especially after Mr. Clay's q^Kiai approval of the annex- 
ation of Texas in his Alabama letter. Mr. Seward, in this elec- 
tion, as at all other times, resolutely discountenanced all political 
issues based on nationalities and conscience. 

In a speech at Utica in 1844, after denouncing the proposition 
to disfranchise citizens of foreign birth, the outrages committed 
upon them in Philadelphia, and the recent acts of British op- 
pression, he used the follow^ing language : — 

** In this hour of trial I have come here freely to declare before my 
countrymen — and, if my voice could reach the region of thrones, to 
declare before principalities and powers — that the injuries inflicted upon 
Ii'ishmen in America are a flagrant violation of law, of Constitution, of 
liberty, and of humanity. I know indeed what this declaration costs. It 
may give comfort to the poor and desponding exile, and awaken feelings 
of kindness in his bosom toward me, but it will oifend very many of my 
own countrymen. Be it so. I desire the respect and regard of my own 
countrymen, but I would rather have the gratitude of one desponding and 
depressed fellow-man than the sutfi*age of the whole American people 
given to me in consideration of denying any true principle of free govern- 
ment or repressing any impulse of humanity." 



* The arguments in the foregoing cases will be found in vol. i. of " Seward's 

Works." 



WILLIAM II. SEWARI). 411 

Mr. Seward's uncompromising hostility to the extension of 
slavery led him to oppose the annexation of Texas and the 
Mexican War to the last. But it is justice to him to state 
that he at the same time advocated the support of the army 
called into service by the United States Government; and in 
the same spirit he agreed with John Quincy Adams in sustain- 
ing Mr. Polk's Administration in its controversy with the Bri- 
tish Government on the subject of the Oregon territory^ regard- 
less of any fears of a war with that Power. 

In 1846, Mr. Seward was among those who favored the calling 
of a convention to revise the Constitution of the State of New 
York. He hoped thereby to secure many reforms for which he 
had labored all his public life. He was, in the result, gratified 
in seeing the political power of the State decentralized by the 
transferring of the appointment of a large number of ofiicers 
from the Governor and the Legislature to the people, and in the 
general adoption of the views he had expressed in his Executive 
messages and other public addresses. He only regretted that the 
right of suffrage was not by the new Constitution made universal, 
with no reference to property-qualifications. 

In September, 1847, Mr. Seward was invited to deliver an 
oration in New York on the life and character of Daniel O'Con- 
nell. This is regarded as one of his most brilliant oratorical 
productions. It is full of historical and classical allusions and 
passages of thrilling pathos and fervent eloquence. 

In April, 1848, he delivered a eulogy on John Quincy Adams 
before the Legislature of New York, which was distinguished for 
its felicitous diction and faithful delineation of the character of 
the departed statesman. 

The nomination of General Taylor in 1848 received Mr. 
Seward's support, and he early became one of the leading public 
speakers in the canvass. He now, as heretofore, made the great 
principles of freedom the prominent topics of his speeches, and 
was everywhere greeted with the unanimous and lieart^' applause 
of his audiences. At Cleveland, Ohio, in a speech of great bold- 
ness and power, he laid down the following principles as his 
political platform :- — 

*' First. Our duty is to preserve the integrity of the Union. This Union 
must be-a voluntnry one. A Union upheld hy force would be a despotism. 



412 LINIXO KErHESENTATlVE MEN. 

''Second. Our democratic pystem must be preserved and perfected. 
That system is founded in the natural equality of all men : not alone all 
American men, nor alone all while men, but all men, of every country, 
clime, and complexion, are equal, — not made equal by human laws, but 
born equal. 

''Third. Knowledge ought to be diffused, as well for the safety of the 
state as to promote the happiness of society. 

"Fourth. Our national resources, physical, moral, and intellectual, 
ought to be developed and applied to increase the public wealth and en- 
hance the convenience and comfort of the people. 

"Fifth. Peace and moderation are indispensable to the preservation of 
republican institutions. 

"Sixth. Slavery must be abolished." 

Again, in the city of New York, he prochiimed the same sen- 
timents to an immense meeting in Yaiixliall Gardens; and at 
Boston, Philadelphia, and other places to which he was invited, 
the spirit of his speeches was the same. In city and country the 
response of the people was alike spontaneous and sincere. 

The election of General Taylor, connected with a Whig major- 
ity in Congress and in the Legislature of New York, seemed to 
be a favorable indication for the policy with which 3fr. Seward 
was identified. It was therefore by almost common consent that 
he was selected to fill the place in the Senate of the United 
States about to become vacant by the expiration of Mr. Dix's 
term. The vote in the Legislature stood, for Mr. Seward, 121, 
and for all others, 30. 

In February, 1849, he arrived in \Vashington, bel'ore the 
commencement of his Senatorial term, in time to assist in defeat- 
ing the famous '' Walker amendment," which, in effect, would 
have admitted slavery into all the territory recently acquired 
from Mexico, — California included. Mr. Seward very soou 
secured the confidence of President Taylor, and during the 
remaining life of that illustrious man was one of his most inti- 
mate friends and counsellors. The President's policy in relation 
to the admission of California as a free State received Senator 
Seward's hearty support, and he was almost immediately regarded 
in Congress as the leader of the Administration party. The un- 
timely death of General Taylor put an end to these relations, and 
eventually led to the complete overthrow of the party which 
brought him into power, 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 413 

Of the exciting contest which followed the introduction of the 
Compromise measures into the Thirty-First Congress, and of the 
several able speeches made by Senator Seward during that memo- 
rable session, only a brief notice can be taken. 

Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster, General Cass, and other leading states- 
men, believed that the Union was at stake, and that the adoption 
'of the so-called Compromise measures was essential to its preser- 
vation. Mr. Seward maintained opposite views. With pro- 
phetic sagacity, he predicted, as the result of a yielding to the 
claims of the Compromise party, the very ills which it is believed 
have since been realized in the Kansas legislation. 

It was during the discussion of these celebrated measures that 
Mr. Seward used the phrase " the Higlicr Laic,'' which has 
acquired so wide a fame. The sentiment, so startling at the 
time, was by no means new with Mr, Seward. He had, in 
1847, in his argument for Van Zandt, accused of aiding fugitives 
from slavery, declared, in the Court of the United States, that 
^' Congress has no power to inhibit any duty commanded by God 
on ■Mount Sinai or by his Son on the Mount of Olives." The 
idea pervades all his writings and governs all his actions. 

In the same speech* Mr. Seward's position on the subject of 
slavery is briefly but clearly stated :— 

" I feel assured that shivery must give vray, and will give way, to the 
sahitary instructions of economy and to the ripening influences of human- 
ity ; that emancipation is inevitahle and is near; that it may be hastened 
or hindered ; that all measures which fortify slavery or extend it tend to 
the consummation of violence, — all that check its extension and abate its 
strength tend to its peaceful extirpation. But I will adopt none but law- 
ful, constitutional, and peaceful means to secure even that end; and none 
such can 1 or will I forego. Nor do I know any important or responsible 
political body that proposes to do more than this. No free State claims 
to extend its legislation into a slave State. None claims that Congress 
shall usurp power to abolish slavery in the slave States. None claims 
that any violent, unconstitutional, or unlawful measure shall be embraced. 
And, on the other hand, if we offer no scheme or plan for the adoption 
of the slave States, with the assent and co-operation of Congress, it is 
only because the slave States are as yet unwilling to receive such sugges- 
tions, or even to entertain the question of emancipation in any form." 



* March 11, 1850, 



414 LIVING keprkskntativj: mex. 

After passing the Compromise measures^ Congress adjourned. 
The second session commenced in December, 1850. The subject 
of the gratuitous distribution of the public lands had then been 
but little discussed in Congress. Mr. Seward, in February, 1851, 
in an elaborate speech reviewed the whole subject; advocating, 
in a clear and dispassionate manner, the principles now embraced 
in what is called " the Homestead Bill." '' A home," he remarks, 
"is the first necessity of every family: it is indispensable to the 
education and qualification of citizens. He who reclaims an acre 
of land from the sterility of nature and brings it into a product- 
ive condition confers a greater benefit upon the state than valor 
has often the opportunity to bestow." Mr. Seward also, at this 
session, delivered a speech remarkable for its luminous analysis 
of the claims for indemnities for French Spoliations. 

In December, 1851, he submitted a resolution ofi"ering a cor- 
dial welcome to Kossuth, and in two different speeches of fervid 
eloquence presented the claims of the Hungarians to the admira- 
tion of American freemen. In another speech he took occasion 
to renew his expression of deep interest in the cause of " Freedom 
in Europe" on a resolution of sympathy with the exiled Irish 
patriots, Ilis speeches on the Survey of the Arctic and Pacific 
Oceans, the American Whale-Fisheries, and American Steam- 
Navigation, are fcpiarkable for their practical character, the 
variety and accuracy of their statistics, and the glowing patriotism 
with which they are iuspirec]. 

The Thirty-Second Congress appears to have been occupied by 
Mr. Seward in the advocacy of measures of great practical inte- 
rest. His speeches in favor of the Continental Railroad, against 
the removal of the duties from railroad-iron, and on Texas and 
her creditors, like those of the former session, were marked by 
an adniirable union of statistics, cogent argument, and rare saga- 
city, lu the first he pays a tribute to John Quincy Adams as 
the author of the Monroe doctrine, and with a keen but pleasant 
satire reviews a recent speech made by General Cass on the same 
subject. In the course of his remarks, Mr. Sewar4 thus states 
his views on the question of the acquisition of Cuba: — 

"While X do not desire the immediate qv eavlj annexation of Cuba, noy 
Bee hoTv I should vote for it at all until slavery shall have ceased to counter- 
act ih^ workings of nature iij that beautiful island,— fior ey^u then, unless 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 415 

it should come into the Union -without injustice to Spain, without aggres- 
sive war, and without producing internal dissensions among ourselves, — 
I nevertheless yield my full assent to the convictions expressed by John 
Quincy Adams, that this nation can never safely allow the island of Cuba 
to pass under the dominion of any PoAver that is already or can become a 
formidable rival or enemy." 

During the summer of 1853, after the adjournment, Mr. Seward 
was engaged in the trial of several important causes. He, how- 
ever, found time to prepare two orations, — one delivered at Co- 
lumbus, Ohio, at the dedication of a University, on '' The Destiny 
of America;" and the other before the American Institute, in the 
city of New York, entitled ^- The True Basis of American Independ- 
ence." Both of these addresses were reiiarded with distinauished 
favor, and possess a value beyond the occasions which called them 
forth. 

The Presidential election of 1852 resulted in the overwhelming 
defeat of the Whig party. Mr. Seward had favored the election 
of General Scott, although unable to sanction the platform adopted 
by the convention which nominated him. During the canvass, 
it was charged that General Scott intended, if successful in the 
election, to make Mr. Seward Secretary of State. With his 
accustomed frankness and fidelity, Mr. Sewiird publicly announced 
his determination to accept no office from the hands of General 
Scott under any circumstances. This had been his course hereto- 
fore with previous jVdministrations, and it was not now to be 
changed. 

It was, of course, under very discouraging auspices that Mr. 
Seward resumed his seat in the Senate after Mr. Pierce's election 
to the Presidency. His party was destroyed; and in the opinion 
of many he was himself not only overthrown, but politically 
annihilated. But neither his speeches nor his public conduct 
bore any traces of his disappointment. He at once devoted him- 
self to the business of the session with his characteristic calmness 
and assiduity. 

Mr. Seward, early in the session of the Thirty-Third Congress, 
introduced a bill for the construction of a railroad to the Pacific, 
and another for the establishment of steam mails between San 
Francisco, China, Japan, and the Sandwich Islands. Among 
other measures which received his assiduous attention during the 
session were the modification of the Tariff, the Homestead Bill, 



41G LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Miss Dix's bill for the relief of the insaue, and the regulation of 
vessels engaged in transporting foreign immigrants to this country. 

But all these measures were soon laid aside, and made to give 
Avay to a bill introduced by Senator Douglas for the organization 
of the Territory of Nebraska. 

This bill, as it explained itself, applied to Nebraska the policy 
established in 1850 in regard to Utah and New Mexico, and 
repealed the Missouri Compromise of 1820. It met, it is un- 
necessary to say, the continued and powerful opposition of Mr. 
Seward. His first speech against it, entitled "Freedom and 
Public Faith," is a profound and dispassionate argument, which, 
although it failed to prevent the accomplishment of the measure 
in Congress, served to rouse the people of the free States to a 
spirit of resistance to the aggressions of slavery not yet subdued. 
His second speech, scarcely less elaborate, was delivered at the 
close of the debate. It reviewed the arguments which had been 
offered in defence of the bill with clearness and power, and, at 
the same time, presented the methods by which the people of 
the North could defeat its calamitous tendencies. After a 
momentous struggle the bill passed, and was signed by President 
Pierce on the 26th of May, 1854. During the discussion, a 
memorial remonstrating against the measure, signed by three 
thousand clergymen of New England, was presented to the Senate 
by Edward Everett. It was attacked with great vehemence by 
the friends of the bill, and defended by Mr. Seward with equal 
vigor and acumen. In his speech he maintains the right of 
petition on broad and impregnable grounds. 

After the decease of Henry Clay and Daniel Webster, Mr. 
Seward delivered in the Senate a chaste and discriminating eulo- 
gium upon each of those illustrious statesmen. 

In addition to the elaborate speeches already mentioned, Mr. 
Seward often took part in incidental but important debates, of 
which also a record has been made in his published works. 
His speeches and remarks have not only been heard in the 
Senate, where they were delivered, but will be read with profit 
and instruction by the present and future generations. 

Just before the adjournment of Congress,''' Mr. Seward de- 



July 26, 1864. 



WJLLlAxM H. SEWARD. -ilT 

liveiod tlie annual oration before tlie Literary Societies of Yale 
Oolleg-e, on which occasion he received the honorary degree of 
Doctor of Laws. The subject of his discourse was "The Phy- 
sical, Moral, and Intellectual Development of the American 
People." 

In October, he made an elaborate argument in the Circuit 
Court of the United States, in the " McCormick Reaper Case," 
which, with other professional and private business, occupied his 
time during the recess of Congress. 

The second session of the Thirty-Third Congress commenced 
in December, 1854. Mr. Seward renewed his labors in behalf 
of many of the measures which failed at the preceding session. 
He steadily opposed the bill to increase the salaries of the Judges 
of the Supreme Court and the pay of members of Congress. 
He made an effective speech in favor of the extension of the 
Bounty Land Laws to the volunteers and militia who had been 
in actual service. 

On presenting a petition from a large number of unemployed 
workmen in favor of the Homestead Bill, he briefly portrayed 
the distress which had overtaken the mechanics and workingmen 
of the country, and urged the passage of the measure prayed for 
as a wise and unexpensive means of relief. 

Mr. Seward's speeches on Internal Improvements, the Pacific 
Railroad, the Tariff, Mail-Steamers, and Duties on Railroad-Iron, 
were generally regarded as among the most effective arguments 
made in behalf of those great measures during the session. 

Near the close of the session, Senator Toucey introduced a bill 
to protect the officers of Government in the execution of the 
Fugitive-Slave Act. Mr. Seward, in a speech of stirring elo- 
quence, opposed the measure as an encroachm^ent on the liberties 
of the people. The bill passed the Senate, but failed in the 
House. A substitute proposed during the debate, repealing the 
Fugitive-Slave Act of 1850, received Mr. Seward's affirmative 
vote. 

The Thirty-Third Congress ended March 4, 1855. In the 
month of February preceding, Mr. Seward had been re-elected 
to his seat in the Senate for another term of six years. Notwith- 
standing a most determined opposition both from the Democratic 
and American parties, his triumph in the election was no less 
2B 



418 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

decisive than remarkable. Ilis vote in tlie Legislature was 87, 
against 19 for Mr. Dickinson, 12 for Horatio Seymour, 9 for 
Washington Hunt, — his principal competitors, — and 30 scattered 
among Messrs. Allen, Dix, Fillmore, and others. This result 
was as unexpected to his opponents as it was gratifying to his 
friends. 

The news of his election, as it spread throughout the free 
States, w^as received with demonstrations of rejoicing almost un- 
precedented in political annals. The contest, which had been 
long and a])parently doubtful, was everywhere regarded as be- 
tween the party of freedom and its opponents. The victory was, 
therefore, considered something more than a personal triumph. 
The numerous friends of "Sir. Seward outside of his political party 
were, however, scarcely less joyous over his success. In Wash- 
iugton especially, where ]Mr. Seward had now resided nearly six 
years during the sessions of Congress, the people, without regard 
to part}', were sincere and hearty in their congratulations. On 
his return to Auburn after the extra session of the Senate, he 
was offered, at various places on his route, a public reception, 
which he respectfully but firmly declined. 

In the autumn of 1855, during the canvass of the annual State 
election, Mr. Seward delivered three remarkable speeches, at 
Albany, Auburn, and Buffalo. They marked the political issues 
of the times with a bold and original hand. Their circulation in 
newspapers and pamphlets was immense, lasting through the Pre- 
sidential campaign the following year. Even President Pierce, 
in his Annual Message, considered it not inappropriate to allude 
to the startling sentiments avowed in these speeches. 

On the 22d of December, 1855, Mr. Seward delivered an ora- 
tion at Plymouth, Mass., in commemoration of the landing of the 
Pilgrims, which received unusual attention both for its eloquence 
and happy presentation of the doctrines of liberty and equal 
rights. 

On the assembling of the Thirty-Fourth Congress, Mr. Seward 
entered with his acoustomed punctuality and industry upon the 
duties of the session. The Kansas difficulties, it will be recol- 
lected, were the principal topics of discussion during this excited 
and protracted session. Mr. Seward's speeches were elabo- 
rate and exhaustive, while his labors in council and debate 



WILLIAM II. SEWARD. 419 

were at all times arduous and important. The time is too recent 
to need in this place a particular history of that remarkable con- 
troversy, — if indeed it were possible now to make it impartial or 
entirely candid. A reference to the official debates and to the 
published speeches of Mr. Seward will best show the distinguished 
part he bore in that important contest. 

On the 22d of May, 1856, Senator Sumner was assaulted in 
the Senate-chamber, after the adjournment of the Senate, by Hon. 
Preston S. Brooks, of South Carolina, and very seriously injured. 
The attack was occasioned by a speech made in the Senate by 
Mr. Sumner during the Kansas debate. On the next morning 
after the assault. Senator Wilson, Mr. Sumner's colleague, brought 
the subject before the Senate. Mr. Seward, after waiting a rea- 
sonable time for some other Senator to move, oflered a resolution 
appointing a committee of inquiry into the matter. According 
to parliamentary usage, it is claimed, Mr. Seward should have 
been a member of that committee, and at its head. But the 
selection of the committee was made by ballot, instead of being 
left, as usual, to the President of the Senate. Neither Mr. Seward 
nor any of his political friends were elected to a place on the 
committee. But neither this apparent unfairness, nor the inti- 
macy of the friendship existing between Mr. Seward and Mr. 
Sumner, nor any of the extraordinary circumstances of the case, 
were sufficient to betray Mr. Seward into any undignified or 
passionate remarks, nor in any manner to prevent his impartial 
discussion of the whole subject. His speeches and remarks, 
however, during the debate which followed were not wanting in 
indignant eloquence and manly rebuke. 

At the extra session, in August, Mr. Seward made two able 
speeches on the " Army Bill,'' in which he also discussed the 
affairs of Kansas as they were incidentally affected by the bill. 

After the close of his Congressional labors, arduous and ex- 
hausting both from the circumstances and the unusual length of 
the two sessions, Mr. Seward returned to Auburn to attend to _ 
his private affairs and to seek repose. But the Presidential 
election almost immediately called him to engage in the canvass. 
Some of his friends had been disappointed that his name had 
not been placed at the head of the Republican ticket, instead 
of Colonel Fremont's ] but no disappointment on his part, if he 



42U lining; iiti'iiE^KNTArn h mes. 

felt any, prevented liini tVuni entering the contest with unabated 
zeal and energy. Two of his speeches — at Auburn and Detroit 
— were of more than ordinary ability, and were widely read all 
over the country, even after the election had passed. 

The election resulted in the success of Mr. Buchanan. Con- 
gress assembled again in December. Among the earlier proceed- 
ings of the Senate was the announcement of the death of John 
M. Clayton. Mr. Seward pronounced an eloquent and feeling 
eulogium upon that distinguished statesman, whom he numbered 
among his earliest friends. 

In a speech of great research Mr. Seward advocated the claims 
of the Revolutionary officers, showing that the relief proposed 
was in accordance with the wishes and cherished policy of Gene- 
ral Washington. Mr. Seward was among the leading advocates 
of aflfording Government aid to the proposed Atlantic Telegraph. 
His speeches and labors on the subject were largely instrumental 
in securing the favor of Congress to the project. In the same 
spirit he supported the bill for extending a telegraph-line to 
California and the Pacific coast. 

The overland mail-route to San Francisco was also a favorite 
project with Mr. Seward. Next to a railroad to the Pacific, he 
deemed this of the greatest importance, and gave it his effective 
support. And it may here be remarked that no sectional preju- 
dices ever influenced Mr. Seward in his advocacy of either of 
these measures. He always supported both, whether the route 
was " Northern," " Central," or " Southern," even when, in 
doing so, it was necessary to separate himself from all his 
political friends. 

The subject of revising the Tariff was discussed with much 
earnestness in the Senate just before the adjournment. Mr. 
Seward, consistently with his whole public life, advocated such 
a discrimination in duties upon imports as would best protect 
the industry of the' country. While he would carefully guard 
all the great interests of the people, — the raising of wool and 
the manufactures of the North, or the growing of sugar and cot- 
ton in the South, — he was especially opposed to any relaxation 
of the tariff upon railroad-iron or other articles of that material. 
His view^s of the importance of the iron-interest are strongly 
stated in the following extract from a speech in 1853 : — 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 421 

" Sir, I think my votes have sho-wn that I have a correct appreciation 
of the great advantages to the United States which have resulted from 
the acquisition of the gold of California. But if I were required to 
choose to-day between the wealth that slumbers in the Sierra Nevada 
and colors the sands in the bottoms of the streams of California, and the 
iron that lies in the unopened mines of Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, 
and New Jersey, I should decide — promptly decide — decide at once — to 
renounce the gold and save the iron. But, when I have enumerated these 
States, I am conscious that I am only on the verge of the iron-region of 
this broad continent. It extends through Vermont, Ohio, Kentucky, 
Tennessee, Missouri, and Nebraska. Sir, we are making iron roads 
across this continent. And what is now proposed ? It is to bring the 
iron from England to make roads over the iron and coal beds of the Alle- 
ghanies and of Missouri and our Western Territories. There must be an 
urgent necessity for this, or the Senate would not, under such circum- 
stances as these, listen to a proposition so novel and extraordinary, so 
contrary to all our settled principles of political economy," 

With the iuauguration of Mr. Buchanan came the Dred Scott 
decision. Mr. Seward, in one of his speeches, reviewed this deci- 
sion and the President's connection with its announcement with 
considerable severity. On another occasion, he gave notice of a 
pkin for reorganizing the United States Courts, so as to give a 
more equable representation of all sections of the Union on the 
bench, and also to increase the facilities for obtaining justice in 
these courts in the growing West. He proposed to do this, he 
said, within constitutional limits, and in a manner that should 
be satisfactory to all candid minds. 

Mr. Seward's speeches in the Thirty-Fifth Congress were more 
numerous and on a greater variety of subjects than usual. On 
the second day of February, 1858, the President sent a message 
to Congress with the " Lecompton Constitution," recommending 
the admission of Kansas into the Union under that instrument. 
For nearly three months this formed the constant subject of 
debate in both Houses. The bill, introduced by Senator Green, 
carrying out the President's recommendation was opposed with 
uncommon ability by Mr. Seward, as well as by Mr. Douglas 
and others never before acting together upon political questions. 

" The announcement," said a Democratic journal of the next day, 
" that Senator Seward would speak on Kansas crowded the House to the 
same extent as on Monday, (when the debate was opened.) There was, 
however, much more attention than on the former occasion. The gal- 

36 



422 LIVING REIRESENTATIVI': MEN. 

leries were quiet, that in the i-ear of the reporters' being unusually so, — 
■which told of the presence of a very different audience. More than all, 
complete order reigned in the body of the chamber. The Senators were 
quiet and attentive. Their bodies were calm, because their heads were 
engaged in listening. 

" The speech was a simple and forcible effort, careful in language, free 
from ornament, — almost too parsimonious in this respect for a popular 
speech, — broad in its peculiar views, and only narrow in the persistency 
with which the speaker built up political fabrics without the slightest 
consideration of the Southern material in the present fabric of the Union. 
His manner was graceful without affectation, easy without heaviness, and 
bold without being bombastic. It was pleasant to hear, even if you dis- 
agreed with the philosophy and condemned the polite and well-tempered 
effrontery with which Southern hopes were treated as chimerical. . . . 

"The Senator then proceeded to give a concise account of Congres- 
sional intervention since 1820. Eighteen States have been added to the 
original thirteen without any serious commotion occurring. Now Minne- 
sota and Oregon were undergoing the process, which goes on so quietly 
that few see that we are consolidating an empire on the shores of Lake 
Superior and even at the very gates of the Arctic region. Of the eighteen 
States, nine tolerated and nine rejected slavei-y : still, there was no extra- 
ordinary excitement ; but now the struggle for the balance of power makes 
things different. Free labor and slave labor met face to face in the desert, 
and the struggle was going on for mastery between them. 

" lie argued that free labor would spread and overrule all else. Free 
labor rules in California. It invades you in Delaware, Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, and Missouri. It will meet you in Arizona, in Mexico, in Central 
America ; ay, it will meet you in Cuba. If even Senator Seward believed 
in the extension of slavery, he would not press it any further in Kansas. 
The attempt, he said, has been frustrated at every point. He believed 
in the isothermal line to some extent; but he could not readily find one 
out. Clearly, thirty-six degrees thirty minutes was too far north."* 

The measure was carried through the Senate by a vote of 33 
to 25; but, having been afterward rejected in the House, a Com- 
mittee of Conference was appointed. f Mr. Seward was appointed 
one of the managers on the part of the Senate. He of course 
dissented from the English Bill, and from first to last opposed 
any surrender of the principle that the people of Kansas should 
be left perfectly free to decide upon their own organic law. The 
closing scene was thus described in the Democratic journal pre- 



* " The States," March 4, 1858. 

t See under the head of " Crittenden," p. 137. 



WILLIAM II. SEWARD. 428 

viously quoted. It was the last of April. Mr. Seward had the 
floor. He compared the Conference (or English) Bill to Red- 
heifer's perpetual motive-power and Maelzel's automaton chess^ 
player. Like them, it deceived nobody save those wishiDg and 
willing to be deceived. 

" The submission or non-submission of the bill was a block in his path. 
He should get rid of it. On looking into the bill, he was satisfied that 
by it the Constitution was not submitted ; and then, again, in the course 
of his researches, he discovered that the bill did submit the Constitution 
If the dowry was accepted, the Constitution was submitted ; if the 
dowry was rejected, the people have no power to speak on the Constitu- 
tion. He found himself in a dilemma, but he was determined to find out 
how the matter really stood. In doing so, he quoted from the explana- 
tion of Mr, S. S. Cox, of Ohio, in the House, who said that provision was 
made in the new bill to take the sense of the people, but that the Consti- 
tution was not submitted. As for the Senator from New York, he was 
born with an aversion to compromises, and he has been getting more sus- 
picious of them every day since. He now sets his face as flint against 
them. On this flag of truce he saw stains of blood. It was a piratical 
flag. 

"At half-past two o'clock Senator Bigler begged to interrupt Senator 
Seward, to say that the bill under discussion had passed the House of 
Representatives. There was not the slightest interest shown in the gal- 
leries nor in the chamber, the majority of the Lecomptonites being 
absent in the House, no doubt. Soon after, Green came in and took his 
seat in a state of victorious excitement. Wilson followed in a few 
moments, rather paler than when he went out. Taking his seat, he told 
the House majority (nine) to Foot and Fessenden, — the former of whom 
took it with the benignant smile peculiar to him. Houston whittled his 
stick as though nothing had happened. Broderick, Benjamin, Iverson, 
and Toombs, the most excitable men, kept their seats ; while Slidell car- 
ried the news from group to group behind the bar, and disappeared from 
the chamber. 

" The news seemed but to invigorate the Senator from New York. He 
went on speaking vehemently against the measure. He did not allude 
to the passage of the bill in the other House for some twenty minutes, — 
much to the dissatisfaction of all, who evidently were anxious to see how 
he would take it. Alluding to it at length, he said, with his usual san^ 
froid, that it produced on him no sense of discouragement. For freedom 
in Kansas he had no such concern as for where he would sleep to-night. 
Kansas is the Cinderella of the Union; but she will live and survive the 
persecution. 

" In the course of his speech, the Senator from New York said he was 
not an amalgamationist ; for even when a child, and he beheld Othello on 



424 LIVING rp:pri:sentative men. 

the stage, he knew, when he saw the INIoor wedded to the fair daughter 
of the Senator of Venice, in the first act, that disturbance would follow 
in the second, and desohition and death be the result. 

" The Senate was very soon crowded on the floor and galleries. Dou- 
glas entered about fifteen minutes before three, and, silently taking his 
seat, was soon in a revery, from which he in a few moments escaped into 
a conversation with Stuart, of Michigan. Senator Bigler had something 
to say; but, as Seward had admitted that the passage of the bill by the 
House had ended the matter, he would yield to have the vote taken. 

"At five minutes before three, the Clerk of the House of Representa- 
tives brought a message to the Senate, formally informing the latter of 
the concurrence of the House with the Conference Report. 

''The question being called, a discussion took place as to the legal 
mode of proceeding with the vote. Senator Douglas said it was believed 
by a large number of Senators that they could not act, except on the 
message and bill from the House. Senator Hunter agreed to this ; but 
Senator Green would not listen to it. There was only one question upon 
which the Senate could vote ; and that was, whether it would concur or 
not concur witli the Conference Report. After much pleasant discussion, 
the calling of the roll on that question was commenced at ten minutes 
past three. The vote stood — yeas 31, nays 2i2, as follows: — 

"Yeas. — Messrs. Allen, Rayard, Benjamin, Biggs, Bigler, Bright, Brown, 
Clay, Davis, Evans, Fitzpatrick, Green, Given, Hammond, Houston, Hun- 
ter, Iverson, Johnson of Arkansas, Johnson of Tennessee, Jones, Kennedy, 
Mallory, ]\Iason, Polk, Pugh, Sebastian, Slidell, Thompson of New Jersey, 
Toombs, Wright, and Yulee. — 31. 

"Nays. — Messrs. Broderick, Cameron, Chandler, Collamer, Crittenden, 
Dixon, Doolittle, Douglas, Dui-kee, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Hale, Ham- 
lin, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Stewart, Trumbull, Wade, and 
Wilson.— 22. 

The speeches of Senator Seward made during these discussions 
are masterly exhibitions of his views on the whole subject, and 
together form quite a history of Kansas affairs in Congress and 
in the Territory. 

In the matter of increasing and strengthening the army to 
suppress the rebellion in Utah, Mr. Seward took high and 
patriotic grounds, separating himself, to some extent, from his 
political associates in the Senate. Indeed, his speeches and votes 
on this subject created not a little excitement and dissent among 
his friends throughout the country. But in this case, as in 
others already noticed, Mr. Seward adopted that course which he 
believed duty and patriotism dictated, relying on time and history 
to vindicate its wisdom and policy. 



WILLIAM II. SEWARD. 425 

The aggressions committed upon American vessels in tlie Gulf 
of Mexico by the British cruisers received the earnest condemna- 
tion of Mr. Seward. He boldly insisted upon reparation being 
demanded by our Groverument at all hazards. 

He voted to admit both Minnesota and Oregon into the Union 
as States, although he objected to some of the prescriptive fea- 
tures contained in the Constitution of Oregon. 

The Pacific Railroad, Treasury Notes, the expedition of Wil- 
liam Walker, and Rivers and Harbors, are some of the other 
subjects upon which Mr. Seward made interesting speeches, 
more or less elaborate. 

The death of his friend and fellow-Senator, Thomas J. Rusk, 
was the occasion of one of Mr. Seward's most eloquent efforts. 
His eulogium on the Texas Senator is regarded as one of the 
best specimens of mortuary eloquence ever listened to in the 
Senate. At the same session he delivered appropriate but brief 
eulogies on the characters and services of James Bell, late a 
Senator from New Hampshire, and J. Pinckney Henderson, of 
Texas, who died after three months' service in the Senate as the 
successor of General Rusk. 

After the adjournment of Congress, Mr. Seward was engaged 
for several weeks in the United States Courts. His argument in 
the Albany Bridge case is regarded as one of his ablest forensic 
efforts, showing a remarkable knowledge of the subject of navi- 
gation and the constitutional questions involved. 

In the autumn, (1858,) Mr. Seward, as usual, was called to 
take part in the canvass for the annual elections. The contest 
was for State officers and members of Congress. His speeches 
created a wide sensation, and were believed by many to have 
been the means of securing to the Republican party a large 
majority in the State. His speech at Rochester, especially, pro- 
duced a decided effect throughout the United States. It w^as 
very severely criticized by the Democratic press, and its senti- 
ments denounced as dangerous and revolutionary. Mr. Seward's 
friends, however, regarded it in a different light, and defended it 
by comparing it with his previous declarations and with the 
opinions of eminent men of the past and present. 

The last session of the Thirty-Fifth Copgress met in December, 



426 LIVING IlEIRESENTATIVE MEN. 

1858. A determined and nearly successful effort was made at 
this session to pass the Homestead Bill. Mr. Seward, with Mr. 
Wade, of Ohio, and others, were indefatigable in their exertions 
to secure its success in the Senate, — it having passed the House 
by 120 to 76. But in vain. The Cuba Bill supplanted it, and 
occupied the attention of the Senate until the final adjournment. 
Mr. Seward's speeches on both of these measures were brief but 
forcible; while his parliamentary efforts to secure the passage of 
the former and the defeat of the latter were unremitting and 
sagacious. No less important and zealous were his labors to 
push through a bill to construct a railroad to the Pacific. An 
examination of the votes in the Senate upon various questions 
connected with this measure will show — what has already been 
stated — that Mr. Seward, while of course preferring a central or 
Northern route, steadily supported the project, however located. 
He also warmly seconded the recommendations of President 
Buchanan in regard to increasing the Tariff, and by a concilia- 
tory course of argument endeavored to secure the favorable action 
of the Senate on that important subject. 

The speeches and writings of Mr. Seward have been collected 
and published in three large octavos, (rumor says a fourth is in 
preparation,) under the editorial auspices of George E. Baker, Esq. 
They have been more widely read, it is stated, than the works of 
any other living statesman. It has been impossible, in this 
article, to do more than sketch the career of one whose life has 
been so industriously occupied in public service. The record of 
that service is his only complete biography. 

Mr. Seward is now among the prominent statesmen named for 
the Presidency. What his own wishes or views are on that 
subject we have no means of knowing, except from the senti- 
ments he has expressed in public. 

In a letter to John Quincy Adams, in 1841, he says, — 

" As to the future, I await its development without concern, — conscious 
that if my services are needed they will be demanded, and, if not needed, 
that it would be neither patriotic nor conducive to my happiness to be in 
public life." 

And in a speech made in New York, in 1848, while alluding 
to the defeat of Mr. Clay, he said, — 



WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 427 

''What is the Presidency of the United States, compared with the fame 
of a patriot statesman who triumphs over popular injustice and esta- 
blishes his country on the sure foundations of freedom and empire?" 

To a delegation of friends, in 1854, who urged him to adopt 
the Know-Nothing policy as a sure road to the Presidency, he 
exclaimed, with emphasis, "Good God, gentlemen! is there 
nothing worthy of a man's ambition but the Presidency 1" 



428 LIVING RErRESENTATIVE MEN. 



HORATIO SEYMOUR, 

OF NEW YORK. 

The public life of Mr. Seymour is identified with the stormiest 
period in the history of the New York Democracy. To record it 
will necessarily involve some reference to the troubles and dis- 
sensions which marked those unhappy days and entailed disaster 
on the party in local and national afiairs : this, however, shall be 
as brief as the importance of the matter and its relevancy to our 
subject will permit. 

Horatio Seymour was born in Pompey, Onondaga County, 
New York, in the year 1811. His family — originally from Con- 
necticut — extend far back into the Colonial days. His grand- 
flither, Major Moses Seymour, served in the War of the Revolu- 
tion, and afterward for a number of years in the Legislature of 
Connecticut, as the representative of the town of Litchfield. 
His father was for some years a member of the New York Legis- 
lature; and other members of the family have occupied distin- 
guished positions in the service of the nation. 

Mr. Seymour commenced at an early age the practice of the 
law in the city of Utica; but other duties soon compelled him 
to abandon the profession. At .the age of thirty he was chosen 
Mayor of Utica. He had been an active Democrat from youth; 
and his election to the chief office of a Whig city is a marked 
instance of the personal popularity which he has at all times 
of his career enjoyed wherever known. In 1841, he was elected 
to the Legislature of the State; and his career from this date is 
one of much interest and uninterrupted usefulness. Liberally 
educated, an accomplished speaker, a ready debater, and a court- 
eous gentleman, he won at once the confidence and respect of his 
compeers, and took an active part in all the important legislation 
of the day. Many in the Assembly were men of the first rank 
in ability and reputation; and the measures at that time dis- 



HORATIO SEY3I0UR. 429 

cussed and enacted were of the highest importance in their cha- 
racter and consequences. With the former Mr. Seymour, though 
young in years and legislative life, associated as an equal ; and in 
the discussion of the latter his voice was ever potent and re- 
spected. His influence, thus speedily and strongly manifested, 
continued undiminished during Democratic ascendency in the 
State. And at a later period, when schism appeared in the party 
and power departed to the enemy, when the Democracy, untaught 
by the past, seemed bent upon its own ruin, and those upon whom 
its favors had been unsparingly bestowed appeared to forget their 
gratitude in the exhibition of unworthier feelings, he passed 
from the chamber of the Assembly, and was from that day forth 
the untiring advocate of union, and afterward the leader of a 
united party to victory. During the early part of his legislative 
career, dissension first appeared in the ranks, and the bitter con- 
troversy soon to arise was already foreshadowed in the debates in 
the Assembly. 

William C. Bouck and Daniel S. Dickinson had been respect- 
ively re-elected Grovernor and Lieutenant-Governor of the State. 
This, however, had* not been effected without opposition, which, 
though silent while the ticket was before the people, was bitter 
and outspoken in the iVssembly when success had removed that 
restraint which party discipline had previously compelled. Of 
this opposition Michael Hoffman was the able and imperious 
leader; while Horatio Seymour was known as the champion of 
the men and measures of the Democratic administration. Mr. 
Hoffman — says a sketcher of those days — was a powerful antago- 
nist, and had been universally regarded as the most formidable 
man in debate in the Legislature. Though he was dignified and 
chivalrous in his manner, he was excessively dogmatical and 
dictatorial in the expression of his views. Such, however, was 
the charm of Mr. Seymour's manner, and the manliness and frank- 
ness of his general course, that he secured from Mr. Hoffman the 
most respectful consideration. "*" 

The courtesy of Mr. Seymour in these bouts with the domi- 
neering dictator of the House, and his deportment throughout 
the sharp and exciting discussions of those days, attracted high 

* Sec '' Democratic Review," Oct. 1851, edited by Thomas P. Kettcll. 



4o0 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

commendation and gave him a front rank, Ilis tact and affa- 
bility were never at fault; and the deference he soon won and at 
all times afterward elicited from the formidable and experienced 
chief of the opposition is ample evidence of the singular ability 
wdth which he sustained his position as the leader of the execu- 
tive party. It was at this session that he submitted his famous 
report from the committee charged with the consideration of that 
part of the Governor's message which related to the canals. 
That the principles then recommended by him were worthy of 
the State is fully evinced by the fact that they were subsequently 
adopted by a constitutional convention and, receiving the sanc- 
tion of the people, became part of the organic law. 

Of this document the author of the " Political History of New 
York" writes as follows : — 

"On the 2od of April, Mr. Seymour, from the Committee on Canals in 
the Assembly, made a report on that part of the Governor's message which 
related to canals. That committee consisted of Messrs. Seymour, IM. L. 
Harris, Linn, S. Cole, and Dickinson. This report was drawn up by Mr. 
Seymour, and occupies seventy-one large octavo pages. We do not hesi- 
tate to pronounce it one of the ablest and best-written documents ever 
presented to a legislative body. We should do injustice to the author of 
it were we to pretend to give a skeleton of it. From the able and mas- 
terly review that it takes of our system of internal improvements, the 
great mass of well-arranged facts it contains, its lucid, candid, liberal, 
and able reasoning, and the brief but intelligent picture it presents of the 
finances of the State, it will amply reward any person for the time which 
the perusal of it would occupy. It ought to be read by every statesman 
and legislator who desires to be acquainted with the situation of the 
public works and the financial condition of the State in the year 18-14. 
It will be found in vol. vii. of the Assembly Documents of that year, 
No. 177."* 

The bill introduced by Mr. Seymour, in accordance with the 
views of his report, passed both Houses. 

The election of Silas Wright to succeed Governor Bouck 
worked no change in the affairs of the party. Faction was still 
busy among the leaders, and but little harmony prevailed either 
in the Senate or Assembly. Of the latter body Mr. Seymour 
had been chosen Speaker, — a position which he had declined in 
the previous session, — and presided with distinguished ability. 

••• See Judge Hammond's " Political History of New York." 



HORATIO SEYMOUR. 431 

One of the most important events — as history since testifies — ■ 
of this session was the election of Daniel S. Dickinson to the 
United States Senate; and Mr. Seymour deserves exceeding 
credit for the influential and unresting part he played to secure 
it. There was a bitter feeling of opposition on the part of a few 
members of the nominating caucus. The ballot stood, Dickinson, 
54, to 17 scattering, and 4 blanks. A motion to nominate 
unanimously was opposed by one member, which drew out Mr. 
Seymour in a powerful argument to the minority, appealing: to 
them by the recollection of the recent common victory, — Polk's 
election, — and by the determination which then actuated the whole 
party as one man, under the feeling that they were contending 
for common principles and in a common cause. Mr. Se^nnour's 
eulogists agree that he accomplished a most effective service not 
only for his State, but for the country, when he so strenuously 
aided to place in the United States Senate "^the bold and elo- 
quent exponent of the nation's will,' who on the floor of that 
body upheld so nobly the credit of his State and achieved for 
himself such immortal honor." 

To this period also belongs Mr. Seymour's famous debate with 
John Young, the Whig leader, on the bill for the convention for 
a revision of the Constitution. The Democracy desired some 
emendation of the Constitution, but proposed to accomplish it 
under the provision of the instrument itself. The Whigs desired 
a convention, hoping thereby to effect a total disorganization of 
their opponents. In the debate the party leaders acquitted 
themselves with power. As an illustration of the temperate 
force with which Mr. Seymour presented his views, not as a 
party man but as a patriot, the conclusion of his share in the 
debate may be given : — 

'• If a bill," he said, " can be passed which shall be in accordance with 
the principles of our Government, — which shall recognise the doctrine 
that a majority of the people shall govern, that sovereignty resides with 
the people, — which shall, in a fair, manly, and open manner, indicate 
the objects of those who contend for it, — I shall be willing to give it my 
support. I have reflected on the subject with anxiety, feeling the im- 
portance of this measure to the well-being of our State. God knows I 
have endeavored to act on it solely with a view to the best interests and 
highest happiness of our common constituents. And to those who differ 
with me I accord an equal degree of consideration, — an equally honest 



432 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

desire to promote tlie interests of those who have intrusted us-with povrer. 
And I will only express the hope that, in approaching this subject, all 
pride of opinion will be laid aside, — all personal and political objects 
overlooked, — and that we shall be actuated only by a wish to consult the 
best interests of the great and glorious State whose Representatives we 
are." 

In his efforts to put down the divisions still existing in the 
party, the new Speaker was not equally fortunate. Discord con- 
tinued among the managers; and, Executive and Legislative power 
passing into the hands of the Opposition, he closed his career in 
the Assembly with the session of 1845. Of the service he had 
rendered to the State, and his character as a legislator. Judge 
Hammond speaks in the highest terms. He seldom, in the poli- 
tical record, met a man who possessed higher and better qualifi- 
cations for usefulness and success in a popular government than 
Horatio Seymour. Kind an4 social by nature, aihible in his 
deportment, possessing a shrewd, discerning mind, fluent, and 
at times eloquent, in debate, enlarged in his views, liberal to 
his opponents, and fascinating in his address, no man seemed 
better calculated to ac(|uire an influence in a legislative body 
than he; and few indeed, at his time of life, have in fact ac- 
quired a better standing or more substantial moral power. He 
made himself at an early period well acquainted with the great 
and varied interests of the State of New York, — an acquisition 
which aided him much in debate and gave him an advantage 
over older members, and which, at the same time, enabled him 
to render services in legislation highly useful and beneficial to 
the State. 

It is not necessary, nor, indeed, desirable, that any elaborate 
examination of the origin and causes of the division of the party 
in New York should be entered into. The task is an ungrateful 
one, and difi'erences of opinion still existing among some who 
were formerly arrayed under opposing banners render it advisable 
that it should be avoided. It is admitted by the friends as well as 
by the enemies of both wings that heresy of some kind had crept 
into the Democratic church. Discord and contention legitimately 
followed. The famous "corner-stone resolution" had done its 
fatal work. Unwisely introduced into the State Convention of 
1847, it was rejected by a majority. The minority were dissatis- 



HORATIO SEYMOUR. 433 

fied. An irregular convention was called; and a double organ- 
ization brought the question before the National Convention of 
1848. All expected a final adjudication and a permanent 
peace as its natural result. But the hopes of the true lovers 
of the party were disappointed. The convention refused to 
embrace the question presented, and the evil of division was thus 
made chronic in New York. Of this action of the convention 
but one opinion now prevails. It was never wise to compromise 
with principle; and without a supreme authority, both compe- 
tent and willing to decide all matters of vital interest to the 
Democratic faith, all hope of keeping it pure and making it per- 
petual must be forever abandoned. 

During the exciting struggle of 1848, Mr. Seymour, while 
earnestly supporting the nominations of the National Convention, 
continued to be the advocate of peace. Ever courteous in man- 
ner and manly, frank, and generous in act and disposition, his 
constant labors were not without their proper fruit. The leaders, 
it is true, were not converted to the doctrines of peace and good 
will; but the rank and file were passionate for union. The 
popular voice prevailed ; and, in testimony of popular appreciation, 
Horatio Seymour was unanimously nominated for Governor by a 
convention representing the entire party. The Democracy, of 
late years accustomed to defeat, were unable to spring at once to 
victory. Their candidate was defeated by less than three hundred 
votes. This much, however, had been accomplished : — the party 
was again united; and, with this bright sign in the present, the 
future was full of hope. 

The gratifying results were soon apparent. 

The National Convention of 1852 was unembarrassed by the 
presence of conflicting delegations. Everywhere harmony pre- 
vailed. Democratic ascendency was restored in the nation, and 
the Democratic flag reappeared in Albany, whence it had been 
banished since the days of Silas Wright. 

Horatio Seymour, triumphantly elected Governor of New York 
over Washington Hunt, the then incumbent and his former 
competitor, proved himself eminently worthy to succeed the great 
men who had gone before him. His Administration, occurring 
as it did after a long period of Whig rule, and contrasting 
with those which preceded and followed it, is a just source of 
2 C * 37 



434 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

pride to every member of the Democratic household. Its 
chief events are still familiar to all. They have passed into 
the history of the State, and need no record here. His public 
acts as Governor confirmed the opinion based upon his career 
as a legislator. An admirer, one who closely followed the acts 
of Governor Seymour, writes to me, "By thorough statesman- 
ship he advanced the true interests of the State, and by untiring 
watchfulness maintained the private rights of the people. When 
the latter were threatened, he interposed the Executive arm, 
and prevented the outrage which the impertinent zeal of the 
temperance fanatics, working through the managed legislation 
of unfaithful servants, would have inflicted upon the State. 
His veto of the prohibitory liquor law was a clear and beautiful 
exposition of constitutional law, and a strong and irrefutable 
argument against the evil of coercive legislation upon those sub- 
jects which the theory of our Government has so wisely placed 
without the province of the lawgiver." 

Governor Seymour gave his reasons for vetoing the " Liquor 
Bill" in a very elaborate argument. The subject is still an inte- 
resting one ; and a statement of the general principles upon which 
he rejected the measure will be useful on the page of history. 
Anticipating the bill, he took occasion to suggest that the sub- 
ject was surrounded by difficulties and embarrassments, and, 
unless legislation in regard to it was judicious, the evils would be 
increased which it was so important to prevent, and that any 
measure adopted should be framed so as not to conflict with well- 
settled principles of legislation or with the rights of the citizen. 
In his opinion, the bill was unconstitutional, unjust, oppressive, 
and subversive of those principles of legislation the preservation 
of which he had advised. Such laws, like decrees to regulate 
religious creeds or forms of worship, provoke resistance instead of 
enforcing obedience. Any attempt to suppress intemperance by 
unusual and arbitrary measures was outside of the constitutional 
power of the Legislature; and he believed that the people, irre- 
spective of their difierent views of the tendency of the use of 
intoxicating liquors, would and did regard the provisions of the 
bill with surprise and alarm. If made a law, they had not the 
power to enforce it. Error lay at its foundation, which distorted 
its details and made it a cause of angry controversy. The evils 



HORATIO SEYMOUR. 435 

of such a bill would only cease with its repeal. Judicious legis- 
latioji miglit correct abuses in the manufacture, sale, or use of 
intoxicating liquors, but it could go no further ; and, said G over- 
nor Seymour, " The experience of all nations, in all periods, de- 
monstrates that temperance, like other virtues, is not produced 
by the law-makers, but by the influence of education, morality, 
and religion." 

While a conscientious discharge of duty, and a belief that 
explicit language was due to the friends of the bill, required him to 
state his objections to the measure in decided terms, he desired 
it to be understood that he was not indifferent to the evils of 
intemperance, or wanting in respect and sympathy for those who 
were engaged in their suppression. He regarded intemperance 
as a fruitful source of degradation and misery. He looked with 
no favor upon the habits and practices v/hich had produced the 
crime and suffering constantly forced upon his attention in the 
painful discharge of official duties. But long and earnest reflec- 
tion satisfied him that no reliance could be placed upon prohibitory 
laws for the eradication of these evils. Men might be persuaded, 
but they could not be compelled, to habits of temperance. 

An attempt was made in the Senate to pass the bill "notwith- 
standing the objections of the Governor." A vetoed bill, how- 
ever, can only become a law by a two-thirds vote; and the effort 
to overrule the Executive was a failure. A member of the Legis- 
lature suggested by resolution that crape be worn on the left arm 
for the dead bill, at the same time that the greatest rejoicing 
everywhere took place among the conservative citizens and the 
Democracy at large. A grand salute of one hundred guns was 
fired in the Park at New York on the 3d of April in honor of 
the Governor and the veto; and large processions took place in 
several parts of the State. 

The propriety of the course pursued by Governor Sej^mour, 
and the correctness of his views as to the power of the Legisla- 
ture to pass sumptuary laws, have since been fully established 
by a formal decision of the Court of Appeals, — the highest judi- 
cial tribunal of the State. His election had strengthened the 
union of the party, and former differences were forever buried. 
It is true that dissension of another kind was soon to arise; 
but the attempt to revive the issues and preserve the " grotesque 



4o6 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

nomenclature" of the past, whatever might have been its effect 
abroad, " won but little credit within the State." 

Mr. Seymour was again brought forward as a candidate for 
Governor, but prior to the meeting of the convention he had 
declared that he would not accept a renomination. In the con- 
vention it was stated, upon authority, that he would not be again 
a candidate : nevertheless, his nomination was unanimously made. 
When officially informed of it, he again publicly declined. But 
the Democracy would accept no other leader; and, as it was 
well known that Horatio Seymour was too true a patriot to refuse 
to act when the people called for his services, it was determined 
to keep him in nomination, even without his consent. The con- 
test was of the most exciting kind, and several days elapsed after 
the ballots were deposited before the true result of the vote could 
be arrived at. The Whig party had yielded to its Republican 
successor; the new secret ''American" organization was for the 
first time vigorously in the field. Each party had confidently 
claimed the victory before the election, and publicly celebrated 
it afterward as the figures constantly accumulating at the capital 
seemed to favor it in turn. Three times within a week the Repub- 
lican press had admitted defeat, and thrice within the same period 
had the Democrats boasted of triumph. But " they laugh loud- 
est who laugh last;" and in this case that good fortune fell to the 
Opposition. Myron 11. Clark, Republican, was elected over Mr. 
Seymour by a plurality of about two hundred votes. The aggre- 
gate vote of the State exceeded five hundred thousand ; and the 
closeness of the contest may be still further understood when it 
is remembered that twenty-two thousand Democratic sufi'rages 
had been cast for Greene G. Bronson. 

When the smoke of the battle had drifted from the field, the 
voice of old Tammany was heard, declaring that the Democracy, 
though defeated, were undismayed ; that their confidence in their 
gallant leader continued, as ever, unbroken ; that the hopes of 
the party were still centred in Horatio Seymour ; that its mem- 
bers would support him with undiminished zeal ; and that no 
efibrt should be spared to place that banner which they were 
proud to honor in the highest places of the nation. 

On the 1st of January, 1855, Mr. Seymour retired from an 
office he had ceased to desire, and has since that time held no 



HORATIO SEYMOUR. 437 

public station. In each successive convention of the party his 
name has been mentioned by delegates unacquainted with his 
desires, and the loud acclamations with which it has ever been 
received evince how gladly the Democracy would again place 
him before the people, were it not generally understood that 
his earnest wish is not to be again a candidate. He still con- 
tinues to labor faithfully and efficiently in the Democratic 
cause, attending both local and national conventions, advising 
with his brother Democrats upon all matters of interest to the 
organization, and eloquently advocating true principles before 
the people. 

In 1856, he labored long and faithfully for the success of the 
nominations made at Cincinnati; and recently his voice was 
heard in the Far West, exhorting the Democrats of Minnesota to 
build up in their young State the great conservative party of the 
Union. His influence in the Empire State and with the party 
of his choice is, of course, controlling ; j^et it is never exercised 
except on important occasions ; and at such time no mere per- 
sonal motive, however strong, can induce him to be silent. An 
instance of this is of recent date. In the State Convention of 
September, 1857, it was necessary to nominate a Judge of the 
Court of Appeals in place of Hon. Hiram Denio, whose term was 
about to expire. It had been the duty of that eminent jurist, in 
the discharge of the duties of his high office, to declare that the 
oppressive laws which weighed so heavily upon the city of 
New York were within the letter of the Constitution. For 
this simple act of duty he was bitterly denounced and threat- 
ened with proscription by the party which had placed him 
in office. Much partisan feeling was manifested in the conven- 
tion. Mr. Seymour was present, but took little part in the pro- 
ceedings until the question came up upou the nomination of a 
Judge of the Court of Appeals. At this point, and before the 
opposition could make itself manifest, he took the floor and, by 
a well-directed effort replete with solid argument and earnest 
appeals to the justice and magnanimity of the party, secured the 
renomination of Judge Denio, and thus achieved a memorable 
triumph for the friends of an independent judiciary. The re- 
election of Judge Denio, which followed upon his nomination, is 
a happy incident in the history of the State and a strong argu- 

37* 



438 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

ment in favor of au elective judiciary. It is, moreover, full of 
honor to the Democratic party and to the man through whom it 
was accomplished. 

The friends of ex-Governor Seymour are deeply attached to 
him, and as eloquent in illustration of his excellent qualities as a 
man as of his undoubted prominence as a Democratic statesman. 
One of the number — a communication from whom is previously- 
quoted — says, — 

"Horatio Seymour — the last of the Democratic Governors of 
New York and, in the estimation of a majority of her people, 
the first of her living statesmen — is to-day the unquestioned 
leader of the Democracy of the State. Nor is his a leadership 
won by the management of politicians, or retained by the 
packing of conventions. It was conferred in the days of 
trouble and divided counsels as a mark of confidence and a 
means of safety, and it is continued in calmer times in gratitude 
for favors past and as an earnest of prouder things to come, 
when the hopes of the party shall have been realized and the 
State restored to its ancient influence in the councils of the 
National Democracy. 

" Unbounded confidence in Mr. Seymour, and a firm belief 
that for him are reserved the highest honors of the Ilepublic, 
seem now to be regarded as part of the creed of every true 
Democrat of the Empire State ; and, whatever may be the ac- 
tion of the coming National Convention, there is much reason 
to think that this belief, like the sentence of an ancient oracle, 
will, sooner or later, work out its own fulfilment." 



JOHN SLIDELL. 439 



JOHN SLIDELL, 

OF LOUISIANA. 

The career of the senior Senator from Louisiana is quite re- 
markable in one respect; and that is, that, although he rarely 
obtrudes himself in a set speech before Congress, his influence is 
admitted to be of a decided and paramount character. When 
the fact of his seldom appearing is contrasted with the promi- 
nence of his name among those whose opinions and labors 
affect the government of the country, we are led to the dis- 
covery that he is an indefatigable worker rather than an out- 
liner of work to be done or a displayer of work done, and that in 
council he not only sedulously labors himself, but that by his 
counsel he keeps others employed. Therein lies the secret of 
his potency. 

This influential member of the Upper House was born in the 
city of New York in 1793. Receiving a liberal education, he 
embraced the law as a profession, and, on arriving at his major- 
ity, sought the city of New Orleans as the field upon which he 
would strive for eminence. The Crescent City has long been 
celebrated for the talents of its bar; and among its most steady 
lights Mr. Slidell soon enrolled himself. His success is accounted 
rare, considering what he had to encounter ; but it is a notable 
fact that, after a few years' competition with the ablest men, he 
achieved so distinguished a success as to render his opinion or ser- 
vices necessary to every important cause, on one side or the other. 

Mr. Slidell's Democracy being as decided as his talents. Presi- 
dent Jackson bestowed upon him his first public position, in the 
appointment to the office of United States District Attorney at 
New Orleans. Such an appointment was precisely the kind of 
recognition a practical, thoughtful man like Mr. Slidell would 
desire, and was thoroughly illustrative of the discrimination 
so characteristic of General Jackson. In this connection it is 



440 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

gratifying to remark that My. Slidell took the initiative in urging 
upon Congress the reimbursement of the fine on Jackson for 
alleged violations of law during his movements in and about 
New Orleans in the second war with Great Britain. 

After frequent service in the Legislature of Louisiana, 3Ir. 
Slidell's political capacity pointed him out for national distinc- 
tion, and he was sent as a llepresentative to the Twenty-Eighth 
Congress. In this wider arena, his expertness and foresight in 
emergencies gave him an indisputable advantage, which his clear- 
ness and coolness in debate turned to the best possible account 
for his party. The effect of these characteristics was not lost 
upon President Polk, and that statesman selected the member 
from Louisiana as Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extra- 
ordinary to Mexico. 

Our affairs with Mexico had arrived at an imminent point. 
General Taylor, who had the largest portion of the regular army 
concentrated at Corpus Christi for the protection of Texas, had 
been ordered by the War Department to the left bank of the Eio 
Grande. He was there. The Mexican generals on the frontier, 
Meja, Ampudia, and Arista, protested against the advance of 
Taylor, declaring it a hostile move. Our Government claimed 
that Texas extended to the Rio Grande, while the Mexicans 
recognised the Nueces as the boundary of the new American 
State. Before commencing actual hostilities. President Polk 
was anxious to do all that was possible to preserve peace; and, a 
somewhat similar disposition having been manifested by the 
Mexican Government, Mr. Slidell was accredited on the import- 
ant and delicate mission. The American Government, placing 
itself on the Monroe doctrine, in favor of any desirable under- 
standing between the nations of the continent of America, and 
against any European interference in the settlement of their dif- 
ficulties, instructed Mr. Slidell — through Mr. Buchanan, then 
Secretary of State — to reject any proposition of mediation on the 
part of a European Power. The mission was not productive 
of the result which the President desired. After considerable 
discussion, the Mexican Government did not see fit to receive 
our envoy ; and Mr. Slidell, after the failure of his efforts to 
bring about an amicable settlement of the points in dispute, 
demanded his passports and returned home. 



JOHN SLIDELL. 441 

The reputation of Mr. Slidell, and the interest which it was 
well known that he felt in the elevation of Central and South 
America in the scale of nationality, induced President Pierce to 
tender to him the mission to Central America. The offer was, 
however, gracefully declined, and when the seat of Mr. Pierre 
Soule was made vacant by his acceptance of the mission to the 
Court of Spain, Mr. Slidell was appointed to succeed him in the 
Senate of the United States for the unexpired term, at the end 
of which he was re-elected to the Senate for six years. 

In the Senate he is one of the marked and most prominent 
men. "Whether in committee or in the open chamber, the 
opinion of no member has more weight than his. Devoted to 
the interests and the development of the resources of Louisiana, 
he is not less zealous in support of measures which have a 
national importance. Early in 1855 \e succeeded in accomplish- 
ing the passage of an appropriation for the purchase of a site and 
the erection and completion of military defences at Proctor's Land- 
ing, at the terminus of the Mexican Gulf Railway, in Louisiana. 

Among his labors in behalf of his State, some are especially 
noteworthy, as embracing subjects of general interest. 

The sugar-crop of Louisiana for several years had fallen off 
from over four hundred and sixty thousand hogsheads to pro- 
bably not more than one hundred and twenty thousand, — the 
estimate for 1856. One cause of great apprehension on the part 
of the planters of Louisiana was the supposed deterioration of 
the cane. The cane cannot be raised from seed, but the cane 
itself must be planted, the plant germinating from the eyes of 
the cane. It was necessary to introduce new plants; and, in 
order to do this conveniently, it was requisite that vessels should 
be allowed to proceed at once to the plantations where the canes 
were to be planted, so as to avoid the injury resulting from fre- 
quent handling. At the instance of Senator Slidell, the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury expressed a willingness to aid in the matter, 
but had no authority in himself to do so. Through Senator 
Slidell's influence, a joint resolution — prepared by Secretary 
Guthrie at the desire of the Senator from Louisiana — to allow 
vessels to proceed at once to transfer cargoes of sugarcane to the 
plantations where they were to be used, was introduced on the 
26th of June, 1856. and passed. In connection with this mea- 



442 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

sure, so important to Soiitliern interests, he followed it with a 
resolution — which w^as agreed to — requiring the Committee on 
Agriculture to inquire into the expediency of making a specific 
appropriation of seed-sugarcane for gratuitous distribution to thj 
sugar-{)lanters. 

Mr. Slidcll introduced the bill appropriating ^300,000 for the 
purpose of opening and keeping open ship-channels, of sufficient 
capacity to accommodate the wants of commerce, through the 
Southwest Pass and Pass a I'Outre, leading from the Mississippi 
lliver into the Gulf of Mexico. The bill also proposed to appro, 
priate $330,000 for continuing the improvement of the channels 
at the mouths of the ^Mississippi Eiver, — the money in both cases 
to be expended by the Secretary of War. The bills passed, but 
were vetoed (May 19, 185G) by President Pierce. The Presi- 
dent held that the Constitution did not confer power on the 
General Government to make such appropriations, and that the 
assumption of authority to commence and carry on a general sys- 
tem of internal improvements was in other respects prejudicial to 
the several interests and inconsistent with the true relations one 
to another of the Union and the States. 

In fulfilment of the constitutional re((uirement that a vetoed 
bill shall be reconsidered in the House in which it was originated, 
the "Mississippi River Bill" was made the subject of interesting 
discussion. Senator Toombs addressed the Senate in support of 
the President and in opposition to the constitutionality and 
expediency ofw^orks of internal improvement. Senator Benjamin 
was in favor of the bill. The condition of the admission of 
Louisiana into the Union was that no tonnage-tax should ever 
be charged on the Mississippi Biver. An appropriation was 
necessary to keep the channel open, as being common to all the 
Territories of the United States: the navigation of the mouth of 
the river cannot be taxed. Senator Butler held that there was 
nothing to prevent Mississippi, Arkansas, and Louisiana fr«ni 
entering into a compact to open it if they thought it important. 
Senator Crittenden thought that a Government which could col- 
lect money unlimitedly, and appropriate none of it for the im- 
provement of the country, was in a poor condition. The reason 
in reference to the building of fortifications was to him equally 
forci])le for the making of advantageous improvements at any 



JOHN SLIDELL. 41:0 

point of the country. Mr. Toombs held that, as the bill legis- 
lated for a portion only of the country, the whole people ought 
not to pay for it. Senator Weller, of California, thought that 
Toombs's doctrines would make the Government an impracticable 
machine. Senator Bell, of Tennessee, spoke in favor of removing 
the river-obstructions, considering the vast valley and the whole 
interior between the Rocky Mountains and the Alleghanies that 
was interested. Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, would vote 
for any measure of this character. We had the largest tonnage 
in the world; and he believed it to be the duty of the Govern- 
ment — on the Atlantic coast, on the Gulf coast, on the lakes, on 
the PacijQc — to protect and defend our commerce. Senator 
Mason, of Virginia, defended the veto at considerable length, and 
was gratified that the President had exercised his constitutional 
duty in sending the bill back to Congress. Senator Cass, at con- 
siderable length, opposed the veto and the views of the President 
in reference to the bill under debate, and the general policy inti- 
mated by him with reference to appropriations for river and harbor 
improvements. 

AYhile Senator Slidell had never doubted that a general system 
of internal improvements not of a national character was at vari- 
ance with the spirit of the Constitution, he found great difficulty 
in defining the line where the national character of improvements 
ceased and the local character began. Such a line was neces- 
sarily shadowy and arbitrary, varying according to the latitude 
of individual opinion. He had regarded certain expressions of 
the President, in his message of the 30th of December, 1854, 
as tantamount to an intention to give his assent to appropriations 
for river or harbor improvements. On this impression he had 
acted. He found nothing in the present veto message to change or 
even qualify his opinion as to the constitutionality or expediency 
of his bill. It was eminently national. He instanced the fact 
that the great apostle of strict construction — Mr. Calhoun — ad- 
mitted by his vote in March, 1847, the constitutionality and. 
expediency of an appropriation for the improvement of the Ohio 
River, below the falls at Louisville, and that at the celebrated 
Memphis Convention, where his views were given at great 
length, he declared appropriations for the improvement of rivers 
running through three or more States to be constitutional. 



444 LIVING JlI.lllESENTATlVE MKN. 

Senator Slidell reminded the Senator that the Mississippi was 
the natural outlet, wholly or partially, to the ocean, of fourteen 
States and three Territories, and that a commerce of more than 
two hundred millions passed over the river which his bill intended 
to deepen. Though according all respect to the President as the 
official leader of the party to which Mr. Slidell had been consist- 
ently and steadfastly attached, he regretted the implied slurs on 
Democratic Senators in the veto, and repudiated them as un- 
founded in fact. The Senate — July 7, 185G — passed the bill 
by yeas 31, nays 21; and the House did the same on the next 
day. 

Senator Slidell is not in favor of reopening the African slave- 
trade, and has taken pains to have himself set right before the 
country on this question. In the first session of the Thirty- 
Third Congress, Senator Slidell submitted a resolution recom- 
mending the abrogation of the eighth article of the x\shburton 
Treaty, providing for the maintenance of a naval force on the 
coast of Africa for the suppression of the slave-trade. This having 
occupied the executive session and the Committee on Foreign 
Relations, and the course of the Senator from Louisiana having 
been often misrepresented by report stating that he had intro- 
duced an entering wedge for the re-establishment of the Afri- 
can slave-trade, he, on the 26th of June, 1856, denied the truth 
of the rumors, and, by permission of the Senate, quoted a brief 
report made by him on the subject on the 13th of June, 1854. 

After stating the terms of the treaty, Mr. Slidell's report 
enumerates the immense cost of life and money, with the trifling 
result, of the squadrons on the coast of Africa. The United 
States contingent was four vessels and eighty guns, at an annual 
cost of about $10,000 per gun. France had had herself released 
from the original terms of the compact with Great Britain. The 
select committee of the House of Commons, appointed to investi- 
gate the question, elicited the fact that the present system was 
futile, that the slave-trade was not regulated by the squadron, 
but was dependent on the commercial demand for slaves, and 
that the total result during twelve years was the capture of four- 
teen slavers ; after which statements, the report says : — 

"The African slave-trade has, it is believed, been entirely suppressed 
in Brazil ; and in this hemisphere the remaining colonies of Spain — Cuba 



JOHN SLIDELL. 445 

and Porto Rico — are its only marts. Your committee tbink that, if the 
American flag be still employed in this nefarious traflfic, now prohibited by 
every Christian nation and surreptitiously tolerated by Spain alone, the 
abuse can be more efficiently corrected by the employment of our cruisers 
in the vicinity of those islands. 

"It would seem to be almost superfluous on the part of your commit- 
tee to say that, in recommending the adoption of the resolution under 
consideration, they repudiate the most remote intention of relaxing, in 
any degree, the stringency of our legislation on the subject of the Afri- 
can slave-trade. Its continuance, while it is so justly odious on moral 
grounds, is in every way prejudicial to our commercial and agricultural 
interests." 

Among otlier matters of interest initiated by Mr. Slidell were 
the publication of the report of the Japan Expedition ; a move- 
ment in favor of Americans abroad being privileged to worship, 
marry, and bury their dead according to the dictates of their 
own consciences ; and a resolution for making some permanent 
provision to recompense those who may rescue the lives of pas- 
sengers and crews of American vessels. 

In the Thirty-Fifth Congress the increasing power of the 
Senator from Louisiana was felt in the discussion of the leadins: 
Administration measures. In the exciting debate which lasted 
through the night of the 15th of March and up to half-past six 
of the follov;ing morning, he participated and for some time pre- 
sided. On this occasion he gave his views on the Lecompton 
question. 

Senator Slidell had reluctantly voted for the bill of February, 
1856, not because he disapproved of the principle on which it 
was based, but because he was opposed to the admission of any 
new State until it had at least a population entitling it to one 
Representative in the House. He had yielded, however, to the 
expediency expressed by the majority, and especially to the judg- 
ment of Senator Douglas, "whom all," he said, "were then proud 
to recognise as the leader and champion." He voted for the 
admission of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution, and, in 
explanation, said he., had not then, and never had, any strong 
hope that slavery would be permanently established there. He 
based his course on the obligations assumed in 1854 and 1856, 
and thought that good faith demanded his advocacy of " Le- 
compton." Should Kansas be refused admission under that 

38 ^^ ^^ 



44G LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

instrument, lie would be convinced that, whatever might be 
the pretext, the real motive for her rejection was that she 
had presented a Constitution recognising slavery. This would 
be the unanimous interpretation of the South ; and the slave- 
holding States could have " no reliance for safety in the future 
but on stern, uncompromising adherence to the absolute, unqua- 
lified principle of non-intervention on the part of Congress in 
the question of Slavery." The case under discussion impera- 
tively demanded the application of this doctrine, because the 
" Lecomptonites" were contending for an abstract principle, 
while the " Anti-Lecomptonites" would derive all the party ad- 
vantages of the admission of Kansas. The principle might be 
barren of present benefit, but it was indispensable for future pro- 
tection. If Kansas was refused admission because slavery nomi- 
nally and temporarily existed there, what opposition might not 
be expected when a Territory in which it is a reality shall apply 
for admission into the Union ? Senator Slidell did not believe 
in the assurances constantly made that there was no reason for 
Southern apprehension. lie saw them constantly falsified by the 
votes of Senators; he saw the scale of political preponderancy 
rapidly gravitating in favor of free States ; and he had heard 
the prognostications of Senator Seward, to whom he paid a court- 
eous compliment, but in whose very moderation of manner he 
beheld a most dangerous enem3^ lie expressed his devotion to 
the Union and the Constitution, regarded with contempt the slang 
phrases with which Northern legislators attempt to stigmatize 
Southern men, and denounced those who desired to keep up agita- 
tion against the Lecompton Constitution as " plotting and unscru- 
pulous politicians." He would vote for the amendment of Sena- 
tor Pugli, recognising the right of the people of Kansas, with the 
assent of their Legislature, to alter, amend, or remodel their form 
of government within the demands of the Constitution of the 
United States. '' The amendment," said Senator Slidell, " will 
not be in any sense a Congressional interpretation of the Consti- 
tution of Kansas, but a mere declaration that it is not our pur- 
pose, even by implication, to impair or limit the rights of the 
people of that State." 

On this exciting topic the number of speeches on all sides was 
immense ; and, amidst the mass that then issued from the press, 



JOHN SLIDELL. 447 

tlie speecli of the Senator from Louisiana stands almost alone in 
its commendable brevity. He addressed himself with new force 
to the purpose of the bill, and, having made up his mind, stated 
his position clearly and emphatically. Senator Slidell's finest 
efibrt during the session undoubtedly was his erudite review of 
the Neutrality Laws, on the 8th of April, 1858, induced by a 
discussion on the presentation of a medal to Commodore Paul- 
ding for the capture of General Walker, of Nicaragua. The 
direct occasion of the speech was an amendment offered by Sena- 
tor Slidell to the report of the Committee on Foreign Relations. 
This amendment authorized the President, during any recess of 
Congress, to suspend, for not more than a year, by proclamation, 
in whole or in part, the operation of the Act of April 20, 1818, 
if he deemed the public interests required it. 

The Senator held that the Act of 1818 was not an enforcement 
of the law of nations, but a restraint upon what, without it, would 
have been lawful and, in many instances, meritorious actions of 
American citizens. The Queen of England, in Council, can 
always suspend the Foreign-Enlistment Laws or prevent the 
shipment of arms and military stores ; and this power he desired 
to confer on the President when Congress was not in session, 
and then only when actual war existed between the Powers in 
reference to which the suspension was to operate. 

In an historical point of view, the argument of the Senator was 
particularly interesting and instructive. A thousand examples 
might be given of the armed intervention of organized bands of 
citizens of a neutral State in the civil and other wars in Europe 
and America, without its being considered a casus belli with the 
Power whose citizens had thus interfered. Following Senator 
Slidell, a resume of the more important cases may usefully be 
introduced here for future reference. 

Switzerland luis at all times permitted entire regiments and 
brigades to be enlisted within her territory for foreign bellige- 
rent States, and the cantons have frequently had their citizens 
regularly organized in the ranks of both the contending 
parties. Elizabeth permitted troops to be raised in England 
for the assistance of the Netherlands in the contest with Spain, 
although she was at peace with that Power. Charles the First 
authorized the enlistment of six thousand men for Gustavus 



448 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

Adolplms; and Major Dalgetty, immortalized by the author of 
*^ Waverley," was but the type of hundreds of soldiers of fortune 
who, in those days, espoused the causes of various sovereigns 
through political or religious sympathy or the inducement of 
money. Service in foreign wars was then considered a graceful 
complement of the education of a gentleman. During the pro- 
tracted struggle between Spain and her revolted colonies on this 
continent, several thousand men were raised in Great Britain 
and Ireland to aid the revolutionists. An entire legion, com- 
manded by General Devereux, completely organized, armed, and 
equipped, sailed ; and, although its destination was proclaimed to 
all the world, the English Government did not interrupt it. 
General Evans, then a member of Parliament from Westminster 
and an officer in the British army, raised from five to six thou- 
sand troops in England, organized them under the title of the 
" British Legion," and played a distinguished part in the Carlist 
AVar. He retained his commission and his seat in Parliament, 
and very many of his officers held commissions in the British 
army and regularly received their half-pay during the term of 
their service in Spain. Sir Robert Wilson was one of them, and 
at the same time retained his seat in Parliament. During the 
Greek War of Independence, and after the passage of our Neu- 
trality Laws, levies of troops and contributions of money were 
made both in England and the L^nited States. Two frigates 
were built in New York for the Greeks, and, the fund for 
equipping them falling short, one of them was purchased by our 
Government — and this under authority of act of Congress — to 
enable the other to be despatched. In 1832, Captain Sartorius, 
of the British navy, was made a Portuguese admiral, and openly 
fitted out a squadron, officered chiefly by gentlemen holding 
commissions in the British navy, and manned by British sub- 
jects, for the service of Don Pedro in the war against Don 
IMiguel. Napier, then a captain in the British navy, and since 
the commander of the Baltic fleet in the war with Russia, suc- 
ceeded Sartorius and captured Miguel's fleet. A large land- 
force, also of British subjects, took part in the war, under Sir 
Milly Doyle, M.P. 

In the debate on the Foreign-Enlistment Bill, June, 1819, 
Lord Lansdowne said all history sustained him in asserting 



JOHN SLIDELL. 449 

that the bill then passed was the first to establish the principle 
that the subjects of one State could not, privately and individually, 
assist those of another, when their respective Potentates were 
not at war. For the last four centuries there never was a period 
when British subjects were not thus engaged, and no Grovern- 
ment had interfered to prevent them. We have seen — adds 
Senator Slidell — that England, whenever it suits her policy, not 
only authorizes, but encourages, her subjects to take part in 
foreign wars. She twice or thrice suspended the execution of 
the Foreign-Enlistment Law, and will do so again whenever a suf- 
ficient motive offers. We alone have adopted the suicidal policy 
of so manacling ourselves that a law-abiding Executive cannot 
free us from our self-imposed fetters, although the best interests 
of the country may demand it.* 

While Mr. Slidell maintained that Walker might legally have 
been arrested, not only on the high seas, but in the waters 
of Nicaragua, he condemned Commodore Paulding, as having 
'' shown himself unequal to the delicate and responsible duties 
of his late command." He was especially severe on the career 
of General Walker in Nicaragua, which drew from the latter 
gentleman a brief note denying the ^'insinuations" and "facts" 
contained in the speech. 

In this speech Senator Slidell alluded to the change that had 
taken place in his views as to the means of acquiring Cuba. Four 
years previous he had moved the suspension of the Neutrality 
Laws, with a view toward Cuban action. Circumstances had 
changed, and public policy should accommodate itself to them. 
He now believed that all means of obtaining Cuba, other than ne- 
gotiation, ought to be abandoned, and in the following session, on 
the 10th of January, 1859, introduced the famous bill into the 
Senate, proposing to make an appropriation of thirty millions of 
dollars, " to facilitate the acquisition of the island of Cuba by 
negotiation," and, on the 24th, brought in an elaborate and able 
report from the Committee on Foreign Relations in favor of the 
measure. 

After having agitated the political world to a high state of 
party excitement, pro and con, for a month, it was withdrawn by 



* See <'Cong. Globe/' 1st session of Thirty-Fifth Congress, Part 2, p. 1541. 
2 D 3S« 



450 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE ^TEN. 

the introducer on the 26th of February. He gave as a reason that 
Senators on the other side who had announced their determination 
to speak, had nevertheless, when requested to do so, refused obsti- 
nately either to speak or to vote, and evinced a settled purpose, by 
a series of dilatory manoeuvres, to prevent any final action upon 
the bill. On the night previous, the Senator from Mississippi, 
(Mr. Brown,) a supporter of the bill, moved to lay it on the 
table, declaring at the same time that he should vote against his 
own motion, his object being to obtain a test vote. That vote 
resulted in the refusal of the Senate to lay the bill on the table, 
by a vote of 30 to 18, — thus establishing a clear majority of 12 
in favor of the principle of the bill. Senator Slidell was thus 
satisfied that the bill could not be pressed to a vote unless by the 
sacrifice of the appropriation bills, thereby necessitating the call- 
ing of an extra session. On consultation with many friends of 
the bill, he found that they very generally concurred with him 
in the opinion that it would be injudicious to call it up again, 
considering that the sense of the Senate had been expressed 
with as much distinctness as if there had been a final vote on the 
bill. He gave notice, however, that he should again present this 
bill on the very first day of the next session of Congress, when, 
in accordance with the rules of the Senate, he could call it up. 

Senator Slidell is not a frequent, but a forcible, speaker, and 
studies lucidity rather than length. As a member of the Com- 
mittees of Naval Afiairs and Foreign llelations, he is said to be 
exceedingly efficient. The reports known to be his are highly 
creditable to his statesmanship. As a fiualicial lawyer he enjoys 
a prominent reputation; and in the monetary crisis of 1857, his 
presence, as chairman, on the special committee on the condition 
of the banks, gave great satisfaction to the clamorous newspapers. 
His mind is acute and full of resources, and his manner bold and 
decisive. 



ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 451 



ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS, 

OF GEORGIA. 

The bright and graphic author of " The Bee-Hunter"* truly 
says that Mr. Stephens is the most prominent man intellectually, 
and the most remarkable man physically, of the few remaining 
celebrities to be met with in Washington during the session of 
Congress. An invalid from childhood, the fearful effect of suf- 
fering is seen in his singularly delicate frame, in his pale attenu- 
ated face, and in his feeble walk. But, if the case of the lantern 
is slender, the light it holds is brilliant. A first introduction to 
Mr. Stephens startles you, and it is difficult, if not impossible, to 
realize that there stands before you a man deservedly famous for 
his triumphs at the bar and the forum, — that one so frail could, 
by the strength of his intellect, give character to, by impressing 
himself upon, the legislation of a great nation. Soon, however, 
you feel the effect of the power which has accomplished these 
things; and his conversation, springing from the simplicity of 
his manner in a clear and bright stream, carries you on with an 
accumulating freight of anecdote and incident, broad views and 
bright speculations. 

Alexander H. Stephens was born in that part of Wilkes which 
was afterward cut off to form Taliaferro County, Georgia, on 
the 11th of February, 1812. His grandfather, an Englishman, 
was an ardent Jacobite. He came to America some time between 
1745 and 1750, was in the Colonial forces at Braddock's defeat, 
in time joined the American army, was an active participant in 
the Revolutionary struggle, and at the close of his service settled 
in Pennsylvania. In the year 1795 he went to Georgia, and 

* T. B. Thorpe, Esq., who kindly furnished a sketch of which I have largely- 
availed myself, especially as regards the life of Mr. Stephens previous to his 
Congressional career. 



452 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

settled first in Elbert County, then in AVilkes, on Kettle Creek, 
where he remained until 1805, when he again removed to the 
place where the subject of this sketch was born. Here he spent 
the rest of his days. The father of Alexander, whose name was 
Andrew B., was a man of limited means but persistent industry, 
and maintained a high standing in the neighborhood for his un- 
usual probity. lie did not long enjoy the example of this just and 
upright man. Having been deprived of the fond care of his mo- 
ther, Margaret Grier, in infancy, he suffered the loss of his father 
in boyhood. The solicitude and nourishment which would have 
made a strong boy of him were debarred in childhood; and that 
directing care which moulds the youth into man was lost in boy- 
hood, lie was left an orphan at the age of fourteen : his home, 
where his grandfather, father, and mother had died, was sold for 
distribution, and four hundred and forty-four dollars constituted 
the amount of his patrimony. Dependent almost entirely on 
himself, his future looked dim enough; and who would have 
dreamed that the sickly, emaciated boy would loom up from the 
dreary hearthstone of that desolated homestead into the councils 
of the nation and the brotherhood of the famous ? 

Previous to his father's death he had regularly attended the 
^' neighborhood" school; and now, by the kindness of an uncle, 
he was enabled to continue such limited studies as such a school 
afforded. Having more brain than body, the ambition to excel 
disclosed itself by degrees, and the boy conceived the idea of 
securing a classical education. The lack of money to accomplish 
this presented an obstacle which was fortunately removed by the 
impression he must have made on some friends, who kindly came 
to his aid and furnished the funds, which, however, he would 
accept only as a loan. Thus encouraged, he set to work by him- 
self. Commencing the Latin language with only the rudiments 
of the plainest English education, he in nine months qualified 
himself for the Freshman Class, and entered the University of 
^Georgia. After the usual course of four years, he was graduated, 
in 1832, with the highest honors, the record of which is exhibited 
with pride by the. present ofiicers of the institution. 

Having a high sense of personal independence, Mr. Stephens's 
next desire was to repay the obligations he had contracted in 
the prosecution of his studies, and, as the most available way, 



ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 453 

made the education he had received refund the means by which 
it had been accomplished : he became a teacher, and for fifteen 
months went through the not over-estimated horrors of that 
unappreciated though honorable profession, earning in that period 
sufficient money to liquidate his debts. The effect of such aj^pli- 
cation on one who had been an invalid from birth may be ima- 
gined : suffice it to say, he was utterly prostrated, had to quit all 
active duty, and seek relief and refreshment in travel. 

Somewhat improved in health, he returned to work out his 
destiny, having set his mind on the law as a profession, and com- 
menced its study in the month of April, 1834, in a manner cha- 
racteristic of the discipline and concentration of his intellect. 
He prepared himself for law without any adviser or instructor. 
He did not study under any profound jurist or graduate from the 
office of any expounder of Coke upon Littleton. Shutting him- 
self up with his text-books, he reappeared at the end of ninety 
days and presented himself for admission to the practice of the 
bar. He was examined, before the Hon. William H. Crawford, 
by the present Chief-Justice (Lumpkin) of Georgia, was admitted, 
and received from those eminent men the highest compliments 
for the manner in which he had acquitted himself. 

About this period in his life, an incident occurred not unwor- 
thy of note, as it illustrates his then condition and prospects. 
He wished to purchase a pocket-book to keep his papers in. The 
dealer, being rather a close man, and supposing the young lawyer 
had no money, hesitated about a credit. This, however, had not 
been asked : when the price was known, the cash was paid for it, 
and he has carried it about him ever since, sometimes referring 
to their first meeting with singular pleasure, and having an affec- 
tion for it as the companion and, to some extent, care-taker of his 
progressive successes. 

But the antecedents of Mr. Stephens in his studies were typi- 
cal of the successes which were to wait upon him. 

Soon after his admission — about ten days — he was engaged in 
a case of great responsibility. A wealthy man was guardian of 
his grandchild, its mother having married a second time. After 
a while the mother desired possession of the child; but her claim 
was resisted by the grandfather as legal guardian. The stepfather, 
desiring to please his wife, consulted young Stephens and retained 



454 LIVING REPRESENTATIVK MEX. 

him as counsel to set aside the guardianship. The trial came 
off before five judges^ no jury being called. Owing to the 
respectability of the parties, and the novel spectacle of a sickly 
boy, without any practical experience in the law, contending 
with the veterans of the bar, the case attracted unusual atten- 
tion. The result was a great victory for Stephens and the resto- 
ration of the child to its mother. This success at once gave 
Stephens a prominent position, and he was retained thencefor- 
w^ard on one side or the other of every important case in the 
count}^ 

From diifereut parts of the State inducements were held out 
to determine him in the selection of a permanent location. These 
cordial evidences of the appreciation in which his rising genius 
was already held could not have been other than very flattering 
to him ; but he rejected all offers, and assured the friends of his 
boyhood, much to their satisfaction, that he would remain among 
them, and, as soon as he was able, would purchase back the old 
homestead on which he was born, and there spend and end his 
days. 

In 1836, against his wishes, he was nominated by his friends 
for the Legislature, and was triumphantly returned against a 
bitter opposition. He signalized his appearance as a legislator 
in the advocacy of the bill for the construction of the Western 
and Atlantic Railroad, connecting the point now known as At- 
lanta with Chattanooga, in Tennessee. It was on this he made 
his maiden speech as a legislator, — a speech whose fiime spread 
far and wide over the country, and which is spoken of to this 
day, by citizens of Georgia, in terms of unmeasured eulogy. To 
the powerful arguments employed by him in this celebrated ap- 
peal to the patriotism of his fellow-members, the success of this 
project, which was carried through the Legislature, and which 
has placed Georgia in the van of her sister States of the South 
in these wonderful modes of improvement, is mainly attributable. 
During the six years which he remained in the Legislature he 
was very prominent, particularly in all measures relating to the 
finances and credit of the State, internal improvements, and edu- 
cation. On all matters relating to the judiciary and the Consti- 
tution he took a conspicuous part. Not long after he became a 
member, a bill was introduced providing for the call of a State 



ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 455 

Convention to amend the Constitution. This he opposed almost 
solitary and alone, upon the ground that the Legislature could 
not call a convention for such a purpose. The Constitution of 
the State declared that it should only be amended by a bill 
passed by two-thirds of each branch of the Legislature at two 
consecutive sessions. Stephens took the ground that when a 
Constitution is silent upon the mode of its amendment, the 
Legislature can call a convention ; that when a Constitution 
points out a particular mode in which it may be amended, with- 
out excluding other modes, the Legislature may adopt some other 
mode than that pointed out ; but that when a Constitution pro- 
vides a mode for its amendment, and prohibits all other modes, 
that mode only can be taken w^hich is indicated. Jenkins, Craw- 
ford, Howard, and all the other leading men took the opposite 
side and voted for a convention. The general opinion then was 
that the convention could be called; and it was called by an 
overwhelming majority, which passed some amendments, but 
they were never ratified by the people. At this time it is believed 
that the views taken by Mr. Stephens in the discussion on this 
subject are held by most of the public men in Georgia to have 
been correct. 

He opposed the organization of the Court of Errors, believing 
that the judiciary as established was the best in the world, and 
that the change would only multiply difficulties without adding 
any certainty to the administration of the law. The bill was not 
passed while he was in the Legislature. 

In 1839, Mr. Stephens appeared for the first time before a 
public audience in Charleston, South Carolina, in his capacity 
of delegate to the Commercial Convention, composed of distin- 
guished representatives from the Southern States of the Union. 
The meeting was held at the theatre, at that time the most com- 
modious edifice in the city for the purpose. The delegates occupied 
the pit and so many of the boxes of the first and second tiers as 
were necessary to accommodate them. The rest of the building 
was crowded to its utmost capacity by a brilliant, intelligent, and 
fashionable audience, composed of ladies and gentlemen. The 
subject under discussion was the importance of a direct Southern 
trade with Great Britain, and the best mode of awakening public 
attention to the subject. On the first point there was great 



456 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

unanimity of opinion in the Convention ; but on the second — 
the mode of action — the views of members widely differed, and 
Georgia and South Carolina, as has too often been the case in 
their past history, were opposed to each other. General Haync, 
General Hamilton, Major Filder, Hon. William C. Preston, and 
other distinguished Carolinians, had already addressed the Con- 
vention in speeches of great splendor and eloquence, advocating- 
a particular line of policy. At length an individual arose in one 
of the boxes, the tones of whose voice were rich and penetrating 
as those of "the Swedish Nightingale." This personage — who, 
however celebrated in the State of Georgia, was not as yet so 
well known in South Carolina — was no other than Alexander H. 
Stephens. But "the hour and the man had come," and no one 
who heard that speech delivered can ever forget the electric 
effect produced by it. He had scarcely commenced speaking 
when every neck was extended, every eye and mouth opened, 
and every eye fixed, as if in mute wonder. The contrast which 
existed between his physical delicacy and his intellectual strength, 
between his masculine habit aud his mellifluous intonations, pro- 
duced the utmost astonishment, — a feeling which gradually sub- 
sided into intense admiration of his quick wit, his keen powers 
of analysis, his rapid generalizations, and his overwhelming 
replies. It was a bold proceeding in a stranger— though one in 
whose aspect mind triumphed over the grosser elements of the 
material frame — to measure swords with such antagonists as he 
encountered in that assembly ; but it was a still more memorable 
exploit to obtain, as he did, the victory over them in an argu- 
ment. The triumphant speech, in which he had snatched their 
laurels from the most brilliant orators of the occasion, was the 
topic of general comment and unmeasured applause; and he 
himself, though a modest and unassuming young man, became, 
wherever he appeared, " the observed of all observers." The 
delegates, collected from different and distant portions of the 
South, and who were enabled, for the first time, to appreciate his 
singular merits, on their return to their several homes contri- 
buted, by their enthusiastic account of his performance, to 
extend his fame to the remotest parts of the country. 

In 1842, he was elected to the State Senate, in which he 
opposed the Central Bank, and took an active part in the ques- 



ALEXANDER II. STEniEXS. 457 

tions of internal improvements and districting the State, which 
then divided parties. 

In 1843, he was nominated for Congress on a general ticket, 
and commenced the canvass with a majority of two thousand 
votes against him. He came out of the contest with thirty-five 
hundred majority. His entry into Congress was signalized by 
extraordinary circumstances. His right to a seat was disputed. 
Stephens, in the discussion that ensued, made a speech in favor 
of the power of Congress to district the State, though he was 
elected, in defiance of the law, on a general ticket, and then left 
the House to decide the question. They alone, under the Con- 
stitution of the United States, could judge of the qualifications 
and elections of its members. If they adjudged his election to 
be legal, then he was the one his constituents had chosen. The 
House decided that his election was legal, and he took his seat. 

Mr. Stephens was brought up in that school of Southern 
States-Rights men who sustained General Harrison in 1840, and 
was, up to that time, prominent in the Whig ranks; but, favor- 
ing the bill for the annexation of Texas, he, for the first time, 
on that occasion gave the Democracy the influence of his voice. 
He and a few others differed not only from his own party- 
friends, but from a majority of those on the other side. He and 
a few others were for the measure, on the condition that the 
rights of the South should be guaranteed in the bond of union. 
They held the balance of power in the House, and thus succeeded 
in having their resolutions passed, which secured the existing 
guarantee that four slave States should be carved out of the terri- 
tory and admitted into the Union, if the people should present 
such a Constitution on their application for admission. Mr. 
Stephens has recently given the only true history of these reso- 
lutions which has appeared. As he corrects Benton's statement, 
which has had a wide circulation, and defends Calhoun, I give 
the interesting episode : — 

"Colonel Benton, in his 'Thirty Years' View,' quotes them at length, 
and says they were introduced at an early day of the session. He says 
they ' were sent down from the State Department.' In this he makes 
one of his flings at Mr. Calhoun, who was then at the head of that Depart- 
ment. This is, in every essential particular, a mistake. These resolu- 
tions were not introduced at an early day of the session. Congress met on 

39 



458 LIVING llEPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

the 2a day of December, 1844 ; on the 12th of that month, Mr. Charles J. 
IngersoU, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, introduced the 
Administration measure. After that th^re were six other plans of annex- 
ation introduced before the resolutions which finally passed were offered. 
They were presented by Mr. ^Milton Brown, of Tennessee, on the 13th of 
January, 1845, He and I consulted frequently together. We agreed in 
our views. We could not support any one of the plans submitted, but 
were anxious for the measure to succeed on the terms I have stated. lie 
drew up the resolutions embodying our views, securing the settlement of 
the vexed question, and the guarantee as to the four future slave States 
gouth of the Missouri line, just as they passed. Neither Mr. Calhoun nor 
Mr. Tyler ever saw the resolutions until they were offered to the House ; 
and I doubt if any other person did, except iSIr. Brown, myself, and Hon. 
Ephraim H. Foster, one of the Senators of Tennessee. Mr. Brown in- 
formed me that Mr. Foster concurred fully in our views, and would pre- 
sent the same resolutions in the Senate on the same day, which he 
did, remarking at the time that he had neither consulted nor conversed 
with any other Senator in relation to them. As for the phraseology of 
the resolutions, that is due entirely to Mr. Brown ; but for the substance 
I feel fully justified in saying that we are both jointly and equally respon- 
sible. My course in the matter was taken not without some doubt and 
distrust that it might be wrong, as so much talent, age, experience, and 
worth were arrayed against it: hence you may imagine the gratification 
1 felt, six years after, when Mr. Webster, in his celebrated 7th of March 
speech, fully admitted the constitutionality of the annexation and the 
binding obligation of the guarantees therein secured. The recognised 
constitutional expounder and one of the leaders of the opponents of the 
measure, though not in official position at the time it passed, lived to 
give the constitutional question involved the sanction of his high author- 
ity ; and now few men of any party or any creed raise a point upon the 
subject."* 

Mr. Stephens held the same views as Mr. Calhoun regarding 
the Mexican War, and was opposed to advancing the American 
troops into Mexico; but when the war actually commenced, and 
the national character was at stake, he sustained it with the vigor 
characteristic of him. In the Presidential contest which fol- 
lowed between Generals Taylor and Cass, he supported the 
former. On the Compromise measures of 1850, Mr. Stephens 
expressed his willingness to support any measure that did 
away with Congressional restriction, leaving th« Territories to 
come into the Union with or without slavery. In 1854, he 

*■ Speech of Mr. Stephens at Augusta, July 2, 1859. 



ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 459 

was the eloquent advocate of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill^ for 
the purpose of carrjnng out the principle advanced in the 
Utah and New Mexico Bills of 1850. His . speech on the 
17th of February, 1854, which was regarded as the exposition 
of the Administration doctrines in the House, was a splendid 
effort, and justly attracted remark. Following up the mea- 
sures of 1850, he said that "the whole question of slavery or 
no slavery was to be left to the people of the Territories, whether 
north or south of 36° 30', or any other line. The question was 
to be taken out of Congress, where it had been improperly thrust 
from the beginning, and to be left to the people concerned in 
the matter to decide for themselves." This, he said, was the 
position originally held by the South when the Missouri restric- 
tion was at first proposed. The principle upon which that posi- 
tion rested lay at the very foundation of all our republican insti- 
tutions, and was that the citizens of every distinct and separate 
community or State should have the right to govern themselves 
in their domestic matters as they pleased, and that they should 
be free from intermeddling restrictions and arbitrary dictation on 
such matters on the part of any power or Government in which 
they have no voice. It was out of a violation of this very prin- 
ciple, to a great extent, that the War of the Revolution sprung. 
He drew a parallel between the Restrictionists, or Free-Soilers, 
or those who hold that Congress ought to impose arbitrary man- 
dates upon the people of the Territories, whether the people be 
willing or not, and Lord North and his adherents in the British 
Parliament during his administration. They alike claimed the 
right to govern the Territories "in all cases whatsoever," notwith- 
standing the absence of Territorial representation. The doctrine 
of the South was the doctrine of the Whigs in 1775-76, and 
involved the principle that the citizens of every community 
should have a voice in their Grovernment. 

He emphatically asserted that the Compromise of 1850, so 
far as the Territorial question was concerned, " was based upon 
the truly republican and national policy of taking the disturbing 
element out of Congress, and leaving the whole question of sla- 
very in the Territories to the people, there to settle it for them- 
selves." In this spirit, he fervently called, in the name of the 
friends of the Nebraska Bill, upon the House and country to 



4(50 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

sustain these important measures of Territorial legislation."^ 
This was esteemed Mr. Stephens's greatest eflbrt in Congress 
up to that time. 

On the 17th of January, 1856, Mr. Stephens, in the House, 
reiterated these views, and again on the 27th of June of the 
same year, in a speech against the admission of Kansas under 
the Topeka Constitution. In the course of this speech, Mr. 
Stephens exhibited his ready power as a debater in an episode of 
great interest with the Hon. Lewis D. Campbell, of Ohio, who in- 
terrupted the brilliant Georgian with several queries. Mr, Camp- 
bell, desiring to nonplus Mr. Stephens, asked him why he did 
not appeal to the courts if he and his party regarded the eighth 
section of the Missouri Compromise as unconstitutional. *'Why, 
Mr, Speaker," said Stephens, " it was my first duty as a legislator, 
believing it to be wrong, to vote to repeal it: and I did so; 
[laughter;] and if Congress had not repealed it, and I had been 
personally affected by it in the Territory, then I might have 
had recourse to the courts." 

Again, after showing that Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson 
were opposed to the restriction of 1820, and that it was accepted 
by the South only as an alternative for the sake of peace and 
harmony, upon the principle of a division of the territory as pro- 
perty between the two sections, he reminded Mr, Campbell that 
his party had denounced every Northern man who had from 184G 
to 1850 desired to abide by it for the sake of peace, and said, — 

"If the gentleman wishes to know what tree brought forth that bitter 
fruit of which he spoke the other day, I will tell him. It was not the 
Kansas tree, but that old political Upas planted by Rufus King in 1820. 
It grew up ; it flourislied; and it sent its poisonous exhalations through- 
out this country till it came wellnigh extinguishing the life of the Re- 
public in 1850." 

Mr. Campbell: "That tree was planted when — (cries of "Order!" 
"Order!") — when slavery was first brought to the shores of America." 
(Cries of "Order!" "Order!") 

Mr. Stephens: "Well, then, Mr, Speaker, it is much older than the 
Kansas Bill. It was planted before the Government was formed. The 
Cons itution itself was grafted upon its stock. The condition of slavery 
of the African race, as it exists among us, is a 'fixed fact' in the Consti- 
tution. From this a tree has indeed sprung, bearing, however, uo 

* See ''Cong. Globe/' 1st Sess. 33d Congress. 



ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 461 

troubles or bitter fruits. It is the tree of national liberty, -which, by the 
culture of statesmen and patriots, has grown up and flourished, and is 
now sending its branches far and wide, laden with no fruit but national 
happiness, pros^perity, glory, and renown." 

Mr. Campbell: "Will the gentleman from Georgia read the preamble 
to the Constitution?" 

Mr. Stephens: "Yes; and I believe I ctui repeat it to him. It is in 
"order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic 
tranquillity " 

Mr. Campbell: "And secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
our posterity." 

Mr. Stephens; "Yes, sir; to themselves and their posterity, — not to 
the negroes and Africans. And what sort of liberty ? Constitutional 
liberty; that liberty which recognised the inferior condition of the 
African race among them; the liberty which we now enjoy; the liberty 
which all the States enjoyed at that time, save one, (for all were then 
slaveholding, except Massachusetts.) That is the sort of liberty. None 
of your Socialism liberty. None of your Fourierism liberty. Constitu- 
tional liberty, — ' law-and-order'-abiding liberty. That is the liberty which 
they meant to perpetuate."* 

lu 1855, Mr. Stephens undervfent a critical ordeal in fighting 
the "Know-Nothing organization," as in the commencement of 
the struggle he found all his early associates, for the first time, 
arrayed against him. lie felt himself to be in the right, and 
faltered not. In May of that year he addressed his fiimous letter 
to Hon. T. W. Thomas against the "Order." In it he gave 
his ideas of what true Americanism was, in contradistinction to 
the standard set up by the new party. True Americanism, as he 
understood it, was, like true Christianity, not confined to any 
particular nation or clime. It was not the product of the earth, 
but emanated from the head and heart. It looked upward, on- 
ward, and outward. Toleration of religion and the doctrine of 
the right of expatriation were distinguishing features of our Con- 
stitution ; and a vindication of the same principle was one of the 
causes of the second War of Independence. 

"The genuine disciples of 'true Americanism,'" said he, "like the 
genuine followers of the Cross, are those whose hearts are warmed and 
fired — purified, elevated, and ennobled — by those principles, doctrines, 
and precepts which characterize their respective systems. It is for this 
reason that a Kamtchatkan, a Briton, a Jew, or a Hindoo can be as good 
a Christian as any one born on 'Calvary's brow' or where the 'Sei'mon 

* See " Congressional Globe," 1st Sess. 34th Congress. 



462 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

on the IVIount' was preached. And, for the same reason, an Irishman, a 
Frenchman, a German, or a Russian can be as thoroughly 'American' as 
if he had been born within the walls of the old Independence Hall itself. 
Which was the ' true American,' Arnold or Hamilton? The one was a 
native, the other was an adopted son." 

The eifect of* tliis letter was overwhelming, and extended from 
Georgia to the adjoining States. His position was nobly sus- 
tained; for, commencing with three thousand majority against 
him in his own district, he came out of the struggle with nearly 
three thousand majority in his favor. 

In the Thirty-Fifth Congress, the issues of which so widely 
agitated the country, Mr. Stephens bore a distinguished part, 
and, from his position as Chairman of the Committee on Terri- 
tories, was particularly prominent on the leading topic of the day. 
His first duty was in response to the resolutions of respect to the 
memory of Senator Butler, of South Carolina. His brief but 
strongly-tinted picture of the Senator — who ''with the sense of 
age had the fire of youth," who, " scorning to wrangle, yet had a 
zeal for truth," and who, though mercurial in temperament and 
versatile in accomplishment, was chaste in thought and firm in 
principle— was one of the most characteristic tributes ever paid 
on such an occasion. 

In the debate on the Neutrality Laws consequent upon the 
arrest of General Walker by Commodore Paulding, Mr. Stephens 
disclaimed being in favor of the violation of public faith by either 
individuals or nations. He was not in favor of the abrogation 
of our Neutrality Laws so far as they express the laws of nations; 
but where a part of the law of 1818 admitted of a doubtful con- 
struction — as section eight did — he was for removing that doubt. 
The law should be clear and bej^ond a doubt. He admitted the 
right to arrest a fugitive; but General Walker was not a fugitive. 
He asserted, without fear of contradiction, that Walker was the 
only legitimately-elected President of Nicaragua by popular vote; 
and, as the matter stood, his judgment was that Walker should 
be put in a national ship, with all his men and property, and 
placed just where he had been before the commission of the 
outrage. 

President Buchanan's message recommending the admission 
of Kansas under the Lecomptou Constitution was transmitted to 



ALEXANDER 11. STEPHENS. 4G') 

the House on the 2d of February. Mr. Stephens moved to refer 
it to the Committee on Territories. Mr. Hughes, of Indiana, 
supported the views of the message, and moved to refer it to a 
committee of thirteen. This was too wholesale a mode of opera- 
tion for Mr. Harris, of Illinois, who offered an amendment for 
reference to a committee of fifteen and authorizing an inquiry 
into and a report upon all the facts connected with the framing 
of the Lecompton Constitution and the various elections held in 
Kansas. The House sat until half-past six on the morning of 
the Gth, through scenes of fruitless discussions, some violence, 
and perpetual roll-calling. On the 8th, Harris's motion passed, 
yeas, 114, nays. 111; and on the 11th, Speaker Orr announced 
the select committee as follows : — Messrs. Harris, of 111. ; Stephens, 
Ga.; Morrell, V t. ; Letcher, \^.', E. Wade, Ohio; Quitman, 
Miss.; Winslow, N.C.; Bennett, N.Y. ; White, Pa. ; Walbridge, 
Mich.; Anderson, Mo.; Stevenson, Ky. ; Adrain, N.J.; Bufiin- 
ton, Mass.; and Russell, N.Y. On the 10th of March, Mr. 
Ste2)hens brought in the majority report, and, it being objected to, 
took the responsibility of having it printed and placed before the 
country. The report concluded with a resolution 'Hhat Kansas 
ought to be admitted as a State into the Union under the 
Lecompton Constitution." He put it strictly upon the law of the 
case. If a majority of the people of Kansas were opposed to 
the Constitution, they ought to have gone to the polls and voted 
for dele2:ates to the Convention that formed the Constitution. 
If, from factious or other worse motives, they stayed away and 
took no part in the election, it was their own fault. The Con- 
stitution had been made in pursuance of law : it should be recog- 
nised as such ; and if the people, after they were admitted, did not 
like it, they could change it. Messrs. Harris and Adrain issued 
a counter report ; and the question continued to be the leading 
subject in the House as well as the Senate. The Lecomptonites 
of the Senate passed the bill on the 24th of March; and on 
April 1st, Mr. Stephens moved to take it up in the House. 
On the same day, Mr. Montgomery, of Pennsylvania, offered, 
as a substitute, the Crittenden bill (defeated in the Senate) as 
amended by the anti-Lecompton Democratic caucus. This was 
passed : yeas, 120, nays, 112. Then followed the contention 
between the Senate and the House until the 14th of April, when 



464 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

the House uc({uiesced to the demand of the Senate for a com- 
mittee of conference.* Mr. Stephens was appointed one of the 
managers on the part of the House; and the result of the con- 
ference was tlie "English Bill," which passed both branches on 
the 30th of April. The debates on this substitute were scarcely 
less exciting than those on the original Senate bill. My. Ste- 
])hens energetically supported it, and was mainly instrumental to 
its passage. His most noticeable appearance in the House was 
ill a discussion with Mr. H. Winter Davis, of ^laryland. In the 
heat of debate, all sides looked to Mr. Stephens. He expounded 
the views of his own party and replied to the queries and par- 
ried the attacks of the Opposition. When he arose, the House 
became still as if by an understood agreement. The crowd in the 
galleries inclined their heads forward, as if the motion of one 
man; and through the sudden calm the thin, shrill voice of the 
"gentleman from Georgia" arose, and expanded by degrees, until 
the sound and sense were so blended that you became satisfied 
there was no lack of breadth in either. The value placed upon 
the aid of Mr. Stephens by the Government may be understood 
from the tribute paid to his labors by the official organ after the 
passage of the bill : — 

" Cool, resolute, self-sacrificing, vigilant, and able, he has stood the 
Mentor of the body, equal to every demand upon his time and his intel- 
lect, — the champion of a noble principle, all the more dear to the people 
because, in its proposed application, its foundations must be laid beneath 
the quicksands of past legislations and in opposition to those powerful 
interests which errors of legislation on tlie subject of slavery fail to in- 
spire. There have been few instances in the history of the Government 
which have shown, in any one individual, higher qualities of statesman- 
ship — ability, firmness, patience, industry, and faithful devotion, in time 
and out of time, to a great principle and a just measure — than have been 
exhibited by the honorable member from Georgia." 

As Chairman of the Committee on Territories, Mr. Stephens 
introduced Minnesota and Oregon into the Union through the 
House of Ivepresentatives.f He was in favor of allowing three 



* See ante, under ''Crittenden," foi a circumstantial outline of action in the 
House from the introduction of the "Crittenden-Montgomery Bill." 

f Minnesota was admitted May 11, 185S, and Oregon on the 12th of Febru- 
ary, 1859. 



ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 465 

Representatives to sit from the former until the census was 
taken. On the admission of the latter State he made the most 
effective speech perhaps that he ever made in Congress. There 
was very strong opposition to the measure^ particularly from the 
South, his own section. His appeal to his Southern friends may 
illustrate his general views in relation to the principles of the 
Government more fully than any thing that has been yet said of 
him. This was his last speech. In it he said, — 

" Now, Mr. Speaker, on another and entirely different aspect of this 
question I have something special to say to another side of the House, — 
a distinct class in it. I mean the members coming from slaveholding 
States. There is evidently a feeling of opposition in that quarter to the 
admission of Oregon, from a reluctance and manifest indisposition to in- 
crease the number of what are called free States. This arises from an 
apprehension that, with the loss of the balance of power, the rights of 
our section upon constitutional questions will be less secure. This may 
be so. It does not, however, necessarily follow. But that balance is 
already gone, — lost by causes beyond your or my control. There is no 
prospect of its ever being regained ; and, in taking that ground, you do 
but reverse the position of our sectional opponents on the other side of 
the House. I know it is the tendency of power to encroach; but let us 
look to the security which rests upon principle rather than upon num- 
bers. The citadel of our defence is principle sustained by reason, truth, 
honor, and justice. Let us, therefore, do justice, though the heavens 
fall. 

" Let us not do an indirect wrong for fear that the recipient from our 
hands of what is properly due will turn upon us and injure us. States- 
men in the line of duty should never consult their fears. Where duty 
leads, there we may never fear to tread. In the political v.^orld great 
events and changes are rapidly crowding upon us. To these we should 
not be insensible. As wise men, we should not attempt to ignore 
them. We need not close our eyes, and suppose the sun will cease to 
shine because we see not tlie light. Let us rather, with eyes and minds 
wide awake, look around us and see where we are, whence we have come, 
and where we shall soon be, borne along by the rapid, swift, and irresist- 
ible car of time. This immense territory to the west has to be peopled. 
It is now peopling. New States are fast growing up, and others, not yet 
in embryo, will soon spring into existence. Progress and developniont 
mark every thing in nature, — human societies, as well as every thing 
else. Nothing in the physical world is still ; life and motion are in every 
thing; so in the mental, moral, and political. The earth is never still. 
The great central orb is ever moving. Progress is the universal law 
governing all things, — animate as well as inanimate. Death itself is but 
the beginning of a new life in a new foi'ui. Our Government and institu- 
2E 



466 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

tions are subject to this all-pervading power. The past wonderfully 
exemplifies its influence, and gives us some shadows of the future. 

" This is the sixteenth session that I have been here, and within that 
brief space of fifteen years we have added six States to the Union, — 
lacking but one of being more than half of the original thirteen. Upward 
of twelve hundred thousand square miles of territory — a much larger 
area than was possessed by the whole United States at the time of the 
treaty of peace in 1783 — have been added to our domain. At this time 
the area of our Republic is greater than that of any five of the greatest 
Powers in Europe, all combined ; greater than that of the Roman Em- 
pire in the brightest days of her glory ; more extensive than were Alex- 
ander's dominions when he stood on the Indus and wept that he had no 
more worlds to conquer. Such is our present position; nor are we yet 
at the end of our acquisitions. 

"Our internal movements, witliiu the same time, have not been less 
active in progress and development than those external. A bare glance 
at these will suffice. Our tonnage, when I first came to Congress, was 
but a little over two million ; now it is upward of five million, — more than 
double. Our exports of domestic manufactures were only eleven million 
dollars in round numbers ; now they are upward of thirty million. Our 
exports of domestic produce, staples, &c. were then under one hundred 
million dollars ; now they are upward of three hundred million ! The 
amount of coin in the United States was at that time about one hundred 
million; now it exceeds three hundred million. Tlie cotton crop then was 
but fifty-four million ; now it is upward of one hundred and sixty million 
dollars. We had then not more than five thousand miles of railroad in 
operation ; we have now not less than twenty-six thousand miles, — more 
than enough to encircle the globe, and at a cost of more than one thou- 
sand million dollars. At that time Professor Morse was engaged in one 
of the rooms of this Capitol in experimenting on his unperfected idea of 
an electric telegraph, — and there was as much doubt about his success as 
there is at present about the Atlantic cable, — but now there are more 
than thirty-five thousand miles in extent of these iron nerves sent forth 
in every direction through the land, connecting the most distant points, 
and uniting all together as if under the influence of a common living 
sensorium. This is but a glance at the surface: to enter within and 
take the range of other matters, — schools, colleges, the arts, and various 
mechanical and industrial pursuits, which add to the intelligence, wealth, 
and prosperity of a people and mark their course in the history of nations, 
— would require time'; but in all would be found alike astonishing results. 

" This progress, sir, is not to be arrested. It will go on. The end is 
not yet. There are persons now living who will see over a hundred mil- 
lion human beings within the present boundaries of the United States, — 
to say nothing of future extension, — and perhaps double the number of 
States we now have, should the Union last. For myself, I say to you, my 



ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. 4(37 

Southern colleagues on this floor, that I do not apprehend danger to our 
constitutional rights from the bare fact of increasing the number of States 
with institutions dissimilar to ours. The whole governmental fabric of 
the United States is based and founded upon the idea of dissimilarity in 
the institutions of the respective members. Principles, not numbers, are 
our protection. When these fail, we have, like all other people who, 
knowing their rights, dare maintain them, nothing to rely upon but the 
justice of our cause, our own right arms and stout hearts. With these 
feelings and this basis of action, whenever any State comes and asks ad- 
niis-ion as Oregon does, I am prepared to extend her the hand of welcome, 
without looking into her Constitution further than to see that it is repub- 
lican in form, upon our well-known American models. 

"When aggression comes, if come it ever shall, then the end draweth 
nigh. Then, if in my day, I shall be for resistance, open, bold, and defi- 
ant. I know of no allegiance superior to that due the hearthstones of the 
homestead. This I say to all. I lay no claim to any sentiment of nation- 
ality not founded upon the patriotism of a true heart, and I know of no 
such patriotism that does not centre at home. Like the enlarging circle 
upon the surface of smooth waters, however, this can and will, if unob- 
stiucted, extend to the utmost limits of a common country. Such is my 
nationality, — such my sectionalism, — such my patriotism. Our fathers 
of the South joined your fathers of the North in resistance to a common 
aggression from their fathei'land ; and if they were justified in rising to 
right a wrong inflicted by a parent country, how much more ought we, 
should the necessity ever come, to stand justified before an enlightened 
world in righting a wrong from even those we call brothers ! That neces- 
sity, I trust, will never come. 

'•What is to be our future I do not know. I have no taste for indulg- 
ing in speculations about it. I would not, if I could, raise the veil that 
wisely conceals it from us. ' Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof,' 
is a good precept in every thing pertaining to human action. The evil I 
would not anticipate ; I would rather strive to prevent its coming ; and 
one way, in my judgment, to prevent it is, while here, in all things to do 
what is right and proper to be done under the Constitution of the United 
States, — nothing more and nothing less. Our safety, as well as the pros- 
perity of all parts of the country, so long as this Government lasts, lies 
mainly in a strict conformity to the laws of its existence. Growth is one 
of these. The admission of new States is one of the objects expressly 
provided for. How arc they to come in? With just such Constitutions 
as the people in each may please to make for themselves, so they are . 
republican in form. This is the ground the South has ever stood upon. 
Let us not abandon it now. It is founded upon a principle planted in the 
compact of Union itself, and more essential to us than all others besides; 
that is, the equality of the States and the reserved rights of the people 
of the respective States. By our system, each State, however great the 



468 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

number, has the absolute right to regulate all its internal affairs as she 
pleases, subject only to her obligations under the Constitution of the 
United States. With this limitation, the people of Massachusetts have 
the perfect right to do as they please upon all matters relating to their 
internal policy; the people of Ohio have the right to do the same; the 
people of Georgia the same ; of California the same ; and so with all the 
rest. 

" Such is the machinery of our theory of self-government by the people. 
This is the great novelty of our peculiar system, involving a principle 
unknown to the ancients, an idea never dreamed of by Aristotle or Plato. 
The union of several distinct, independent communities uj^on this basis 
is a new principle in human Governments. It is now a problem in expe- 
riment for the people of the nineteenth century upon this continent to 
solve. As I behold its workings in the past and at the present, while I 
am not sanguine, yet I am hopeful of its successful solution. The most 
joyous feeling of my heart is the earnest hope that it will, for the future, 
move on as peacefully, prosperously, and brilliantly as it has in the past. 
If so, then we shall exhibit a moral and political spectacle to the world 
something like the prophetic vision of Ezekiel, when he saw a number 
of distinct beings or living creatures, each with a separate and distinct 
organism, having the functions of life within itself, all of one external 
likeness, and all, at the same time, mysteriously connected, with one 
common animating spirit pervading the whole, so that, when the com- 
mon spirit moved, they all moved, — their appearance and their work 
being, as it were, a wheel in the middle of a wheel ; and whithersoever 
the common spirit went, thither the others went, all going together ; and 
when they went he heard the noise of their motion like the noise of great 
waters, as the voice of the Almighty. Should our experiment succeed, 
such, will be our exhibition, — a machinery of government so intricate, so 
complicated, with so many separate and distinct parts, so many independ- 
ent States, each perfect in the attributes and functions of sovereignty 
within its own jurisdiction, — all, nevertheless, united under the control of 
a common directing power for external objects and purposes, — may, 
natural enough, seem novel, strange, and inexplicable to the philosophers 
and crowned heads of the world. 

"It is for us, and those who shall come after us, to determine whether 
this grand experimental problem shall be worked out ; not by quarrel- 
ling among ourselves ; not by doing injustice to any; not by keeping out 
any particular class of States ; but by each State remaining a separate 
and distinct political organism within itself, — all bound together for 
general objects, under a common Federal head ; as it were, a wheel 
within a wheel. Then the number may be multiplied without limit; and 
then, indeed, may the nations of the earth look on in wonder at our 
career ; and when they hear the noise of the wheels of our progress in. 
achievement, in development, in expansion, in glory, and renown, it may 



ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 469 

well appear to them not unlike the noise of great waters, the very voice 
of the Almighty — Vox populi ! Vox Dei/! [Great applavise in the galleries 
and on the floor.]"* 

Previous to the last session of Congress, it was announced that 
Mr. Stephens would retire at its close. It was ardently hoped 
that the rumor was groundless, as much by the party he was 
opposed to as by that which he had elevated by his wisdom, 
energy^ and eloquence. A complimentary dinner was tendered 
him in Washington by the prominent men of all parties, including 
Senators and members, — an unusual manifestation of personal 
regard. This he declined, but yielded to a like invitation of his 
immediate constituents. This was given in the city of Augusta, 
in his district, without distinction of party, on the 2d of July last. 
He addressed the assemblage in a speech reviewing public events 
since his entrance into public life, and retired with feeling but 
manly words of hope. He left the country in a better condition 
than he found it upon entering its councils. Whatever dangers 
may have threatened the Republic, her material resources, intel- 
lectual advancement, social condition, or political status had suf- 
fered no detriment. On the contrary, he beheld in her progress 
a career unprecedented. He dwelt on the agitations growing out 
of the Slavery question, in conformity with his views as already 
set forth, and, showing the good which emanates from the public 
discussion of principles, desired his friends to weigh not too lightly 
the most violent discussions by public men, even upon the most 
abstract principles. They underlie all popular rights, and con- 
stitute the essence of sovereignty and independence. The war 
of the Revolution was fought more in vindication of abstract 
principles than for the redress of any practical grievances. It 
was the right to impose taxes without representation, more than 
the amount imposed, that was complained of. ^' The very bill,'' 
said Mr. Stephens, "' that led to resistance reduced the tax, but 
asserted in its preamble the imlimited and unconditional right to 
tax. The amount involved in the Dred Scott case was small, 
but on the principle probably depended the destiny of the 
country." 

In the acquisition of Cuba Mr. Stephens beheld a most import- 



See "Cong. Globe," Appendix, 2d Sess. 35th Congress, Feb. 12, 1859. 

40 



470 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

lint measure, but he would not give Spain more than a million or 
two for it The true policy would be to repeal all laws making it 
penal for Americans to go and help the Cubans to independence. 
Whatever may be our expansion, he saw no danger to the South, 
if the Territorial policy now settled should be adhered to, as by 
it the South could colonize and expand too with her institutions, 
to the full extent of her capacity and population ; but he could 
not expect to see many new slave States unless they had an in- 
crease of African stock. Boundaries do not make States. People 
make them, and it requires people of the African race to make 
slave States. He questioned whether the South could furnish 
the requisite number to secure more than the four States to come 
out of Texas. We could not get more without a foreign supply. 
If but few more slave States come into the Union, it will not neces- 
sarily be in consequence of Abolitionism or Wilmot-Provisoism, 
but for want of negroes. " It is useless," said Mr. Stephens, " to 
wage war on those who may withhold Congressional legislation to 
protect slave-property in the Territories, or to quarrel among our- 
selves and accuse each other of unsoundness on that question, 
unless we get more Africans to send there to be protected. I 
give you no opinion upon the subject except this : that, without 
an increase of African slaves from abroad, you may not expect or 
look for many more slave States." 

Mr. Stephens did not agree with those who assailed a " higher 
law." He believed in it, and held that in the law of the Crea- 
tor, as manifested in His works and His revelations, the cause of 
the South eminently rested. In an eloquent passage he showed 
why he recognised to the fullest extent the doctrine that all 
human laws and constitutions must be founded upon the divine 
law. He would not swear to support any constitution inconsist- 
ent with this higher law. He showed the gradation of every 
thing in nature, and condemned, as the wickedest of all follies 
and the absurdest of all crusades, those which attempt to make 
things equal which God in his wisdom has made unequal. 
Slavery or subordination was the normal condition of the negro. 
He did not hold to the doctrine which teaches that that Govern- 
ment is best which secures the greatest amount of happiness to 
the greatest number. One hundred men have no right to enjoy 
happiness at the expense of ninety-nine or a less number. That 



ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS. 471 

is best which secures the most happiness to all ] and if our sys- 
tem is not the best, or cannot be made the best, for both master 
and slave, it ought to be abandoned. While Southern security 
Avas, in his eyes, paramount to the safety of the Union, he ex- 
pressed himself strongly in favor of the latter, and believed that 
it would be preserved as long as intelligence, virtue, integrity, 
and patriotism ruled the National Councils. 

In conclusion, Mr. Stephens said he retired from no feelings 
of discontent, but because, the questions having been settled with 
which he had been connected, he desired to follow some more 
agreeable pursuits. There was no office under heaven he wished 
to hold ] and, in quitting public life, he hoped and believed no 
crisis would occur to require his active participation in public 
affairs again. With a deep regret if he had ever, in the heat of 
party excitement, inadvertently wounded the feelings of an oppo- 
nent, he invoked undisturbed peace and prosperity on our com- 
mon country. In that speech one of the best and wisest men of 
the country took his leave of the public stage. 

Mr. Stephens is proverbially kind, but of his many good acts 
none is more deserving of mention than his liberal assistance to 
boys and young men. Having received aid in procuring his own 
education, he appreciates its value. He has aided, as he was 
aided, upward of thirty, and has for several years kept annually 
at least three at college. He generally selects the orphan and 
the destitute, — those who have a desire for knowledge without 
the means of obtaining it. 

I commenced this brief sketch with an allusion of Thorpe's to 
Stephens as a celebrity in Washington, and I may not inaptly 
close it with a rapid and comprehensive picture made by John 
Mitchel at that home to which the statesman has been so deeply 
attached from childhood and to which he has retired in his efful- 
gent maturity : — 

"At Crawfordville," writes Mitcbel, " a village on one of the piney 
ridges of Georgia, in an unpretending and somewhat desolate-looking 
hou,<e, (desolate-looking it may well be, for no fair and kindly house- 
mother ever made it shine and smile,) dwells one of the choicest and 
rarest spirits of our hemisphere. Youthful and almost boyish- looking, 
yet stricken by mortal malady, — one who has made a ' covenant with 
death,' yet whose veins are full of the most genial life, — with the cold 



472 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

hand clutching at his vitals, yet with a laugh clear and ringing as the 
marriage-bell; his thin face is of deathly hue, yet the dark eyes are 
blazing lamps. If you are his friend, he is gentle and affectionate as a 
girl; if his enemy, he will have great pleasure in standing opposite to 
you at any distance that maybe arranged, — in which case you had better 
look sharp, for he is cool as an 03'ster. A student and true philosopher, 
a laborious and conscientious legislator, a powerful lawyer, and a zealous 
cultivator of grapes, (Catawba and Scuppernong,) for he has faith in the 
virtues of wine, — a generous friend and patron of humble merit, for the 
which many prayers and blessings arise every evening on his behalf, — a 
noble imaginative orator, yet not of the Charles Phillips school of 'Irish 
oratory' by any means, his taste being too highly educated for that spe- 
cies of rigmarole, — such is Alexander H. Stephens." 



HENRY A. WISE. 473 



HENRY A. WISE, 

OF VIRGINIA. 

Without doubt, one of the most remarkable and brilliant 
men of the day is he whose name stands at the head of this 
sketch. A clear thinker, a forcible debater, and a man ready 
for every occasion, few have attracted so much public attention, 
and none have deserved his great and exciting successes better. 

Henry Alexander Wise, the son of John Wise and his wife 
Sarah Corbin Cropper, was born on the 3d of December, 1806, 
at Accomac Court-House, called Drummondtown. On both the 
paternal and maternal side he is descended from military people 
of energy and great decision of character. His father was the 
son of Colonel John Wise, a commissioned colonel of the King 
of England, and one of the earliest emigrants to the Eastern 
Shore of Virginia; and his mother was the daughter of General 
John Cropper, who, commissioned as captain in February, 1776, 
while yet but nineteen years old, fought under Washington at 
German town, Princeton, Monmouth, Trenton, Chadd's Ford, and 
Brandywine, won the esteem of La Fayette, and, after further 
service in the South, — chiefly as county lieutenant of Accomac 
County, — died a brigadier-general in January, 1821, aged sixty- 
five years. 

At the period of the birth of Henry A., his father, who was a 
lawyer by profession and had been distinguished as Speaker of 
the House of Delegates previous to 1800, was clerk of the courts 
of Accomac. He died in 1812, and was followed by his widow 
in the succeeding year. Thus the subject of this sketch was 
orphaned at the age of seven years. He was taken to Bowman's 
Folly, the old family seat of Sir Edmund Bowman, an ancestor 
of his mother's, and, after some further changes, was placed 
under the care of two paternal aunts at Clifton, on the Chescon- 
essex Creek, where he remained two years, and learned the alpha- 

40* 



474 LIVING RETItrSr.NTATlVT: MEX. 

bet and the Lord's Prayer. Margaret Academy next liad the 
honor of his presence, where he learned as much miscliicf and as 
little Greek and Latin as were needed to sustain the character 
of that institution; and so it turned out that when — in 1822 — 
young Wise was sent to Washington College, Pennsylvania, it 
was with much difficulty that he entered the sophomore class. 
The college was then under the Presidency of Dr. Andrew Wylie, 
a North-of-Ireland Presbyterian, whose reputation comes to our 
day as that of a gentleman, philosopher, linguist, and metaphysi- 
cian, — as also that of " a cavalier who loved virtue for virtue's 
sake, truth for truth's sake, and his fellow-creatures for their 
own sake," and cultivated in his pupils the additional accom- 
plishments of '^gallantry and high game." 

This suited young Wise exactly; and his progress in the 
polite arts, as well as in ''high game," was of a most satisfac- 
tory nature. He greatly distinguished himself in the debates of 
the Union Literary Society, and, as its champion, carried off the 
victory twice from a rival society, and on a third trial brought 
the judges to a tie. He graduated in 1825, before he was nine- 
teen, dividing the first honor with a Maryland youth named 
Mitchell. Mr. Wise commenced practice as an advocate before 
he left college, having volunteered to defend W. H. McGufFey, 
who was suspended for thrashing a fellow-student. Wise justi- 
fied his course, and narrowly escaped sharing the penalty inflicted 
on his client. How now stand these gentlemen of the same 
alma mater? asks Dr. Hambleton, and answers, "One [McG.] 
adorns the chair of Moral Philosophy in the greatest, best-regu- 
lated, best-conducted, and most republican university in the land, 
and the other presides over the Commonwealth of Virginia."* 

Mr. Wise left college in 1825, and returned home by way of 
Canada and New York. He studied law in the school of Henry 
St. George Tucker, at Winchester, with whom he remained until 
the fall of 1828, when he went home and cast his maiden vote 
for Andrew Jackson. Having marriedf in October of that year. 



* "Virginia Politics in 1855/* &e., by James P. Hambleton, M.D. 

■f- Mr. Wise was married to Ann Eliza, daughter of Rev. Dr. 0. Jennings, of 
AVasbington College, on the 8tb of October, 1828. She died in June, 1837. lie 
■was married a second time, in November, 1840, to Sarah, third daughter of 
Hon. John Sergeant, of Philadelphia. She died in 1850. He was married a 



HENRY A. WISE. 475 

in tlie city of Nashville, Tennessee, he settled there, formed a 
law-partnership, and achieved a good practice, but, yearning for 
his native State, returned to Accomac in the fall of 1830, and in 
the following spring commenced a very successful professional 
career, to which he soon added a political one of a very remark- 
able and active character, and which has grown in viiality and 
importance down to the moment at which these lines are written. 
Although the parents and relatives of Mr. Wise were Federal- 
ists, he early declared himself in favor of State rights, and has 
continued one of the most vigorous exponents of that doctrine. 
He represented the York District in 1832 as delegate to the 
Baltimore National Democratic Convention, and supported 
General Jackson for the first office, but refused to acquiesce in 
the nomination of Van Buren for Vice-President. During the 
Nullification furore in 1832-33, Mr. Wise espoused the doctrine 
of the resolutions of 1798-99, as reported by Madison, — "ihsit 
each State for itself is the judge of the infraction, and of the 
mode and manner of redress." He was, therefore, opposed on 
the one hand to the Proclamation and Force Bill, and on the 
other to the remedies of South Carolina, and set forth his views 
in an address to the York District, which Mr. Ritchie at the 
time characterized as "a masterly refutation of many of the 
errors of the day, — the doctrines of consolidation as well as of 
Nullification.'^ Mr. Wise then, as now, was equal to any emer- 
gency, and very soon brought his "high-game" proclivities into 
the political arena, of which Ritchie thus gives us an early illus- 
tration when he says, " Mr. Wise has been bitterly assailed by 
the Nullifiers; but he is fully able to defend himself. He asks 
no quarter from them, and he will give none." Mr. Wise in 
those days supported Jackson to save the Union, while he con- 
demned his course, — thinking that a milder one was more suitable 
to the crisis. In 1833, the Jackson party of the Eastern Shore 
presented Mr. Wise as a candidate for Congress against Hon. 
Richard Coke, of Williamsburg, who had represented the York 
District but became a Nullifier on the appearance of the Procla- 
mation. The contest was severe and acrimonious, but resulted in 



third time to Mary Elizabeth Lyons, sister of a distinguished lawyer of Rich- 
mond, Virginia, in November, 1853. 



476 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

the election of Wise by four hundred majority, and a duel with 
his antagonist, the latter being the challenging party. In the 
"affair of honor," Mr. Coke's right arm was fractured. 

Mr. Wise was among the seventeen Democrats of the House 
who seceded from Jackson on the removal of the deposits. 
Hambleton gives a strange anecdote of this period. In Wise's 
speech on the removal of the deposits he quoted a remark of 
John Randolph's about the "rara avis," the "black swan," and 
alluded to the fact that his death had not been announced in the 
House, saying it was no fault of his. This called out, a few days 
afterward, Kandolph's successor. Judge Bouldin, who took the 
floor and commenced giving the reasons thus : — '' I will tell my 
colleague the reason why" — Here his head went back, the veins 
in his temples became corded, his face for a moment was dis- 
torted, and he fell a dead man. What is strange about this 
whole affair is, that the only allusion to the death of Mr. Ran- 
dolph ever made in the House of Representatives prefaced the 
death of him who filled his seat.* Mr. Wise was re-elected in 
1885, and again in 1837, as the advocate of the principles of 
Hugh Lawson White and John Tyler, who had been run respect- 
ively for the ofiices of President and Vice-President in opposition 
to Van Buren and Johnson, — " That is, opposed to the Pet Bank 
system, Benton's Sub-Treasury, and the reference of Abolition 
petitions to special or any committee, and the fearless advocate 
for the annexation of Texas, a Tariff for revenue only, &e." 

The famous Graves and Cilley duel took place in 1837. Mr. 
Wise was the second of the former, and Hon. George W. Jones, 
of Iowa, the second of the latter. It grew out of an attack by Mr. 
Cilley on James Watson Webb, of the " Courier and Enquirer." 
Graves first acted as the friend of Webb, when Cilley refused to 
be accountable for words spoken in debate. A question of vera- 
city having subsequently arisen, Graves became a principal, and 
acted by the advice of Henry Clay. Mr. Wise was opposed to the 
duel, and desired to delay it, and, if possible, settle the affair by 
negotiation. He declined several times to bear the challenge to 
Mr. Cilley; and, on the last occasion of his doing so, "Mr. Graves 
appealed to Messrs. Clay and Menefee to bear witness that on one 

- HambletoH, p. 20. 



HENRY A. WISE. 477 

occasion, in the absence of Mr. Wise from the House of Repre- 
sentatives, lie had, without asking the right or the wrong of Mr, 
Wise's controversy, taken up his personal quarrel, and was ready 
to fight for him, — that he had more confidence in him than any one 
else as his friend on the ground ; and that if he (Wise) suffered him 
to go upon the field without guarding his life and his honor, and 
he was brought back a corpse, he desired his wife, his children, 
and his friends to know that he (Wise) had failed to stand by 
him after he knew he was determined to fight.^' Mr. Wise could 
not withstand this appeal. He carried the challenge to Mr. Cil- 
ley, copied by Mr. Graves from Mr. Chiy's manuscript. Mr. 
Wise had, however, resolved to prevent, if possible, the hostile 
meeting. After nightfall, Mr. George W. Jones brought an 
acceptance, and the terms proposed, — eighty yards, with rifles. 
Mr. Wise demurred. Mr. Clay instantly exclaimed, "No Ken- 
tuckian can back out from a rifle!'"' Mr. Wise's object still 
being that of delay, he met idr. Jones, the next morning, 
and said he must have time to go to Philadelphia for a rifle, as 
he did not know where else to get one that was reliable. Mr. 
Jones replied, "Certainly, sir, there must be a gun which can be 
relied on in the whole District of Columbia!" At this answer, 
Mr. Wise was somewhat provoked, and replied, "If you know of 
one, sir, I would be glad if you would furnish me with it." 
Thereupon, the next morning, a rifle, powder-flask, bullet-moulds, 
&c. were found upon Mr. Wise's table, with a polite note tender- 
ing the rifle, &c. "to Mr. Graves." Graves was a very bad and 
Cilley a crack shot; yet at the third fire the latter was shot, 
and died in a few moments. His death led to great public 
excitement; and a committee of investigation was ordered by the 
House. The chief onus of the affair was sought to be placed on 
Wise; and even those with whom he had acted from personal 
motives allowed this opinion to prevail in order to shield them- 
selves. 

Mr. James Watson Webb, in 1842, alleged, in the "Courier 
and Enquirer," that Mr. Wise had instigated the duel. Such a 
cliarge was totally unfounded, unjust, and even cowardly, ema- 
nating as it did from Mr. Webb, who was directly connected with 
the affair. Soon after this slanderous and malicious allegation 
had appeared in the '^Courier and Enquirer," Mr. Wise pub- 



478 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE .^lEN. 

lislied the facts of tlie case in the "Madisonian." Mr. Clay, 
fiudiDg that an explanation might injure his prospects for the 
Presidency in 1844 or at some future time, wrote to Mr. Graves, 
and persuaded him to say that he (Clayj had no part whatsoever 
in the advice, counsel, or preparation of the duel. Mr. Clay 
published that letter in the " National Intelligencer" as true. 
Immediately Mr. Wise addressed to him categorical questions, 
which he placed in the hands of Dr. Linn, of Missouri. Mr. 
Clay replied, admitting his whole part in the affair, and generally 
justified Mr. Wise as well as himself. For his conduct in this 
affair Mr. Wise never could forgive Clay, although he acted as 
his negotiator for the support of Judge White in 1839. The 
above account is condensed from Ilamblcton's compilation of 
ii Virginia Politics." 

Mr. Wise's influence was paramount in placing Mr. Tyler on 
the Harrison ticket for the Vice-Presidency, — which accounts 
for his having been the mainstay and bulwark of his x\d- 
miuistration. Mr. AVise's course was prompted by the most 
strictly Southern-Rights conception of the Constitution and 
by his knowledge of the antecedents of Mr. Tyler, who had 
been previously nominated on the States-Rights platform with 
Judge White. It is held by his admirers that Wise and the 
Democrats who acted with him, by placing, after great exer- 
tions, Mr. Tyler in nomination, saved Texas and the Union, and 
placed the country and the Democratic party in an attitude that 
insured their brilliant success under the banner of Polk and 
Dallas in 1844. Meeting Mr. Clay and Thomas AV. Gilmer in 
the spring of 1841, Mr. Wise, alluding to the recent election, 
said, "Well, sir, we have fought a good fight in Virginia, s*.*; 
and, although we did not exactly win the victory, we came off 
with the honors of war." To which Clay replied, " I congratu- 
late myself, sir, that Virginia has gone for the enemy." " Why," 
said Wise, " I thought you once said you would prefer defeat 
with your mother State for you, to victory with her voice against 
you." "Sir," rejoined the great orator, "we will no longer be 
embarrassed by her peculiar opinions." Clay's interpretation of 
the matter is regarded as a backing out of the pledges which he 
made to White through Mr. Wise, when he sought the adherence 
of the States-Rights Democrats to forward his views for the 



HENRY A. WISE. 479 

Presidency. After the success of Harrison, the first move of 
the victors under Clay was to call an extra session, so that they 
could put forward their favorite measures on the incoming of 
their President. Wise not only opposed the extra session, but 
the whole scheme of action mapped out by the Whigs. The 
death of Harrison disconcerted their plans. Wise immediately 
sought Tyler, and advised him by all means to veto the United 
States Bank Bill and to further the speedj^ annexation of Texas; 
and in both cases his advice was taken. 

In 1842, the United States Senate rejected Mr. Wise's name, 
which was sent in as Minister to France. In the spring of 1843, 
he was re-elected to Congress; but, his health giving way, he 
was nominated for the Rio Janeiro mission. He was near 
being defeated by the same influence that had rejected him 
before; but, previous to the decision. Senator Archer, of Vir- 
ginia, sought Mr. Wise, and asked him why he had been so 
bitter in his late canvass against Mr. Clay. Wise, in reply, in- 
quired "if the French mission, the Brazilian mission, and all the 
rest of the missions belonged to Mr. Clay. Was subserviency 
to him a necessary qualification for office ? Were personal differ- 
ences, and not public considerations, to govern in selecting foreign 
ministers ?" In conclusion, he told Mr. Archer to go back to 
his friends, and tell them "■ that, if they would act like men worthy 
to be called friends of their idol, they would resent his insults, 
and would do so in their proper persons, and not by abusing their 
public offices.'' Senator Archer made no report in caucus, save 
a demand that Wise be sent to Rio Janeiro, — which was done. 
His course in Brazil, whither he went in May, 1844, was highly 
approved by the Tyler and Polk Administrations. He returned 
in October, 1847, and participated in the Presidential contest 
of the succeeding year. In 1850, he was elected to the State 
Convention which revised the Constitution. 

At the close of the summer of 1854, attention began to be 
directed to the Gubernatorial election that was to take place in 
the ensuing year. Various parties were spoken of; and early in 
September a meeting was held in Norfolk County, and a com- 
mittee appointed to correspond with the most prominent gentle- 
men, in order to obtain their opinions regarding the "Know- 
Nothings." This new party, according to the most reliable 



480 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

information, was first organized in the town of Charlottesville, in 
July, 1854, and soon numbered several councils scattered all over 
the State. A State Council was authorized by the Grand Council 
of Thirteen of the State of New York to grant charters for the esta- 
blishment of councils in Virginia; and the consequence was "that 
in nearly every secluded grove, retired school-house, and con- 
cealed recess could be found a band of men veiled in secrecy, 
and, under cover of darkness, administering Jesuitical oaths and*" 
teaching cabalistic signs to the thoughtless, indiscreet, and un- 
suspecting novitiates." The committee of correspondence ad- 
dressed Lieutenant-Governor S. F. Leake, Hon. John Letcher, 
James A. Seddon, Henry A. AVise, and ex-Governor William 
Smith, all of whom save the latter promptly replied. Wise's 
letter was considered a masterly production, full of the true spirit 
of a Southern republican and statesman. Starting out with the 
proposition that the present state of affairs in this country was 
not such as to justify the formation of any secret political society, 
he proved it by a pithy and powerful argument, which was the 
touchstone of the great campaign with which his name will be 
forever identified. It embraced most of the views which he 
enlarged upon so brilliantly and efi"ectively in the contest, and 
furnished unanswerable arguments to the constitutionalists all 
over the country. He showed that 

The laws of the United States — Federal and State laws — 
declare and defend the liberties of the people; and the will of 
the people was the source of all constitutions and laws. The 
mind, as the person, was free, and the spirit of the laws, the 
body-guard and home-guard of the peoj^le. Would any man pro- 
pagate truth ? Truth is free to combat error. Would he propa- 
gate error ? Error itself may stalk abroad provided truth is free 
to follow, however slowly, with her torches to light up the wreck. 
What necessity, then, was there for secrecy ? If it be good, why 
not make it known ? Here was a great primary organization, all 
of which that was known was, its proscription of persons of 
foreign birth and Catholic faith, and of those who did not pro- 
scribe them. 

The natives were to the foreign-born in the United States 
in the ratio of eight to one. In Virginia, the natives were 
to foreigu-born citizens as thirty-eight to one. The number 



HENRY A. WISK. 481 

of churches iu the United States was 88,001; of CathoHc 
churches, 1221: more than thirty-one to one were Protestant. 
In Virginia the churches numbered 2,383 ; Catholic churches, 
17 : more than one hundred and forty to one. Other figures 
were used to exhibit the immense minority in which the foreign 
and Catholic citizens were. Wise asked, What had such a ma- 
jority to fear? Where was the necessity for this master majority 
to resort to secret organization? It confessed to sometldng which 
dared not meet the scrutiny of knowledge. He did not think 
that any secret, new-born patriotism was needed to protect us 
from foreign influence. When we were as weak as three mil- 
lions, we relied largely on foreigners by birth to defend us and 
aid us in securing independence. Now that we were twenty-two 
millions strong, how is it that we have become so weak in our 
fears as to apprehend we were to be deprived of our liberties by 
foreigners? As for the Pope, he would as soon think of dread- 
ing him as the ghost of Gruy Fawkes. 

There was not only no necessity for this secret political organ- 
ization, but it was against the spirit of our laws and the facts of 
our history. Our laws sprung from the necessity of the condi- 
tion of the early settlers. The very experience of despotism 
they had once tasted made them hate tyrants, either elective or 
hereditary. They had to fight Indians from Philip, on Massa- 
chusetts Bay, to Powhatan, on the River of Swans. These 
foreigners did their task like men. They grew and thrived until 
they were rich enough to be taxed. They w^ere then told that 
taxation was no tyranny. But these foreigners gave the world. a 
new truth, — that taxation without representation was tyranny. 
The attempt to force it made them resolve that they would give 
millions for defence, but not a cent for tribute. That resolve 
drove them — foreigners, Protestants, Catholics, and all — to the 
alternative of war. They united, with dependence on Grod alone, 
and issued a Declaration of Independence of all earth; and one 
of their first complaints (against the King of England) was that 
"he has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; 
for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of 
foreigners.'' 

They pledged themselves to tolerance in religion and to 
"mutuality" in political freedom. Here was proof enough that 

41 



482 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

foreigners and Catholics both entered as material elements into 
our x\merieanism. " Know-Nothingism" was against Americanism 
itself; for one of the best fruits of the Revolution was to esta- 
blish, for the first time in the world, the human right of expa- 
triation. Prior to our separate existence as a nation of the earth, 
the despotisms of the Old World had made a law unto themselves, 
whereby they could hold forever in chains those of mankind who 
were so unfortunate as to })e hoini their subjects. Before 1776, 
Virginia and all the Colonies encouraged immigration. It was a 
necessity as well as a policy of the whole country. George III. 
was compelled to renounce our allegiance to him, though we locre 
born his subjects. Yet, when we had a separate existence, we 
were called on to recognise the odious maxim ^'once a citizen, 
always a citizen;" but, spurning the dogma and the tyrants who 
boasted the power to enforce it, the fourth power which the Con- 
vention of 1787, that formed our blessed Constitution, enumerated, 
was that '■^ The Congress shall have power ' to establish a uni- 
form rule of naturalization.'" 

In 1812, we declared the last war for " Free-Trade and Sailors' 
Rights," — that is, for the right of naturalized citizen-sailors to 
sail on the high seas and trade abroad free from search and 
seizure. We had reciprocally undertaken to protect them, in 
consideration of their oaths of allegiance to the United States. 
How protect them ? By enabling them to fulfil their obligations 
of allegiance and fidelity, by making them free to fight for our 
flag, and free in every sense, just as if they had been born in our 
country. Fight for us they did; naturalized and those not 
naturalized were of our crews. They fought in every sea for the 
flag which threw protection over them, from the first gun of the 
Constitution frigate to the last gun of the boats on Lake Pont- 
chartrain. That war sealed in blood the American principle, — 
the right of expatriation, the right and duty of naturalization, 
the right to fly from tyranny to the flag of freedom, and the 
reciprocal duties of allegiance and protection. 

This is but a very meagre outline, indeed, of the grounds on 
which Henry A. Wise commenced his high-spirited and furious 
war "for, and not against, the imperishable American truths" he 
enunciated. This able letter was the tocsin of war, and the 
death-knell of the "secret political organization." After the 



HENRY A. WISE. 488 

claims of tlie leading candidates were discussed in the papers, a 
convention was held at Staunton, November 30, which resulted 
in the nomination — December 2 — of Mr. Wise for Governor. 
The "Know-Nothings" professed satisfaction at this result,— as 
Mr. Wise, though well known, was little understood previously. 
Among the Democracy, it was argued^ that he voted for the 
Whigs in 1840, and opposed Jackson in Congress. His inde- 
pendence was regarded as dangerous; and Ilambleton — who ought 
to know — says that " no candidate ever went before the people 
under more discouraging circumstances." He was extensively 
misrepresented and slandered; but his natural fervor and vigor, 
exalted to an almost superhuman frenzy by the truthful splendor 
of the principles he held, made him invincible. Virginia at- 
tracted the general attention of all the States ; and before the 
canvass was completed the eyes of all were resting on it with the 
most fervent and excited anxiety. Wise had created this anxiety, 
and he struggled like one who felt he could satisfy the interest 
he had conjured up. It was one of the most brilliant political 
campaigns in this or any other country. The Democracy had to 
meet a formidable and insidious enemy, flushed with victory. 
Nothing but the clarion tones and fearless energy of Wise could 
have met them. Had any other man been at the lead in that 
stormy fight, the proud Old Dominion would have been hurled 
into abysmal disgrace and dishonor. 

In this connection, the following important letter vsdll be found 
of lasting interest and worthy of permanent record. 

"Richmond, Va., April 19, 1855. 

"Dear Sir : — The letter Avhicli you have addressed to me contains three 
questions, to which you ask an answer, with a view to publication. 

"First Question: 'Whether the Catholics in Virginia do acknowledge 
any temporal allegiance to the Pope.' 

"To this I answer, that unless there be in Virginia some Italians who 
owe allegiance to the Pope as a temporal prince, because they were born 
in his States and are not naturalized citizens of this country, there are 
no Catholics in Virginia who owe or acknowledge any temporal allegiance 
to the Pope. 

"Second Question : ' Whether, if this country could be and was assailed 
and invaded by an army of the Pope, (if he had one,) or by any other 
Catholic Power, the Catholic citizens of this country, no matter where 
born, would not be as much bound to defend the flag of America, her 
rights and liberty, as any native-born citizen would be/ 



484 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

"Answer: To me, tlie hypothesis of an invasion of our country by the 
Pope seems an absurdity ; but, should he come with armies to establish 
temporal dominion here, or should any other Catholic Power make such 
an attempt, it is my conviction that all Catholic citizens, no matter where 
born, who enjoy the benefits and franchises of the Constitution, would be 
conscientiously bound, like native-born citizens, to defend the flag, rights, 
and liberties of the Ptepublic and repel such invasion. 

" Third Question : ' Whether the performance of that duty would con- 
flict with any oath, or vow, or other obligation, of the Catholic.' 

"Answer: Catholics reared in the Church as such have not the custom 
of taking any oaths or vows, except the baptismal vows, ' to renounce the 
Devil, his works and pomps.' Persons converted to the faith, or those 
receiving degrees in theology, may be required to take the oath contained 
in the creed of Pius IV., — of obedience to the Pope, — which, as far as I 
know, has always been undei'stood and interpreted to signify a spiritual 
obedience to him as head of the Church, and not obedience to him as a 
temporal prince. Bishops, on their consecration, also take an oath, which 
in our country is diflferent from the old form used in Europe. But none 
of these vows, oaths, and no other obligation of which I am aware, con- 
flicts with the duty of a citizen of the United States to defend the flag and 
the liberties of his country. 

"In conclusion, allow me to state that, as we have no article of faith 
teaching that the Pope, of divine right, enjoys temporal power as head 
of the Church, whatever some theologians or writers may have said on 
this point must, like my answers to your inquiries, be considered as 
opinions for which the writers themselves only can be held responsible. 
"Yours, very truly, &c., 

"J. M'GiLL, Bishop of Richmond. 

"To James Lyons, Esq." 

After publisliing a, list of appointments, Mr. Wise opened the 
canvass at Ashland Hall, Norfolk City, on the 5th of January, 
1855. The journals of that city picture the scene as interesting. 
His address was forcible, well arranged, and argumentative, 
abounding in the most bitter sarcasm and the most soothing 
appeals. Its effect can be best illustrated, in the words of one of 
these papers at the time, " by the earnest attention with which 
it was heard, and the frequent bursts of applause that followed 
his telling, sabre-like flashes of eloquence."* The " Know- 
Nothing" and Whig press retorted on him by reviewing his 
antecedents. The great charge against him was inconsistency, — 
that he had been an active Whig leader, and that he now pro- 

'^ *' Norfolk Argus" and "New?" of the time. 



HENRY A. WISE, 485 

claimed he had uo recantations to make. Fusion with ^^ Know- 
Nothingism" was recommended to the Whigs, and Whig orators 
and writers dechired the new organization to be not a Whig trick, 
but "a great party of reform, embracing alike Whigs and Demo- 
crats." In a very bold speech at Alexandria, on the od of 
February, 1855, Mr. Wise flung back the aspersions, and left 
not a doubt as to the position in which he stood. He announced 
himself iis the standard-bearer of the Democracy of Virginia, 
twice endorsed as Elector, — ^in 1848 and 1852, — and then nomi- 
nated for the Governorship. 

''If," said he, " any Democrat in tiiis assembly recollects that, in timeg 
past, I did not always regard regularly-organized nominations, and 
chooses to vote against me on that account, let him do so, provided he 
will stand where I have ever stood, — npon principle, acting bona fide as 
an earnest, honest man; let him then, I say, vote against me. When he 
does it, let him remember that he then does the very act for which he is 
condemning me : he will be voting against the regular nominee. If there 
be any Whig in this assembly who will vote against me because I am not 
what he calls consistent, and because I have chosen to use party as a 
servant and not as a master, I would not ask him for his vote. But I 
would ask him not to be like me, whom he chooses to deem inconsistent. 
[Applause.] I ask him, when he comes to the polls, to be true and clear 
in act and conscience, — not carrying before him a dark lantern of a secret 
association, and gripping a Democrat with one hand and a Whig with the 
other." 

He repudiated the idea of addressing himself to a party : he 
spoke of principles, and addressed the people ; and, mapping out 
the necessities of the State, he created quite a sensation by saying, 
"If I be elected Governor of Virginia, then, I tell you bluntly 
and briefly, if it be necessary to tax you to defend her honor, I 
shall command taxation, though it make us groan," Next to 
public credit he held the public works ; and those in Virginia 
were started without any idea of their relative importance to 
each other. The canals and railroads, he said, were like " ditches 
dug in the middle of a plantation, without outlet at either end." 
" You appropriate for them to-day, neglect them to-morrow, and 
leave the appropriation of the day after to-morrow to repair 
decay." He wanted Virginia to reach out her arms to the great 
West, " to tap the Ohio," and join the Big Bend with the rivers 
of the East. While her public works were incomplete, Virginia 
would have no commerce. With great power and resources, she 

4l« 



48G LIVINC} REPRESENTATIVE ME.V. 

had beeu dwarfed in the Union. She had been called the "Old 
Dominion :" he implored his hearers to do something for her pro- 
gress, and to justify calling her the New Dominion. After 
dwelling on the wants and prospects of Virginia, he reviewed 
the messao-e of Governor Gardner to the Legislature of Massa- 
chusetts and the discourse of Rev. J. Freeman Clarke on " the 
rendition of Anthony Burns," and elicited the greatest enthu- 
siasm. The peculiarity of Mr. Wise's oratory — its sudden tran- 
sition from "grave to gay, from lively to severe" — was eminently 
characteristic of this speech, which, in some respects, was one of 
the speaker's most telling efforts. Deploring the fate of Massa- 
chusetts, he said, " Massachusetts ! Massachusetts I the elder 
sister of Virginia, who in the night of the Revolution gave her 
password for password, sign for sign, cheer for cheer, in the 
midst of our gloom ! Massachusetts has thrown aside her Puri- 
tanism^ her Christian religion, her Bible, her (.Constitution, and 
has given herself up to Know-Xothingism and Anti-Slavery." 
(Tremendous cheering.) Rev. Mr. Clarke remarked in his dis- 
course that Northern enthusiasm and conscience, when fully 
aroused, " have always been more than a match for Southern or- 
ganization," upon which Wise exclaimed, "Northern conscience! 
gods ! (great laughter,) Northern conscience I Take a shark- 
skin and let it dry to shagreen ; skin the rhinoceros; go then 
and get the silver-steel and grind it; and, when you have ground 
it, take the hone and whet it till it would split a hair, and with 
it prick the shagreen or the rhinoceros-skin, and then go and try 
it on Northern conscience." (Cheers and laughter.) He con- 
cluded, amidst great applause, by telling the Know-Nothings that 
he would make no compromise, no parley, no terms, with them. 
"They shall either crush me or I will crush them in this 
State;" and he did crush them. It would need a volume of 
itself to portray the excitement of the Virginia campaign of 
1855, and the important share Mr. Wise took in it. He con- 
cluded his efforts at Leesburg, having been regularly in the 
field from the 1st of January to the 7th of May. He travelled 
more than three thousand miles, made fifty speeches, and, 
much enfeebled and exhausted^ retired to Washington and there 
awaited the result of his brilliant and excessive labors in behalf 
of justice and the Constitution, The rei-ult came jind grandly 



HENRY A. WISE. 487 

viDdicated liis course. He was elected Governor by 10,180 
majority over liis opponent, Mr. Flournoy. All over the coun- 
try this victory was hailed by the Democracy with delight, and 
congratulations — public and private, by vote, resolution, and 
letter — poured in upon the great Virginian. 

In the fall of this year, Mr. Wise scornfully rejected the invi- 
tation to deliver one of a series of lectures on Slavery in Boston, 
in this wise : — 

" In short, gentlemen, I will not deliver one of the lectures of 
the course on Slavery at the Tremont Temple, in Boston, on 
Thursday evening, January 10, 1858 ; and there will be no 
Thursday evening between the middle of December and the 
middle of March next, or between that and doomsday, which 
will best accommodate me for that purpose." 

On the Slavery and Territorial questions Governor Wise is 
equally emphatic as on the subject of ^' Americanism." In a 
letter to the '- Dowdell Festival" in Alabama, and in another 
letter to the National Democratic party of New York, both in 
the fall of 1855, as well as in several letters and addresses, 
Governor Wise has given his views. He favored the Kansas- 
Nebraska Bill. The Missouri Compromise was -the first act to 
violate Washington's injunction not to recognise geographical 
lines ; it was the first to make a border between the North and 
South, — the first to begin the separation of the States. He was 
opposed to it, and believed that the Kansas-Nebraska Bill 
brought us back to the Constitution by restoring us to statu 
quo ante 1819--20, where Washington and Hancock, Adams 
and Jefferson, Virginia and Massachusetts, and the old Thirteen, 
stood. He held that the " fanatics of fusion" who " agreed to 
disagree" have never abided by the Compromise. They have 
broken its every letter and spirit. 

" In the States and Territories and District, in the Indian country, on 
the trade in transitu between States, Districts, and Territories, on the 
acquisition of territory, on the organization and admission of States into 
the Union, on questions of peace and war, — ever, everywhere, always, in 
season and out of season, — they have raised the question against slavery, 
until they have, on various occasions, nearly raised the very demon of 
civil war and disunion ! They have harbored English emissaries, raised 
foreign funds, wielded associated influence and capital, wearied Congress 
with petitions, fatigued the public mind with compromises, filled it with 



488 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

reviling and abuse, pensioned pi*ess, pulpit, preacher, teacher, I'un under- 
ground j-ailroads, spirited away runaways ; have scattered, broadcast, 
tales of holy horrors ; painted, on the stage, scenes ; written log-cabin 
novels ; lectured, ranted, rioted, until they have made us a divided peo- 
ple, — until they have cut the continent in two by a line of border feuds, 
— until they have separated our churches, set us apart socially at the 
watering and other places, — and until they have engendered a sectional 
antagonism more becoming enemies in hostile array than tolerant neigh- 
bors, much less united brethren, — children of one father, — children of a 
common country, — the only children the Father of that country ever had, 
whose farewell is still our warning." 

When the '' Lecompton" agitation came up, Governor Wise, 
in a letter to John AV. Forney and others of Philadelphia, 
regretted that he was constrained by his convictions to differ 
with President Buchanan, his friend of twenty years, and for 
whose election he was as much responsible as any other man in 
the country. He was opposed to Congressional intervention. 
^' We are told," said he, ^^ that we are to shut our ej-es to the 
record. What evidence have we, then, that it is a Constitution 
at all ? AVc are told that this is not the time to raise the ques- 
tion, de facto, whether it is the act and deed of the people of 
Kansas. Whgn would be the time, when was the time, if it be 
not the time now ?" He did not believe that expediency should 
be carried so far as to allow Congress to set its will over the will 
of the people of Kansas and give a minority Constitution to a 
majority. He was told that the ''prompt admission" of Kansas 
would end the agitation. He did not believe the " Kansas ques- 
tion" could ever be local again. If Congress endorsed this sche- 
dule of legerdemain, if the South insisted on it, and the North- 
ern Democracy were required to consent to the injustice, the 
precedent would become universal. It would return the chalice 
to our own lips, he said, when the '' Kansas question" again and 
again would arise in North Texas, New Mexico, Mesilla Valley, 
and in all our boundless domain. He believed such a course 
would drive thousands of honest Democrats in the North from 
us. During the great Illinois campaign of 1858, Governor Wise 
wrote a most hearty and enthusiastic letter, cheering on the 
Democracy for Douglas, and would have gone personally into 
the struggle but for the duties of state and the still more tender 
duties of family which kept him in Richmond. 



HENRY A. WISK. 481) 

In 1859 Governor Wise published an elaborate historical 
and constitutional treatise on Territorial Government and 
the admission of new States into the Union. It was drawn 
forth by a letter from William F. Samford, Esq., of Alabama, 
requesting the Governor's views. The object of the treatise was 
to elucidate the truths of history and the construction of the 
Constitution and laws pertaining to Territories and the admis- 
sion of States, in view of the fact that the great question of the 
"settlement" of the Territories and new States of the Union 
cannot be teinpori?:ed and locaUzeAJ, as the fashionable phrase is, 
by the patchwork of mere politicians and partisans. Governor 
Wise thinks it unphilosophical to attempt it, and that a sound, 
fixed rule of policy should be adopted and inflexibly adhered to. 
He shows that intervention for j^yotection is all-pervading, and is 
one of the most vitally essential attributes of the Federal Union. 
The Slavery contest is one not to be decided by the laws of man, 
but by the laws of nature and the providence of God. Nature's 
music harmonizes all. " The law of frost and the law of the sun 
are reconciled and kiss each other in the blending of light and 
of temperature, in the equipoise of expansion and contraction, in 
the variety of climate and of production, in the supply and sus- 
teutation of animal and vegetable life and health in every form 
of its existence." Governor Wise lives north of 36° 30', and he 
is a slaveholder by inheritance and purchase, and, as he says, 
would gladly own a great many more if he were able. His slaves 
love him, and, as he knows they would fight for him, he will 
fight for them. 

Toward the close of 1857, the Richmond " Enquirer" inter- 
rogated Governor Wise as to his position touching the election 
of United States Senator. For many months rumors had been 
circulated that it was his desire and design to oust Senator Hun- 
ter and occupy the Senatorial seat himself. Taking the oppor- 
tunity presented by the ''Enquirer," the Governor wrote a letter 
denying the truth of the rumor, and stating, with the usual 
frankness of the writer, that he did not want a seat in the 
Senate, and, if he did, would not have it at Mr. Hunter's expense, 
— hoped that Mr. Hunter did not desire a re-election at his 
(Wise's) expense, and wished in future to be relieved of the 
penalty of being considered his rival for the place in question. 



490 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

As was to be expected from Governor Wise's war on " Ameri- 
canism" as opposed to the constitutional rights of foreign-born 
citizens, he came out in opposition to Secretary Cass's views in 
the Le Clerc letter. He is opposed to the opening of the slave- 
trade, and in favor of Congressional ])rotection of slavery in the 
Territories. 

Governor Wise has filled a large and important space in the 
history of his time. Always fearless, clear, and uncompromising, 
his opinions never fail to attract attention and awaken discussion. 
While this sketch was being written, the startling news was 
flashed over the country that a servile insurrection had broken 
out at Harper's Ferry. (KAcrnor Wise was promptly on the 
ground of the disaster; and the acclaim with which he was 
received on his return to Jiichmond showed how satisfied the 
people were with his intentions for defence had a crisis arisen. 

The conspiracy and effort at insurrection attempted at Har- 
per's Ferry constituted one of the most surprising and startling 
episodes in the history of our country. A fanatical man, stimu- 
lated to desperation by the teachings and appeals of wild and 
treasonable enthusiasts, unrestrained by the Constitution and 
laws of the land, formed a conspiracy to stir up servile insurrec- 
tion. Renting a farm in the State of Maryland, within a few 
miles of Harper's Ferry, the conspirators remained for some 
months apparently engaged in peaceful pursuits, during which 
time they took every means to conciliate the kind feelings of the 
people, especially those of Harper's Ferry. They familiarized 
themselves with the localities, streets, houses, and workshops, so 
that a seizure might be made at any hour of the night without 
attracting unusual attention. On the part of the inhabitants the 
sense of security was perfect and universal. Having cut the 
telegraphic wires, the conspirators, unmolested and unobserved, 
entered the village on the night of Sunday, October 16, 1859, 
seized upon the solitary watchman placed at the arsenal as pro- 
tection against fire only, and possessed themselves speedily of 
all the buildings containing arms or suitable for defence. The 
next movement was to seize the principal men of the place, with 
whom their residence near there had made them acquainted. 
These arrests were made singly, and in every instance by several 
perfectly-armed men, who conveyed their prisoners to the place 



HENRY A. WISE. 491 

of confinement. This process was carried on throughout the 
night, and extended not only to the village, but to the country 
around. 

When morning came, the people of the village gathered to the 
scene of confusion about the arsenal. The conspirators now com- 
menced a fire upon them ; and the citizens of the place, getting 
together such arms as were not in the possession of the plun- 
derers, immediately returned the fire of the assailants with such 
efiect that in the course of a few hours they were driven from 
their positions, and all either killed or wounded, with the excep- 
tion of the leader and half a dozen others of his party, who were 
driven into an engine-house, whither they fled for security. 
They carried along with them ten or twelve of the prisoners they 
had taken the night before, who were to be used as hostages, as 
the robbers alleged, to prevent the fire of the citizens outside 
from being directed toward themselves in the house where they 
had taken shelter. 

Throughout the whole day on Monday, from twelve o'clock, at 
which time intelligence of the outbreak reached Washington, the 
most exaggerated accounts were received of the state of things at 
Harper's Ferry and the number of persons engaged in it. Prompt 
measures, however, were taken, and Brevet Colonel Robert E. 
Lee, of the First Cavalry, was at once summoned to take com- 
mand of a detachment of marines and two companies of volun- 
teers from Frederick, Maryland, who had promptly off'ered their 
services. The troops reached the scene of action during the 
night. 

The next morning, at an early hour, Colonel Lee gave orders 
to the marines to attack and carry the house where the conspira- 
tors were strongly barricaded, which was very promptly and gal- 
lantly done by Major Russell.* 

The prompt energy with which Governor Wise applied him- 
self to the emergency, and the force of his appeals exhorting the 
State to be prepared for any future exigency, attracted the com- _ 

* This account is condensed from the Annual Report of the Hon. Secretary 
of War. Among the citizens killed was F. Beckham, the Mayor of the town. 
All of the insurgents were either killed or captured, with one or two exceptions. 
The leader, John Brown, of Kansas notoriety, was hanged on the 2d of Decem- 
ber, 1859. 



492 LIVING UEPUK.SENTATIVK MEX. 

ment and applause of the conservative national men and presses 
all over the country. His Gubernatorial term expired with the 
year 1859. 

• By his friends Governor Wise is held up as a " benefactor to 
the nineteenth centur}'," and by his enemies is abused in an 
equal ratio; none, however, failing to give him credit for a chi- 
valrous, upright, unmistakable openness and decision of action. 
Let us, in conclusion, hear a political admirer condense his career 
into a nutshell : — 

" His political history, from its early commencement till now, 
is marked throughout by an almost unbroken series of brilliant 
successes. In every sphere of his public life he has been found 
not efficient only, but more than equal to the most trying emer- 
gencies or the most difficult, dangerous, and delicate tasks. As 
Representative in Congress, as foreign Minister, as member of 
the Reform Convention, as Governor of Virginia, — in every 
thing he has ever attempted, — Henry A. Wise has been distin- 
guished as an extraordinary man." 

The same writer — in a pamphlet from which this paragraph is 
taken — very eloquently advocates the claims and availability of 
Governor Wise for the Democratic nomination for the Presi- 
dency in 1860. 



JOHN E WOOL. 493 



JOHN E. WOOL, 

OF NEW W)RK. 

This eminent soldier and citizen, of whom New York is 
justly proud, was born at Newburgh, and comes of a stock dis- 
tinguished for gallantry and patriotism. At the breaking out of 
the Revolution, his grandfather, James Wool, was a farmer, living 
in Rensselaer County, almost on the frontier. Five of his sons 
tramped through the battle-fields. Two were made prisoners at 
the taking of Fort AVashington and suffered the horrors of the 
prison-ship, from the effects of which one died and the other 
barely survived. Another commanded a company in Lamb's 
Artillery and went with Montgomeiy to Quebec, and afterward 
served with, and was severely wounded under, Washington in 
New Jersey. iVnother was with Stark at Bennington ] and the 
father of the subject of this sketch was with Wayne at Stony 
Point. They were all dashing soldiers, contributing to the early 
honor and glory of American arms even as their still more famous 
relative contributed to the honor and glory attaching to the latest 
military history of the Republic. 

General Wool's life is full of singular significance and hearty 
inspiration to youth. He is essentially a self-made man, — his 
own schoolmaster and his own pupil. But four years old at the 
death of his father, the child was taken by his grandfather, and, 
at the age of twelve, with the scanty results of a limited attend- 
ance at a coimtry school, was placed in a store at Troy. In this 
position he remained for six years, when he took charge of a 
stationery store, with the privilege of " doing a little business on 
his own account." A fire left nothing of his stock or hopes, and 
he entered the law-office of Mr. John Russell, of Troy, and re- 
mained there more than a year. 

About this time, a war between the United States and Great Bri- 
tain becoming imminent. Congress authorized the raising of twenty- 

42 



494 LIVING REl'RKSEiNTATlN E MEN. 

five thousand men. Tlic blood of Stony Point was aroused, and, 
leaving his law-books and ofiice, young "Wool, under the recom- 
mendation of Governor Clinton, sought and obtained an appoint- 
ment in the army as a captain in the Thirteenth United States 
Infantry. This was in the spring of 1812, just before the decla- 
ration of war. llecruiting his company, he joined the regiment 
at Greenbush, and continued there until September, when the 
regiment was ordered to the ^J^iagara frontier. It was not long 
before Captain Wool made his mark. 

To recover some of the ground lost by the unfortunate opera- 
tions of Hull, General Van Ilensselaer determined to cross the 
Niagara River, storm Fort George, and carry the Heights of 
Queenstown. Six hundred men were detached to commence 
the movement by establishing themselves on the heights. Owing 
to a scarcity of boats, however, only three companies of Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Chrystie's command, — those of Wool, Malcolm, 
and Armstrong, — with about one hundred regulars and militia 
under Lieutenant-Colonel Van Rensselaer, including a small de- 
tachment of United States artillery, were enabled to embark at 
one time. Under a heavy fire the Thirteenth landed on the 13th 
of October, about three o'clock in the morning, and Wool, being 
the senior captain, by the order of Van Rensselaer, who landed 
at some distance, formed his three companies on a plateau near 
the foot of the heights, the enemy having retreated before him. 
While thus situated, and awaiting further orders, the British 
from Queenstown made a severe attack on the Thirteenth, but 
were finally repulsed, after inflicting serious loss on the Ameri- 
cans. Wool was shot through both thighs ; Malcolm and Arm- 
strong were badly wounded ; Lieutenants Valleau and Morris 
killed, and Lieutenant Lent wounded in the arm; besides great 
losses among the non-commissioned officers and privates. Van 
Rensselaer failing from loss of blood, and the remainder of the 
troops not having arrived from the American side, a descent was 
ordered; but Wool, flushed with enthusiasm, volunteered to 
storm the heights. The colonel was unwilling to trust so im- 
portant an enterprise to so young an officer, whose actual service 
had but commenced that morning ; but, the ardor of the young 
captain being seconded by his officers, his ofier was accepted. 
Insensible to the pain of his wounds, and only thinking of the 



JOHN E. WOOL. 495 

glory to be won, Captain Wool led his men up the steep ascent. 
Supporting themselves by their muskets, they finally gained the 
eminence in the rear of the battery, and, driving a detachment 
of the Forty-Ninth British down the heights, Wool and his gal- 
lant comrades raised the American flag to greet the dawn of that 
glorious day. But the fight did not end here. Aroused by the 
cannon at Queenstown, the British general, ^ir Isaac Brock, 
hastened from Fort George at the head of a greatly superior 
force, and attacked the Americans with such impetuosity as to 
drive them to the brow of the cliff. The position of these raw 
Americans was now one of terrible danger. Before them were 
British veterans who had won European honors, — behind them 
air -almost perpendicular clifi". At this moment some fluttering 
heart raised a white flag. The sight of it drove the blood still 
more fervidly through the veins of the young captain. Tearing 
down the dastardly emblem of surrender, he made a manly 
appeal to his men, checked the panic, and, reinspiring his party 
to become the assailants, he drove the British down the heights. 
In turn, Brock rallied his troops, and, dashing on the Ameri- 
cans, he fell dead, when a ge;neral rout followed, leaving Wool the 
hero and master of the heights. Thus, says a distinguished 
authority, 'Hhe American arms were saved from disgrace and 
covered with glory by the unyielding firmness of one man ; and 
a moral example was given which, like that of Bunker Hill, 
imparted its invigorating influence to all the subsequent trans- 
actions of the war. The light which spread its radiance over 
the plains of Niagara and New Orleans first dawned on the 
Heights of Queenstown." All the journals of the day abound 
with encomiums on the gallantry of Wool, who at this time 
was — according to the " National Intelligencer" of that day — 
only twenty-three years of age. He was immediately promoted 
to the rank of major, and continued in the Twenty-Ninth Infan- 
try on the Northern frontier, sustaining the reputation he had 
achieved at Queenstown. 

In the series of fights which took place about Beekmantown 
and Plattsburg from the 6th to the 11th of September, 1814, 
Major Wool greatly distinguished himself. With two hundred 
and fifty regulars and the militia under Colonel Miller, he kept 
the whole British column of four thousand at bay, fighting them 



496 LIVING REPRESENTATIVi: MEN. 

inch by inch and kilHng or wounding nearly tAvo hundred of 
them. He was honorably mentioned in his general's despatches 
and was brevetted lieutenant-colonel. Well might General Viele 
say to Wool, " The bloody Saranac will never cease to murmur 
your praise/'* and Governor Young remark that ^' the people of 
the whole country saw Captain Wool at Queenstown marking his 
course with hii^ own blood, and Major Wool at Plattsburg and 
at Beekmanstown gallantly resisting, with two hundred men, 
the whole British line.^f Wool's reputation was now esta- 
blished. Cool, intrepid, and as quick in the field to originate as 
to execute orders, the Government was aware of his importance, 
and in 18 IG offered him a choice of three appointments. Pie 
selected the Inspector-Generalship of Division, as it offered great 
scope for activity and usefulness; and in 1821 he was appointed 
one of the two Inspector-Generals of the army. 

In 1828, John C. Calhoun thus recognises General Wool's 
services in this position : — " During tlie whole period that I had 
charge of the Department, you performed the very laborious and 
highly responsible duties of your office with honor to yourself, 
with fidelity to your trust, and to the entire confidence of 
myself." 

In 1830, General AVool made a report discouraging the erec- 
tion of fortifications on the Northern frontier, and showing that 
modern science had rendered ibrtified posts useless between con- 
tiguous nations. His report on the reduction of the army in the 
same year is regarded as a UKjdel of its kind. In 18o2, the 
Government sent General Wool to Europe to collect information 
connected with military science. He was kindly welcomed by 
Louis Philippe, and received from the French Government every 
attention which might further the objects of his visit. He was 
one of the king's suite at a grand review of seventy thousand men 
and one hundred pieces of artillery. In November of the same 
year he was the guest of the King of Belgium, and with him 
reviewed a hundred thousand troops and inspected the famous 
fortifications of Antwerp, at the siege of which, under Chasse, 
he was also present. In 1835, when Jackson determined that 

* Pablic Address of General Viele to General Wool in 1S48. 
f Address of Governor Young on prcvscnting General Wool with a sword in 
1848. 



JOHN E. WOOL. 497 

France should pay its old debt, General Wool was ordered to 
inspect the coast-defences from Maine to the delta of the Missis- 
sippi. His report, as well as that also on the Western defences, 
is highly commended. In 1836, having been intrusted with the 
removal of the Indians from the Cherokee country to Arkansas, 
he performed the delicate duty in So satisfactory a manner as to 
draw forth the most flattering testimonials from the Tennessee 
volunteers who acted under him. At his own request, he was 
subjected to a court of inquiry, the Governor of Alabama having 
charged him with an "attempt to usurp the power of civil tri- 
bunals" while in that State. General Wool's defence was a 
masterly production, and the inquiry resulted in an honorable 
acquittal. 

In 1838, during the Canadian difficulties, he was employed in 
a reconnoissance in the wilds of Maine for the defence of the 
frontier, and discharged his arduous duties with an iron will 
which, in the eyes of his admirers, '^ assimilates him in so 
marked a degree to General Jackson." 

This long experience and indefatigable attention to business 
in almost every branch of the country's service made him of 
immeasurable efficiency in the Mexican War. Indeed, it has 
been boasted that " to his industry, address, and energy in 
organizing, inspecting, and mustering into service twelve thou- 
sand men, from six diiferent States, in six weeks, and pouring 
them down to the support of the enveloped column of Taylor, 
and leading a portion of them on his immortal march of nine 
hundred miles through an enemy's country, and eff'ecting a 
junction with Taylor without losing a man, — organizing and 
drilling the united command, selecting the frontier of Buena 
Vista, and promptly occupying it in the face of the advancing 
Mexicans,— may the great success of that war be attributed."* 
The battle of Buena Vista electrified the whole American people, 
and a despondency which was nearly universalwas followed by 
universal rejoicing. Their apprehensions for the safety of Gene- 
ral Taylor's army, with which it was known General Wool's column 
had united, were most alarming, and the belief was becoming 
prevalent that both generals would be sacrificed. The cloud was 



* "Deinocriitic Roviow." IS51, vol. xxix. 
2 G .12* 



498 LIVING RtPRK.SKNTATIVE MEN. 

dispelled, the name of Wool was glorified throughout the land, 
and the Presidency itself was deemed an inadequate reward for 
the services of General Taylor; yet in many of the later accounts 
of the battle of Buena Vista the name of Wool is scarcely men- 
tioned, and in some it might seem somewhat doubtful whether 
he was in it.* 

It is impossible to follow the elaborate details of the energy 
and activity of General Wool as recorded by his biographers. 
To the military student his plans and manoeuvres must ever be a 
valuable source of information ; but in the space allotted here 
little more can be done than to present a comprehensive epitome 
of a career so full of vigorous service and successful results. His 
strict discipline and the restraints he put on the volunteers sub- 
jected General Wool to the dislike of those men until they 
became soldiers : then he was the object of their admiration. 
He had to create a useful army. Only one regiment of the 
volunteers had been under fire before the battle of Buena Vista; 
and, feeling that his great dependence in the hour of trial would 
be upon that self-confiding bravery which discipline inspires, he 
directed the energies and experience of his military life to per- 
fect his army from the moment it was concentrated at San An- 
tonio. To these weighty services Taylor testifies in his detailed 
report of the great battle: — ''To Brigadier- General AV^ool my 
obligations are especially due. The high state of discipline and 
instruction of several of the volunteer regiments was attained 
under his command; and to his vigilance and arduous services 
before the action, and his gallantry and activity on the field, a 
large share of our success is justly to be attributed. During 
most of the engagement he was in immediate command of the 
troops thrown back on our left flank. I beg leave to recommend 
him to the favorable notice of the Government. "f 

Everywhere he was seen rallying and encouraging the volun- 
teers and disposing the forces. It was a miracle that he escaped 

-See ''A Narrative of Major-General Wool's Campaign in Mexico in the 
Years 1846, 1847, and 1848, by Francis Baylies, of Massachusetts. Albany, 
1851." 

f General Taylor's Report, dated March 6, 1847; see, also, Taylor's first 
Report, dated February 24. 



JOHN E. WOOL 499 

the balls which thinned the ranks he was marshalling.* The 
confidence he inspired may be seen from the following passage 
in a letter written by Greneral Gushing, which I am permitted to 
copy. It is dated Buena Vista, August 20, 1847: — "I shall 
never cease to esteem it one of the most fortunate incidents of 
my life to have been placed, though but for so short a period of 
time, under your command, and in such relation to it as to afford 
me the means of observing and learning to follow the rules of 
discipline and principles of military administration which direct 

ur conduct as the chief of an army. As a school of instruc- 
tion in one of the highest departments of human knowledge, it 
has been of inappreciable value to me. And the careful study 
of the orders governing your long and successful march from La- 
vacca, while it has added to the exalted respect I previously en- 
tertained for your military character and to my admiration of 
that most ably-conducted expedition, has laid before me a model 
of its class." Colonel Samuel R. Curtis, commanding the Third 
Regiment of Ohio Volunteers, and since a member of Congress, 
wrote to General Wool (under date Saltillo, June 23, 1847) 
thus : — " The toil, privations, and dangers of war are associated 
with some agreeable reminiscences ; and I shall always look back 
wdth pride and pleasure on the humble services I have performed 
under a general qualified for the highest station, since he has 
shown himself, on all occasions, distinguished for coolness, cou- 
riage, and caution, — three attributes rarely combined, but cardi- 
nal points in a military commander.'^ And General Lane, with 
the truthful impulse of his nature, said Wool won laurels and 
a fame that would endure as long as the traces of American his- 
tory shall exist. 

Injudicious friends of General Taylor have at times and in 
various ways attacked General Wool, and it is to be said to the 
honor of the latter that he never, ^' directly or indirectly, or in 
any degree, detracted from the merits of the commander-in- 
chief." In letters written by Wool to Daniel Webster, Lewis 
Cass, John Bell, W. C. Rives, Joshua A. Spencer, John A. Dix, 
and many others, he has extolled the character and achievements 
of Taylor. Jefferson Davis, acknowledging the receipt of such a 

* Account of the battle, by Major Coffee. 



500 LIVING REPRESENTATIVE MEN. 

letter addressed to General Gibson, says, (under date Saltillo, 
March 25, 1847,) " In these times of petty jealousy and ignoble 
strife for public approbation it is quite refreshing to see one so 
prominent in the scenes you describe forgetting himself to sustain 
and commend his commander." 

Having been promoted to the rank of brevet major-general for 
gallant and distinguished conduct at Buena A^'ista, Wool remained 
in command at Saltillo until November 25, when, Taylor leaving 
for the United States, the chief command devolved on him, and 
so continued till the 5th of June, 1848, when the commissioner 
Sevier and Clifford, officially notified him of the termination v.. 
the war. lie arrived at Washington on the 17th of August, 
and reached New York on the following day, where he was 
received by the Citizens' Corps, under Colonel Pierce, and a 
committee of one hundred citizens of Troy. On the morning 
of the 19th he was escorted, by the City Guards, the Troy Citi- 
zens' Corps, and committee, to the steamboat Hendrik Hudson, 
which the Trojans had chartered to conduct the general to their 
city and his home. His course up the river wa«s a splendid ova- 
tion, the citizens on shore cheering the general as he passed the 
towns and villages. Especial demonstrations were made at 
Poughkeepsie, Albany, and AVest Troy. The whole people 
assembled at Troy to greet him, and so great was the enthusiasm 
and dense the multitude that several hours elapsed before he 
re 1 ed his residence. Soon after the news from Buena Vista, 
the citizens of Troy, in Common Council assembled, had ex- 
pressed their gratification at General Wool's conduct, and 
resolved to tender him a sword. This was presented on the 23d 
of August, at a public reception in which Millard Fillmore and 
all the leading civil and military personages in the community 
participated. In reply to an address of General Viele, Gene- 
ral Wool made a brief and modest speech. He afterward 
reviewed the military, and was received by the city authorities 
at the courthouse and presented with the sword, on receiving 
which the distinguished soldier made a suitable address. The 
thunders of cannon, the animating sounds of martial music, the 
deafening cheers of forty thousand people, the splendid array of 
the citizen soldiers, the contrast between military splendor and 
civic dignity, the pathway of a victor strewn with flowers by 



JOHN E. WOOL. 501 

female hands, presented scenes whicli kindled the enthusiasm 
of all generous and romantic minds.* The State of New York 
passed resolutions of honor, and presented a sword to him at the 
Capitol in Albany, December, 1848 ; and the Congress of the 
United States also, on the 4th of January, 1854, voted a sword 
as a mark of the nation's gratitude, which the Secretary of War, 
Hon. John B. Floyd, transmitted by special messenger, with a 
most complimentary letter. 

General Wool cherishes these splendid tokens of the respect 
and approbation of his fellow-citizens, his fellow-countrymen, his 
native State, and the nation, with that honest and unpretending 
pride which so well becomes the modesty of true valor and worth. 

Toward the close of the year 1853, the command of the 
Department of the Pacific, always one of grave responsibility, 
had become peculiarly important and delicate in consequence of 
the '' filibuster expeditions" which were believed to be fitting 
out in California. Reposing great confidence in his wisdom and 
discretion, the Government selected General Wool for the com- 
mand. Summoned to Washington to have an interview with the 
President and Secretary of War, he at once expressed his willing- 
ness to undertake the arduous duty. Many of his friends thought 
this a hard requital for a long life of service ; but the general un- 
hesitatingly, indeed cheerfully, accepted, believing it to be his 
duty, which, under every circumstance, he had made the rule of 
his life. He was appointed January 9, 1854. '■^'^■ 

In addition to the ordinary duties of the Military Deparfmeiit 
of the Pacific, certain special duties were assigned him. He was 
instructed to maintain our international obligations by preventing 
unlawful expeditions against foreign Powers; to protect the Mexi- 
can territory from Indian incursions, as required by the treaty of 
Guadalupe Hidalgo ; to extend his vigilance to the Territory of 
Utah; to remove the Indians in California to the reservations 
provided for them ; to exercise a strict supervision over the ex- 
penditures ; and to collect as much topographical information as 
was possible.f 

«- Baylies's " Narrative, &c.," p. 72. 

f See " Letter of Instruction from Hon. Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War, to 
Brevet Major-General John E. Wool, U.S.A." Ex. Doc, No. 88, H. of R., 

Thirty-Fiftb Congress, First Session. 



502 L1VIN(} RKIKKSKNTATIVE MEN. 

GcneralWool arrived in California about the middle of Febru- 
ary, and immediately set to work to discharge his duties. How 
promptly and effectively he dealt with the " filibusters" may be 
seen from the lengthy correspondence published by Govern- 
ment.* He co-operated with, but did not assume nor interfere 
with any of the functions of, the civil ofl5cers ; and the United 
States Marshal and District- Attorney, by letters, congratul,ated 
him on the success of his official career in sustaining the Neu- 
trality Laws.f After the surrender and indictment of Walker, 
the trial of the French Consul Dillon, the trial and conviction of 
Watkins, Emery, and the Mexican Consul, General AVool re- 
stricted himself to '' simply rendering aid to the civil authori- 
ties," which duty, however, was practically nullified about the 
middle of September by the removal, by order of the War De- 
partment, of his head-quarters from San Francisco to Benicia, an 
obscure post about thirty miles inland. In the spring of 1855 
he made a tour of inspection and reconnoissance through the dis- 
tant Territories of Oregon and Washington, and instituted mea- 
sures of protection for the inhabitants and the emigrants. 
Returning to Benicia, he remained there until the breaking out 
of Indian hostilities in the Territories of Washington and Ore- 
gon in the fall of 1855. On receiving intelligence of this, 
General Wool immediately repaired to the scene of action to 
suppress the disturbances. After taking the necessary measures 
to accomplish this object, he returned to California to perfect his 
arrangements, and arrived there in January. Early the follow- 
ing spring, his arrangements being fully completed, he repaired 
a third time to these distant Territories, and, by his prompt 
measures, in the face of various adverse circumstances and in 
despite of all opposition, put an end to the war in less than 
three months. Soon after, he returned to California, where he 
remained until near the close of the Pierce Administration, when 
he received an order relieving him from his "■ banishment" and 
restoring him to the command of the East. 

General Wool's return created even a wilder enthusiasm than 
on the former occasion. It was all the more gratifying as it was 



«- "Letter of Instruction, Ac," pp. 27-30, 57, 61. 66-68, 94-96, 111-114. 
t Ibid., pp. 155-156. ^ ^ n -i f* jT 



SOlG 



JOHN E. WOOL. 503 

impromptu, it not being known until that morning — March 16, 
1857 — that he had arrived in New York. His personal friends 
could not reach him, so great was the crowd. After some strug- 
gling, the Mayor of Troy managed to convey the general to a 
carriage, when he was escorted to his home by several fine mili- 
tary bands and amid the excitement of the welcoming populace. 
Meetings of congratulation were held, and he was again the reci- 
pient of the honors of civic resolutions. From that time General 
Wool has continued to reside in Troy, the head-quarters of the 
Department of the East, and no one enjoys a more hearty popu- 
larity. 

General Wool has been likened to General Greene of Revolu- 
tionary fame, and there are some points of resemblance in cha- 
racter and fortune. Their parentage was different, for Wool's 
father was a soldier, while Greene's was a Quaker ; but the 
earliest periods of their lives were passed in the humble obscu- 
rity of country towns and among farmers. Greene commenced 
life as a blacksmith. Wool as a trader. Both were untaught in 
the schools, — both had the same passion for books and reading, 
and the same enthusiastic temperament and gay manners. Both 
acquired distinction early, both were abused by calumniators and 
detractors, both were compelled to encounter, at times, the hos- 
tility of the Government, and both came forth from the contro- 
versies with fresher laurels and higher honors. Both felt a most 
imperious sense of their military duties and were the most rigid 
disciplinarians, — benevolent in their feelings, but inflexible when 
justice demanded punishment. Both created efficient soldiers 
from raw militia-men and volunteers, and, by the force of energy, 
discipline, and a peculiar faculty for command, transformed dis- 
orderly mobs into regular armies. In some particulars their for- 
tunes were different. Greene never won a battle, but always, 
like Blucher, after defeat secured the fruits of a victory. Wool 
was never defeated.* 

* Baylies's " Narrative, <&c.," p. 46. 

THE END. 



STEREOTYPED BY L. JOHNSON & CO, 
PHILADELPHIA. 



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